The objective of this study is to explore relations between the quality of attachment relationships and control and affective interaction in families with unipolar depressed, bipolar depressed, and well mothers. As part of a large longitudinal project, attachment assessments were made, using the Strange Situation procedure, with 112 mothers and their children (aged 15–52 months). Sixty-seven percent of the children of bipolar depressed mothers were classified insecure, in comparison with 42% of children of well and unipolar mothers. Mothers of insecure children were more downcast, tended to show less tenderness/affection, were more likely to express extreme levels of anger/irritability, and were more likely to express high levels of two or more negative affects (i.e., anger, anxiousness, downcast) than were mothers of secure children. Relations were strongest in the depressed-mother groups. Insecure children expressed less tenderness/affection than did secure children (particularly in the unipolar group), and insecure girls were more likely to express high levels of anger/irritability than were secure girls. The value of studying risk and protective factors from an interactive perspective is emphasized.

The important implications for developmental psychopathology that derive from advances in psychiatric and behavioral genetics are discussed in relation to a series of mistaken stereotypes: that strong effects mean that environmental influences must be unimportant; that genes provide a limit to potential; that genetic strategies are of no value for studying environmental influences; that nature and nurture are separate; that genes for serious diseases are necessarily bad; that diseases have nothing to do with normal variation; that genetic findings will not help identify diseases; that genetic influences diminish with age; that disorders that run in families must be genetic; that disorders that seem not to run in families cannot be genetic; and that single major genes lead only to specific rare diseases that follow a Mendelian pattern. The reasons why these stereotypes are mistaken are considered in relation to genetic concepts and findings.

Despite consensus on the existence and importance of psychological maltreatment, there is far less agreement on how it should be defined. This article reviews the current definitions, proposes a theoretical clarification of the concept, and describes its relevance for the field of developmental psychopathology. We conceptualize psychological maltreatment as the interaction between maltreating parent behaviors and the special vulnerabilities of a child, particularly his or her developmental level. Also, we restrict the definition of psychological maltreatment to verbal and nonverbal parent communication; parental acts that involve physical or sexual contact are excluded. This effort strives to minimize the redundancy with the definitions of other forms of maltreatment and facilitate research into the effects of all forms of victimization.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relations among maternal depression, security of attachment, and peer interactive behaviors in early childhood. Drawing from the literature, we posited that socially inhibited play behaviors in childhood would be associated with maternal depression as well as with an insecure mother-child attachment relationship. Forty-three 5-year-olds and their mothers participated in the study. There were 21 depressed and 22 affectively well mothers. Security of attachment was assessed via a variation of the Strange Situation procedure when the children were 2 years old. At 5 years of age the children were observed during free play with a familiar same-sex agemate. Results supported the hypotheses that social inhibition is associated with maternal depression and with an insecure mother-infant attachment relationship.

Quality of attachment, disorganization in attachment, and the contribution of caregiver interactions in the home were investigated for infants prenatally exposed to PCP and cocaine and their caregivers. The drug-exposed infants were compared with infants of similar ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), and living in the same geographical area of the city with non-substance-abusing mothers. The majority of drug-exposed infants were insecurely attached to their caregivers and did not differ in the percentage of security in the three caregiving environments in which the infants were growing up: biologic mother care, kinship care, or foster mother care. The majority of drug-exposed children were disorganized. Change in caregivers during the first year was not found to be related to the rate of insecurity in any of the caregiving environments. The majority of the non-drug-exposed comparison infants were securely attached, and only a small percentage were disorganized. The high incidence of insecurity in the drug-exposed group is discussed in relation to maternal and environmental circumstances that can alter the assumption of security in attachment for the majority of children and caregivers toward insecurity in attachment.

Deficits specific to the syndrome of infantile autism appear in imitation, emotion sharing, theory of mind, pragmatics of communication, and symbolic play. Current competing theories of Hobson and of Baron-Cohen, Frith, and associates account for some, but not all, of these specific deficits. The present article suggests that early social capacities involving imitation, emotion sharing, and theory of mind are primarily and specifically deficient in autism. Further, these three capacities involve forming and coordinating social representations of self and other at increasingly complex levels via representational processes that extract patterns of similarity between self and other. Stern's theory of interpersonal development is offered as a continuous model for understanding the development and deficits of the autistic child and as a means for integrating competing theories about the primary deficits in autism. Finally, the article suggests a neuropsychological model of interpersonal coordination involving prefrontal cortex and executive function capacities that is consistent with the social deficits observed in autism.

Mothers who scored zero on the Beck Depression Inventory (N = 25) were compared to “depressed” mothers (high scores on the Beck) (N = 39) and nondepressed mothers (N = 98) during face-to-face interactions with their 5-month-old infants. The interaction videotapes were rated on the Interaction Rating Scales and were coded second-by-second for attentive/affective behavior states. The zero Beck mothers and their infants received lower ratings and were in less positive behavior states (alone or together) than the high scoring Beck “depressed” mother/infant dyads and even more frequently than the nondepressed mother/infant dyads. The lower activity levels, lesser expressivity, and less frequent vocalizing were suggestive of “depressed” behavior in both the mothers and their infants. In addition, the infants of the zero Beck mothers had lower vagal tone and lower growth percentiles (weight, length, and head circumference) than the infants of nondepressed mothers, although they did not differ from the infants of depressed mothers on these measures. These data suggest that mothers who report no depressive symptoms may present as much, if not greater risk, for their infants than mothers who do report depressive symptoms on the Beck Depression Inventory.

Autistic children were assessed for their understanding of seeing and wanting. In Experiment 1, they judged whether a target was visible to each of two observers (a Level 1 task of visual perspective-taking) and which of two targets each observer would identify as “in front” (a Level 2 task). The autistic children performed as well as normal children of the same verbal mental age on both tasks. In Experiment 2, autistic children identified the emotion that familiar situations would elicit, expressed a selective preference or desire, and reidentified that desire despite an outcome that thwarted it. Their performance was similar to that of normal and retarded children equated for verbal mental age. An explanation is offered for autistic children's difficulty on some psychological tasks and their relative success on others.

We tested the hypothesis that attachment security at 12 months can be predicted from infant response to the mother's still-face interaction during the first half-year. Subjects were 66 primiparous mother-infant pairs drawn from the working- and middle-socioeconomic strata (SES). Half of the mothers had experienced a postpartum depression. Infants were observed longitudinally in the still-face paradigm at 2, 4, and 6 months and in the Strange Situation at 12 months. Positive expressions in response to the still-face at 6 months predicted secure attachment at 12 months. Absence of positive expressions predicted avoidant attachment. In infants of postpartum depressed mothers, hours of nonmaternal care positively correlated with secure attachment. Variables associated with infant proneness to distress and sociability were unrelated to attachment security. These results suggest that attachment formation is underway by 6 months of age and that indicators of 12-month attachment security can be detected as early as 6 months. Similar mechanisms of affect regulation and coping may underlie infant response in the still-face and Strange Situation procedures.

More than any other subtype of abuse and neglect, psychological maltreatment offers a number of unique challenges to theoreticians and researchers. Although progress has been made, contention still remains over the definition of psychological maltreatment and its relation to other forms of child abuse and neglect (Brassard, Germain, & Hart, 1987; Garbarino, Guttmann, & Seeley, 1986). Thus, the definition and operationalization of psychological maltreatment continue to be important issues that require further research and explanation. In fact, the development of standardized definitions and assessment techniques for all forms of maltreatment is crucial to increase communication across laboratories, and across disciplines.

Defining child maltreatment has never been easy. This is true irrespective of whether the focus is abuse or neglect, or whether the maltreatment in question is physical, emotional, and/or psychological in nature. Thus, McGee and Wolfe (1991) set for themselves no small task in generating an operational definition of psychological maltreatment that would be useful for research. In the main, I come away from their article believing that they have failed to advance the definitional state of the field, though admiring of their effort. In order to substantiate this point of view, I will begin by highlighting a series of concerns that I have with the definition they advance and end by raising broader questions about unstated assumptions that underlie their work.

Using a within-subject, time series approach, two competing models concerning the temporal relations between maternal distress (mood and stress), maternal discipline, and child conduct problems were assessed. Two measures of each of these constructs were collected at 10 assessment points, each separated by 3 to 4 days, in each of 10 single-parent families with a 4- to 5-year-old conduct problem child. After standardizing each of the measures over repeated assessment points in each family and aggregating the data across families, the models were tested using correlational and structural equation analyses. The fit of the data to the models supported the hypothesis that the association of maternal distress with child conduct problems is mediated by her disciplinary practices. On days when mothers reported more negative mood and stress, they were more likely to demonstrate poor disciplinary tactics. Temporal variation in discipline was, in turn, related to same-day variation in the frequency of child conduct problems. However, the model hypothesizing a direct relationship from maternal distress to child problems in addition to the indirect path through discipline was also supported, suggesting that maternal discipline is not the sole mediating variable.

This study of 71 low-income mothers and infants examined whether the disorganized/disoriented (D) infant attachment classification is best viewed as a single category or whether at least two subgroups exist, corresponding to the forced-secure and forced-insecure alternate classifications. Correlates of the D classification as a whole, and of the two subtypes of disorganized behavior, were examined in five domains, including 6-month stability, maternal childhood history of loss, severity of maternal psychosocial risk, maternal behavior toward the infant at home, and infant mental development. Results indicated that the two subtypes of disorganized infant attachment behavior differed in age of emergence, maternal childhood history, severity of associated family risk factors, and the extent of the mother's lack of involvement with the infant at home. Across both D subtypes, disorganization of attachment strategies was associated with less optimal maternal behavior at home and with decreased mental development scores at 18 months. Results are discussed in relation to Main and Hesse's (1990) theory of the role of fear-inducing parental behavior in the genesis of disorganized infant attachment behavior and in relation to Aber, Allen, Carlson, and Cicchetti's (1989) concept of secure readiness to learn.

The independent contributions of preschool children's noncompliance and overactivity/inattention and measures of family stress to the prediction of negative maternal control were examined in two cohorts of children. In Cohort 1, children's noncompliant and hyperactive behavior each predicted more negative maternal control, whereas in Cohort 2, the interaction between noncompliance and overactivity was predictive of particularly high levels of negative control. In Cohort 2, stressful life events, maternal depression, and marital distress were also associated with negative maternal control. Stressful life events interacted with noncompliance indicating that the combination of a difficult child and a high level of family stress exacerbated the tendency of mothers of preschool children to exert negative control to gain compliance. Results indicate that factors external to the mother-child relationship exert an independent influence on maternal behavior.

Researchers and practitioners working in the area of child maltreatment have been frustrated by the lack of a concise definition of maltreatment, especially psychological maltreatment. The study of child abuse, neglect, sexual abuse, and other forms of maltreatment has been impeded by the failure to establish a commonly accepted definition. Numerous definitions have been developed at different times, for very different purposes and by professionals from many different disciplines, but as Giovannoni (1989) noted, their only common feature is that they are vague and ambiguous. Not surprisingly, the research findings from the field are as varied as the heterogeneous samples of maltreating individuals being investigated. The lack of an operational definition of maltreatment greatly limits the generalizability of the research findings.

Attachment theory predicts that maltreated children will form insecure patterns of attachment to their caregivers and that attachment relationships are open to change with development. In this cross-sectional/longitudinal investigation, we examined the attachment patterns of 125 maltreated and nonmaltreated preschoolers from the low socioeconomic strata (SES). Maltreated and demographically matched nonmaltreated comparison children were assessed in the Strange Situation at 30, 36, and 48 months of age, along with a subsample of children who were observed longitudinally across a 6- to 18-month period. Attachment relations were classified using a newly developed system for assessing attachment in the preschool years by Cassidy and Marvin (1991). Results revealed that, at each age, maltreated children were significantly more likely to evidence insecure patterns of attachment to their caregivers. The specific types of insecurity demonstrated by children varied with age. Longitudinally, the high percentage of nonmaltreated children who were classified as securely attached were likely to remain securely attached at subsequent assessments. In contrast, the small number of maltreated children who evidenced secure attachments were unlikely to be classified as secure at later assessments. These data provide new information on the patterns of attachment maltreated children exhibit in the preschool years.

Clinical studies indicate that depression and conduct disorder frequently co-occur in children. Research on the correlates of depression in children has frequently failed to control for this co-occurrence, and little is known about the family background and characteristics of children displaying both problem behaviors. An at-risk community sample of 203 early adolescent boys in the Oregon Youth Study was divided into the following groups: (a) those showing elevated conduct problems and depressed mood, (b) those showing elevated conduct problems only, (c) those showing elevated depressed mood only, and (d) those with neither problem. Multimethod, multiagent assessments were conducted at Grade 6. The four groups were compared using multivariate analyses of variance. Demographic variables, parental characteristics, family-management practices, and boys' adjustment show some deficits in all three risk groups, and the patterns of deficits vary between groups. As hypothesized, the boys with conduct problems and depressed mood show the poorest adjustment. Results are consistent with a failure model, which hypothesizes that boys with conduct problems are at risk for failing to develop competence in areas such as academic skill and peer relations. In addition, their noxious behavior leads to poor relationships with parents and peers. These problems result in failures and rejection, which make them vulnerable to depressed mood.

This study investigates play and nonplay behavior in maltreated and nonmaltreated preschool children. In addition, standardized tests of cognitive and language ability were administered, and teachers rated the children's classroom behavior. Thirty 4–5-year-old children participated in the study: 15 had a history of child abuse, and 15 nonabused children served as a matched control group. Across a 6-week period, children's social and play interactions were videotaped in the classroom. Videotape recordings were analyzed for the level of social participation and cognitive play. No differences were found between the two groups on the standardized measures. However, maltreated, relative to nonmaltreated, children engaged in less overall play and greater functional or sensorimotor play. Maltreated children also engaged in more transitional behavior and aggression, were less competent with peers, and were perceived by teachers as more emotionally disturbed. Results of this study suggest that the impact of maltreatment extends beyond the family into play and social relationships in preschool.