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The rise of working-class movements has recently been subjected to a great deal of historical scrutiny. Although this literature treats a variety of topics, much of it is devoted to different aspects of socialism: the radical, reformist, or utopian nature of socialism, the sociological roots of the movement among artisans and industrial workers, and the creation of an alternative, or socialist, subculture. One reason socialism has been investigated so intensively is that historians have assumed that socialism represented the authentic working-class ideology. Implicitly or explicitly, scholars have conveyed the idea that socialism alone promoted class consciousness, that socialism led workers to realize that they formed a distinct group and had to act together to defend their interests. Other movements among workers have been considered to be conservative and, as such, have been discounted as unrepresentative of workers' interests.
1 Among other examples, Mary Nolan, Social Democracy and Society: Working Class Radicalism in Dusseldorf, 1890–1920 (New York, 1981); Moss, Bernard, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976); Lidtke, Vernon, The Alternative Culture: Socialist Labor in Imperial Germany (New York, 1985).
2 “Socialist consciousness through organization,” argues Hobsbawm, Eric J., “is thus an essential complement of working class consciousness” (Workers [New York, 1984], 28), although he admits elsewhere in the same work that a by-product of this attitude is that other working-class movements, such as the British National Democratic League of the 1890s, have been almost completely ignored (4–5, 211).
3 Hobsbawm, Eric J., The Age of Capital, 1848–1875 (New York, 1975), 272.
4 Many scholars studying working-class movements focus almost exclusively on socialists or simply dismiss Catholicism. For example, Moses, John, Trade Unionism in Germany from Bismarck to Hitler, 2 vols. (Totowa, N.J., 1982) I, xv, 134–36; Hobsbawm, , Workers, 33–48; Nolan, 72–73, 133, 231. Nolan mentions more radical action by Catholic workers, but does not integrate this action into her portrayal of Catholic conservatism (pp. 149, 288–89). A recent report on scholarship on Catholic unions noted “the rudimentary knowledge about Catholic unions in Europe” (Schatz, Ronald, in “International Conference on Working Class History, Linz, Austria,” International Labor and Working Class History, 23 [Spring 1983], 58–59).
5 Scholl, S. H., ed., 150 Ans du mouvement ouvrier chrétien en Europe de l'Ouest (Louvain and Paris, 1966); Brose, Eric Dorn, Christian Labor and the Politics of Frustration in Imperial Germany (Washington, D.C., 1985); Steinisch, Imgard, “Der Gewerkverein Christlicher Bergarbeiter,” in Glück auf, Kamaraden! Die Bergarbeiter and Ihre Organisationen in Deutschland, Mommsen, Hans and Borsdorf, Ulrich, eds. (Cologne, 1979). One of the very few comparisons of socialist and Catholic workers is Bell, Donald, “Worker Culture and Worker Politics: The Experience of an Italian Town, 1880–1915,” Social History, 3:1 (1978), 1–21.
6 Joll, James, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London, 1955), 97,122, 152–53, 171. In 1913, there were 126,745 socialist unionists in Belgium and 86,818 Catholic unionists (Commission syndicale du Parti ouvrier et des syndicats independents, Rapports présentés au congres syndical, juillet, 1914 (Brussels, 1914), 56–57; and Scholl, S. H., ed., 150 Jaar Katholiek Arbeidersbeweging in België (1789–1939), 3 vols. (Brussels, 1965), II, appendix). By comparison, in Germany in 1913, there were 2,574,000 socialist unionists and 343,000 Catholic union members (Moses, , Trade Unionism, I, 211).
The best histories of pre-1914 Belgian socialism are Mommen, Andre, De Belgische Werklieden- partij, 1880–1914 (Ghent, 1980), and Liebman, Marcel, Les socialistes beiges, 1885–1914 (Brussels, 1979). On Catholicism, Scholl, 150 Jaar Katholiek Arbeidersbeweging, despite its title, can in fact serve as a general history of Catholic political and social movements in Belgium. On the Catholic workers' movements per se, it is less helpful. Rersohazy, Rudolph, Origine et formation du catholicisme social en Belgique, 1842–1909 (Louvain, 1958), is informative on the general history of Catholic movements. One of the best introductions to modern Belgian history is Lorwin, Val, “Belgium: Religion, Class, and Language in National Politics,” in Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, Dahl, Robert, ed. (New Haven, 1966), 148–87.
7 Kittell, Alan, “The Revolutionary Period of the Industrial Revolution: Industrial Innovation and Population Displacement in Belgium, 1830–1880,” Journal of Social History, 1:2 (1967), 119–48; Mokyr, Joel, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven and London, 1976), 26–82; Clapham, J. H., The Economic Development of France and Germany, 1815–1914 (Cambridge, 1951), 285.
8 “The Belgian Massacres,” reprinted in Geschiedenis van de Socialistische Arbeidersbeweging in België, Dhondt, Jan, ed. (Antwerp, 1960), 282.
9 Lorwin, “Belgium”; Aristide Zolberg, “Belgium,” in Crises of Political Development in Europe and the United States, Grew, Raymond, ed., (Princeton, 1978), 115–35; Kossmann, E. H., The Low Countries, 1780–1940 (Oxford, 1978), 140–60, 206–59, 361–74. Although historians commonly refer to a “Catholic party” in the pre-World War I period, there was no formally organized political party embracing all classes or groups of Catholics until 1921. Instead, a number of Catholic groups and individuals formed alliances to run slates of candidates. Upper-class Catholics first organized a political organization in 1867, the “Federation of Constitutional and Conservative Associations.” Beginning with the first election under universal male suffrage in 1894, the conservative Federation formed alliances with the new, more progressive Ligue démocratique belge/Belgisch Volksbond, to which most Catholic workers' groups belonged, and the Boerenbond, representing Flemish Catholic farmers.
10 Zolberg, Aristide, “The Making of Flemings and Walloons: Belgium, 1830–1914,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 5:2 (1974), 179–235; Clough, Sheperd B., The History of the Flemish Movement in Belgium (New York, 1930).
11 Figures calculated from Belgium, Office du travail, Recensement des industries et des métiers, 1896 (Brussels, 1900); and Belgium, Ministere de l'interieur, Statistique de la Belgique. Population. Recensement général, 1890, and 1910 (Brussels, 1893 and 1912–16).
12 Belgium, Ministere de l'interieur, Recensement général, 1890; Zolberg, , “Making of Flemings and Walloons”; Roger Mols, Bruxelles et les Bruxellois (Brussels, 1961), 37–60.
13 “Bruxelles,” La Voix de l'Ouvrier (8 December 1889), p. 2; “Cà et Ià,” Le Peuple (9 April 1890), p. 2.
14 “Brusselse Federatie,” De Bouwwerker (January 1908), pp. 7–8; “La chronique du travail,” Le Peuple (11 July 1890), p. 2.
15 “Les faits divers,” Le Peuple (14 January 1890), p. 3.
16 DeWeerdt, Denise, De Gentse Textielbewerkers en Arbeidersbeweging tussen 1866 en 1881 (Leuven and Paris, 1959), 127, 207; Vandecaveye, Hendrik, “Het proletariersleid,” Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis/Revue beige d'histoire contemporaine (cited hereafter as BTNG/RBHC), 11:3 (1980), 171–204.
17 Dossier, “Sociétés anarchistes et socialistes, Ligues ouvrières,” Carton 225, Parket General/Parquet Générale, Algemeen Rijksarchief/Archive Générale du Royaume, Brussels (cited hereafter as PG, AR/AGR); Neuville, Jean, L'origine des premiers syndicate, Vol. I of Naissance et croissance du syndicalisme (Brussels, 1979), 69–87, 115–69.
18 Avanti, [pseud.], Een terugblik, Proeve eener Geschiedenis der Gentsche Arbeidersbeweging gedurende de XIXe eeuw (Ghent, 1908), 312–4; Claeys, Emiel, Beknopte Geschiedenis der Vakbeweging to Gent (Ghent, 1924), 23, 38–39; Centrale der Boeknijverheid, Gent, Afdeeling, 85 Jaar Syndikale Strijd der Gentse Boekarbeiders, 1867–1952 (Ghent, 1953), 5–10; Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie der Metaalbewerkers to Gent, 1879–1912 (Ghent, 1912), 1–10.
19 Avanti, , Een terugblik, 358.
20 Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 245–54; Varvenne, A., “Les teinturiers en peaux,” Journal des correspondances (cited hereafter as JdC), (February 1904), 1–3.
21 Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 126–27; DeWeerdt, Denise, De Belgische Socialistische Arbeidersbeweging op zoek naar een eigen vorm, 1872–1880 (Antwerp, 1972), 50.
22 DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 127; “Bericht,” De Lichtstraal (13 November 1886), p. 1; Histoire des syndicats des ouvriers bronziers, (Ghent, 1906), 98–99, 108–110; XXVme anniversaire du syndicat des peintres en equipages de /'agglomeration bruxelloise (Ghent, 1908), 4.
23 “Oeuvre du patronage des jeunes ouvrières,” Annales religieuses de Bruxelles et du diocese de Malines (21 February 1875), 137–38; Verhaegen, Arthur, Vingt-cinq années d' action sociale (Brussels, 1911?), 6–7, 17–19; “De Christelijke Arbeidersbeweging in het Brusselse,” typescript (n.d.), 4; Appel en faveur de la Fédération Beige des Oeuvres Ouvrières Catholiques, Sermon preche à Bruxelles le 25 avril, 1880 (Brussels, 1880). On the Liberals, Laurent, F., Les sociétés ouvrières de Gand (Ghent, 1880).
24 Of thirty-seven socialist leaders in Brussels whom the police identified in 1886, seven were printers, seven were woodworkers, nineteen were workers from a variety of trades, and the remaining four were a journalist, a bookseller, and two lawyers (Dossier, “Sociétés anarchistes et socialistes”). In Ghent, the leading socialists were two printers, two painters, two tailors, a mechanic, and three weavers (Kenis, Paul, Het Leven van Edward Anseele (Ghent, 1948), 33, 128).
25 Varlez, Louis, “La fédération ouvrière gantoise,” Le musée social, no. 1 (01 1899), 1–41; bruxelloise, Fédération, Rapport annuel, 1909 (Brussels, 1910), 3.
26 De Vier Getouwen (Ghent, 1893), 12–13.
27 DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 194; Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 23, 29.
28 Avanti, , Een terugblik, 358. See also DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 181; Tijtgat, Karel, De Geschiedenis der Gentsche Socialistische Katoenbewerkersvereeniging (Ghent, 1932), 40–44.
29 “Ons Programma,” De Kleermaaker (November 1890), p. 1.
30 On woodworkers, Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 27, 33, 39; and De Houtbewerker, no. 2 (February 1907), p. 1. On dockers, Avanti, , Een terugblik, 493–95; De Dokwerker (15 December 1890), pp. 1–4, and (March-April 1892), pp. 1–2, and Op voor den Tarief! Propagandaschrift Uitgegeven door den Socialistische Dokersbond (Ghent, 1904). On metallurgists, Avanti, , Een terugblik, 535; and Gentsche Metaalbewerkersbond, Vijfentwintigjaarig Jubelfeest, 1882–1907 (Ghent, 1907), 44–45.
31 JdC (November 1907), 130–37; De Christelijke Arbeid (15 June 1903), p. 267.
32 Avanti, , Een terugblik, 338–40, 370, 420, 433–34; Varlez, , “La fédération,” 1–7. On socialist women, Marinette Bruwier, “Le socialisme et les femmes,” in 1885/1985. Du Parti Ouvrier Beige au Parti Socialiste, Desama, Claude, ed. (Brussels, 1985), 312–13; and Liebman, , Les socialistes beiges, 237.
33 Varlez, , “La fédération,” 13.
34 De Lichtstraal (5 December 1886), p. 1; Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années 33–34, 41–43.
35 Varlez, , “La federation,” 1. The Ghent socialists also helped create the Guesdist socialist federation in the Nord department in France (Strikwerda, Carl, “Regionalism and Internationalism: The Working-Class Movement in the Nord and the Belgian Connection, 1871–1914,” Proceedings of the Western Society for French History, 12 [1984], 221–30).
36 bruxelloise, Fédération, Rapport annuel, 1909, 3.
37 Ibid., 18–19; Mission, A., Le mouvement syndical. Son histoire en Belgique de 1800 à 1914 (Namur, 1921), 110–20.
38 Commission syndicale du parti ouvrier, Compte rendu du IVe Congres, [1902] (Brussels, 1903), 52–54.
39 Ibid., 60–61.
40 Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie/Fédération des metallurgistes de Belgique (cited hereafter as LMB/FMB), XIVe Jaarlijksch Congres, Brussel, 21–2 Mei, 1899 (Brussels, 1899), 32.
41 JdC (November 1908), 164.
42 On Ghent, LMB/FMB, XVIe Congres annuel (Brussels, 1901), 28; Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 39–42; LMB/FMB, Beknopt Verslag van het XIIIe, Jaarlijksch Congres, Brussel, 1898 (Ghent, 1899), 67; and Avanti, , Een terugblik, 555–56, 562. On Brussels, Dossier, “Août à octobre 1896, Grève,” Carton 233, PG, AR/AGR. See also Carl Strikwerda, “Urban Structure, Religion, and Language: Belgian Workers, 1880–1914” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1983), 119–26, 146–55.
43 LMB/FMB, Beknopt Verslag, 6.
44 Mahaim, E., Les abonnements d'ouvriers (Brussels, 1910); Demain, H., Les migrations ouvrières à travers Belgique (Louvain, 1919).
45 Report, Gendarmerie, Brabant, 13 octobre 1896, Carton 233, PG, AR/AGR.
46 Calculated from data in Belgium, Office du travail, Statistiques des grèves, 1896–1900, 1901–05 (Brussels. 1901, 1907); idem, Recensement des industries … 1896; and idem, Recensement industrielle et commerciale, 1910 (Brussels, 1913). See also Strikwerda, “Urban Structure,” 389–94.
47 Watillion, Leon, The Knights of Labor in Belgium, Meyers, Frederic, tr. (Los Angeles, 1959) 28–29.
48 Histoire des syndicats des ouvriers bronziers, 7; DeWeerdt, , De Belgische, 18, 111; Mom-men, , De Belgische, 31–32, 38–39; XXVe anniversaire du syndicat des peintres en equipages de l'agglomeration bruxelloise, 4–5, 13. It is unfortunate that the Association générale ouvrière has apparently never been studied by a Belgian historian. It may have been one of the few attempts to create a unified working-class movement that could avoid the deep division in Belgium between Catholicism and anticlericalism.
49 On the Knights of Labor, Michel, Joel, “La chevalerie du travail (1890–1906), force ou faiblesse du mouvement ouvrier beige,” BTNG/RBHC, 9:1–2, (1978), 117–64; Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 232–33, 250–51. On the Association générale, “Mouvement socialiste et anarchiste à Liège,” Fonds Frère-Orban, PG, AR/AGR, 186; VanderVelde, Emile, “La neutralité syndicale,” JdC (July 1905), 1.
50 Lalemand, Pierre, “Souvenir du passe,” Le mouvement syndical beige (21 July 1923), 202; Mertens, Corneille, Sur le mouvement syndical (Brussels, 1948), 17.
51 Sztejnberg, Maxine, “La fondation du Parti Ouvrier beige et la ralliement de la classe ouvrière à 1'action politique, 1882–1886,” International Review of Social History, 7:2 (1963), 198–215; Moss, , Origins, 1–30, 156–60. It is striking that at least ten studies have been done of the pre-1914 Belgian socialist party and socialist unions, both of which had their national headquarters in Brussels, yet none has noted the gap between the class-conscious declarations of the Belgian Workers' Party and the conservative organization of the socialist unions in Brussels.
52 Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 93–96.
53 De Rede (November 1895), pp. 1–4; Avanti, , Een terugblik, 504–5, 632.
54 De balloteering voor het Werkrechtersraad, no. 2 (10 April 1897), pp. 2–3; Avanti, , Een terugblik, 533, 606, 643–44.
55 Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 93–94.
56 Ibid., 81, 149, 156, 170, 225.
57 Ibid., 160, 166. See also La Voix de l'Ouvrier (14 March 1897), p. 2; Varlez, Louis, “Quelques pages d'histoire syndicate beige,” Le musée social, no. 3 (March 1902), 131–32; “Les grèves,” JdC (April 1910), 25; Clerck, Jules De, “Eene terechtwijzing,” De Metaalarbeider (October 1910), p. 4.
58 Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 56–57; Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 34–35; Varlez, , “Quelques pages,” 171–75; Bliss, W. D. P., “What Is Being Done for the Unemployed in European Countries,” Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, no. 76 (May 1908), 741, 822, 829.
59 On name-calling by the socialists, De balloteering voor het Werkrechtersraad, no. 2 (10 April 1897), pp. 1–2; De eerste Mei (Ghent, 1894), 12–13; Schoonjans, M., “Bij het 75 Jaarig Bestaan van de Gentse Afdeeling der Christelijke Centrale der Metaalbewerkers,” typescript (1965), 7–8. On Catholic name-calling, De Lichtstraal (27 November 1886), p. 3; Een Woord aan de Christelijke Werklieden (Ghent, 1892), pp. 8–9. On the accusations, Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 38, citing Het Volk; “Zal de les raak zijn?” De algemeene werkstaking to Gent (23 April 1893), p. 1.
60 “Vroeger Tijd,” De Werkrechtersraad (4 Maart 1906), 2.
61 De Katholieke Werkman, no. 1 (6 October 1907), p. 2.
62 “Hij is hier,” De Katholieke Werkman, no. 1 (6 October 1907), p. 1.
63 Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 97, 156, 163.
64 Mission, , Le mouvement syndical, 337.
65 “Onze Belangen” and “hij is hier,” De Katholieke Werkman, no. 1 (6 October 1907), p. 1. On the organization of the Catholic party, see the information in note 9.
66 “Nog niet Genoeg,” De Vereenigde Arbeider (April 1908), p. 1; Verslag der Katholieken Werken (Ghent, 1905), 9–11; De Christelijke Arbeid (15 August 1903), p. 14; Le syndicat/Het Syndikaat (July 1905), p. 8–9; Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 226–27.
67 Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 93–94.
68 “De Vrouw en de Kerk,” De Christelijke Arbeid (15 October 1901), pp. 88–93.
69 Een Woord aan de Christelijke Werklieden, 12.
70 Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 37; Stad Gent. Werklozenfonds/Ville de Gand. Fonds de Chomage, Verslagen/Rapports, 1906–08 (Ghent, 1909), unpaginated tables; Wegwijzen der Katholiek Inrichtingen van Gent (Ghent, 1910), 93–95. Appeals to women, the family, and the young help explain why the Catholic workers' movement all over Belgium eventually had the success that it did. From the mid-1920s on, when Catholic unions grew much faster than socialist unions, much of the Catholics' success was credited to the Catholic League of Working-Class Women and the Young Christian Workers. See Nihan, Jean, “La jeunesse ouvrière chretienne,” La jeunesse syndicale (20 November 1933), 22–24; Eaton, Sylvia Thayer, The Belgian Leagues of Catholic Working-Class Women (Washington, D.C., 1954), 60–87.
71 Vandersmissen, L., “Les syndicate et les campagnards,” JdC (December, 1904), 71–72.
72 Bruyne, René De and Parry, Victor, Rapport sur l'activité de la Confédération Générale des Syndicats Chrétiens et libres de Belgique pendant l'année 1912–1913 (Ghent, 1913), 36–38; Mission, , Le mouvement syndical, 296–303.
73 “Regionale Afdeeling van Brabant,” De Metaalbewerker (March 1911), p. 7.
74 JdC (02 1910), 14.
75 Parti Ouvrier beige, Centrale des metallurgistes, Rapports et compte-rendu [1912] (Brussels, 1913), 51; and Rapport annuel, 1911 (Brussels, 1912), 52–54.
76 bruxelloise, FédérationRapport annuel, 1909, 18–19; and Rapports exercice, 1912–13, table II; Theunissen, Alfred, “Progres de la centralisation,” JdC (October 1910), 53–54.
77 In 1907, the national socialist union newspaper had 738 subscribers in Brussels for its Dutch edition and 668 subscribers in Brussels for its French edition. But the paper, which had begun in 1903 as a French-language publication, did not produce a Dutch edition until 1906 (”Nos abonnés,” JdC (March 1907), 36). For background, see Strikwerda, Carl, “Language and Class Consciousness: Netherlandic Culture and the Flemish Working Class,” in Papers from the First Interdisciplinary Conference on Netherlandic Studies, Fletcher, William H., ed. (Lanham, N.Y., and London, 1985); and Velthoven, Harry Van, “Onenigheid in de Belgische Werkliedenpartij: De Vlaamse Kwestie wordt eeen Vrije Kwestie (1894–1914),” BTNG/RBHC, 5:1–2 (1974), 123–65.
78 Mahaim, Les abonnements d'ouvriers, 178. The miners also opposed what they saw as the bureaucratic, reformist socialism of both the Bruxellois and Flemish socialists: “Le Congres de Charleroi,” Le Combat (10 April 1887), p. 1; Loor, P., “Au Toekomst,” Le Combat (28 April 1887), p. 1; Maroille, D., “Les endormeurs de peuple et la grève générale,” Le Combat (8 May 1887), p. 1. On the party's desire to recruit the miners, see JdC (November 1905), 53–54.
79 DeWinne, Auguste, A travers les Flandres (Ghent, 1902), 122.
80 Rutten, Georges-Celas, Algemeen Verslag over den Toestand der Christene Vakbeweging (Vertaling) (Ghent, 1911), 23–24.
81 Zesde Vlaamsche Sociale Week, 1913 (Ghent, 1914), 146.
82 Report, Gendarmerie, Brabant, 26 février 1900, Carton 236, PG, AR/AGR; “Les fondateurs de la commission syndicale,” Le mouvement syndical beige (21 July 1923), 196.
83 JdC (May 1912), 26; Verslag van het XIIe Congres, 19, 23; De Metaalarbeider (15 October 1910), p. 3, and (15 November 1910), p. 3.
84 “Maatschappelijk Overzicht,” De Christelijke Arbeid (12 1900), p. 99; “Uit Brussel,” De Christene Metaalbewerker (20 April 1906), p. 15; Congres des syndicats chrétiens de l'arrondissement de Bruxelles, 31 juillet, 1904, 47.
85 Mission, , Le mouvement syndical, 230.
86 bruxelloise, Fédération, Rapports annuels, 1912–13, 175.
87 Labor historians could do much more comparative research on why, in some cases, communities of workers came together to form more-or-less unified movements, as in Britain or post-1945 Germany, and why in others, France or Italy, for example, divisions have persisted for decades. On the relationship between community and class, see Calhoun, Craig, “Community,” in History and Class, Neale, R. S., ed. (Oxford, 1983), 108–9. Calhoun, however, has preindustrial communities as his model, not modem communities or movements of workers that are smaller than the working class as a whole.
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