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HEARING THE BODY OF CHRIST IN EARLY MODERN PRAGUE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 September 2019

Erika Supria Honisch*
Affiliation:
Stony Brook University

Abstract

The multi-confessional cities of early modern Central Europe resounded with sacred music. People sang to express faith, to challenge the beliefs of others, and to lay claim to shared urban spaces. This study considers how such music was heard in Prague, the capital of the Holy Roman Empire, during the reign of the Habsburg Emperor Rudolf II (1576–1612). During this period, the city’s Catholics jostled for supremacy with Czech-speaking Utraquists (followers of Jan Hus), who vastly outnumbered them, and a growing population of German-speaking Lutherans. Focusing on the sonically rich Corpus Christi processions held by Prague’s Jesuits, this article examines how sounds that aggressively promoted Catholic Eucharistic doctrine were received by those who were––by chance or by design––within earshot. Viewing Catholic claims alongside non-Catholic resistance suggests that music’s power lay as much in the fact of its performance as in its deployment of specific texts and sounds.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© Cambridge University Press 2019 

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Footnotes

Versions of this article have been presented at the University of Toronto, University of Missouri-Kansas City, Yale University, Stony Brook University and the University of California at Los Angeles. I am grateful to Bonnie Blackburn, Geoffrey Chew, Barbara Eichner, Martha Feldman, Iain Fenlon, Patrick Kaufman, Robert Kendrick, Anne Walters Robertson, August Sheehy, Martha Sprigge and the anonymous readers for their suggestions.

The title of this article resonates with those of other recent publications, for example, P. Bennett, ‘Hearing King David in Early Modern France: Politics, Prayer, and Louis XIII’s Musique de la Chambre’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 69 (2016), pp. 47–109; and A. Mazuela-Anguita and T. Knighton (eds.), Hearing the City in Early Modern Europe (Turnhout, 2018). The title of the present article was derived independently, and the obvious resonances with the above examples reflect the widespread interest in sound and the listener among scholars of the Early Modern period.

References

1 This incident is described in Hlavaček, P., ‘Catholics, Utraquists and Lutherans in Northwestern Bohemia, or Public Space as a Medium for Declaring Confessional Identity’, in Bartlová, M. and Šroněk, M. (eds.), Public Communication in the European Reformation (Prague, 2007), pp. 279–98Google Scholar, at p. 289; and Borový, K., Martin Medek, Arcibiskup Pražský: Historicko-kritické vypsání náboženských poměrů v Čechách od roku 1581–1590 (Prague, 1877), pp. 115–16Google Scholar.

2 Both women were of relatively high social status: Maria von Schenk was a member of one of Bohemia’s oldest noble families, the Lobkovice, while Eva was the daughter of the petty nobleman Wolf Haslauer von Haslau. On the history of tension between the complainant, Laurentius Puchvald, parish priest in the neighbouring village of Maschau (Mašt’ov), and the Haslauers, see Borový, K., Jednání a dopisy konsistoře katolické i utrakvistické, ii (Prague, 1869), p. 374Google Scholar.

3 This translation is based on Hlavaček, ‘Catholics, Utraquists and Lutherans’, p. 289.

4 The passage, given in Borový, Martin Medek, p. 115, n. 3, reads: ‘Darnach umb den Altar gegangen mit des Wolff Hazlaures Tochter Ewa genannt, und mit den Füssen getschutschert gleich als sie tanzten.’ The word ‘tschuschen’ is a regionalism implying lively movement, as in ‘to run quickly’ or to ‘scamper’ (see Das Sudetendeutsches Wörterbuch, s.v. ‘tschuschen’). The words ‘chum’ and ‘chumperle’ appear to be sonically rich vocables, without specific semantic connotations.

5 E. Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 2005), p. 5.

6 The literature on iconoclasm is extensive; a good sense of the forms and motivations of iconoclastic protest elsewhere in early modern Europe can be found in Arnade, P., Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, NY, 2008).Google Scholar

7 Chua, D., Absolute Music and the Construction of Meaning (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 1516CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the reference is to the ‘disenchantment (Entzauberung) of the world’ famously posited by Max Weber in ‘Science as Vocation’, in H. H. Mills and C. Wright Mills (eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, 1946), p. 155. There is a vast literature on the Neoplatonic commitment to ‘music as sounding number’; Palisca, C., Studies in the History of Italian Music and Music Theory (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar, remains indispensable. On Pythagorean ‘cosmic harmony’ in a range of early modern European contexts, see Prins, J. and Vanhaelen, M. (eds.), Sing Aloud Harmonious Spheres: Renaissance Conceptions of Cosmic Harmony (New York, 2018)Google Scholar, especially G. McDonald, ‘The Reception of Ficino’s Theory of World Harmony in Germany’. On pre-Enlightenment treatments of music’s unseen, magical qualities, and a productive ‘auralist’ alternative to visualism, see in particular Tomlinson, G., Music in Renaissance Magic: Toward a Historiography of Others (Chicago, 1993)Google Scholar, which takes up these issues in the Italian context.

8 Coreth, A., Pietas Austriaca: Ursprung und Entwicklung Barocker Frömmigkeit in Österreich (Munich, 1960)Google Scholar; published in English as A. Coreth, Pietas Austriaca, trans. W. Bowman and A. M. Leitgeb (West Lafayette, IN, 2004). The pietas austriaca model has been applied to musical culture at the courts of Habsburg Emperors Ferdinand II (r. 1619–37) and Ferdinand III (r. 1637–57) respectively, in two foundational studies connecting Habsburg devotional practices with the compositional choices of Imperial musicians: Saunders, S., Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–1637) (Oxford, 1995)Google Scholar; and Weaver, A., Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III: Representing the Counter-Reformation Monarch at the End of the Thirty Years’ War (Burlington, VT, 2012)Google Scholar.

9 Weaver, Sacred Music as Public Image, pp. 7–8, for example, notes the methodological challenges that await the scholar investigating reception and listener response. See also the historical contextualisation of acoustemological inquiry in Wegman, R., ‘“Das musikalische Hören” in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: Perspectives from Pre-War Germany’, Musical Quarterly, 82 (1998), pp. 434–54Google Scholar, in the themed issue ‘Music as Heard’. Sound’s potential to polarise communities lies at the heart of Fisher, A.’s path-breaking Music, Piety, and Propaganda: The Soundscapes of Counter-Reformation Bavaria (New York and Oxford, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; importantly, however, sounds (figured in a ‘soundscape’, i.e. a broad array of communicative sounds), rather than listeners, take centre stage in his study.

10 See the overview in Rosenfeld, S., ‘On Being Heard: A Case for Paying Attention to the Historical Ear’, American Historical Review, 116 (2011), 316–34Google Scholar; and more recently the special issue of Radical History Review 2015: 121 (2015), ‘Sound Politics: Critically Listening to the Past’. Foundational studies of the sonic past include Corbin, A., Village Bells: Sound and Meaning in the Nineteenth-Century French Countryside (New York, 1998)Google Scholar; Rath, R., How Early America Sounded (Ithaca, NY, 2003)Google Scholar; Smith, M., Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill, NC and London, 2001)Google Scholar; and Thompson, E., The Soundscape of Modernity: Architectural Acoustics and the Culture of Listening in America, 1900–1933 (Cambridge, MA, 2002)Google Scholar. Among the rich array of musicological studies that explore the potential of specifically musical sounds to document history, some focus on urban history and myth-making; see, for example, Fenlon, I., The Ceremonial City: History, Memory and Myth in Renaissance Venice (New Haven, 2007)Google Scholar. Others use music to understand the way people experienced such cataclysms as the plague; see, for example, Chiu, R., Plague and Music in the Renaissance (Cambridge, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Fisher, Music, Piety, and Propaganda; and Dillon, E., The Sense of Sound: Music and Meaning in France, 1260–1330 (New York and Oxford, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. These studies consider music’s meanings when deployed in a soundscape that includes non-musical sounds, rather than music’s meanings in relation to other musical sounds or texts alone. Hearing’s place among the senses, as a window onto urban history, is taken up in Fenlon, Iain’s excellent ‘Piazza San Marco: Theater of the Senses, Marketplace of the World’, in de Boer, W. and Göttler, C. (eds.), Religion and the Senses (Leiden, 2013), pp. 331–62Google Scholar.

12 Dell’Antonio, A., Listening as Spiritual Practice in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Freedman, R., The Chansons of Orlando di Lasso and their Protestant Listeners: Music, Piety, and Print in Sixteenth-Century France (Rochester, NY, 2001)Google Scholar; and Zayaruznaya, A., ‘Intelligibility Redux: Motets and the Modern Medieval Sound’, Music Theory Online, 23/2 (2017)Google Scholar. See also the wide-ranging contributions in Pesce, Dolores (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York and London, 1997)Google Scholar.

13 Filippi, D. and Noone, M. (eds.), Listening to Early Modern Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology (Leiden, 2017)Google Scholar. A rich investigation of these issues in the colonised spaces of the Hispanic New World is offered in Toelle, J., ‘Todas las naciones han de oyrla: Bells in the Jesuit reducciones of Early Modern Paraguay’, Journal of Jesuit Studies, 3 (2016), 437–50Google Scholar.

14 On ‘counter-conduct’ (i.e. ‘contre-conduite’) see the lecture from 1 March 1978, published in Foucault, M., Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977–78, trans. Burchell, F. (London, 2007)Google Scholar; see also Davidson, A., ‘In Praise of Counter-Conduct’, History of the Human Sciences, 24 (2011), pp. 2541Google Scholar, which first drew attention to the productive capacity of ‘counter-conduct’ as theory and act.

15 Recent work that stresses the symbiotic relationship between the conduct of dominant institutions and counter-conducts includes Death, C., ‘Counter-conducts: A Foucauldian Analytics of Protest’, Social Movement Studies, 9 (2010), pp. 235–51Google Scholar, and Odysseos, L., Death, C., and Malmwig, H., ‘Interrogating Michel Foucault’s Counter-Conduct: Theorising the Subjects and Practices of Resistance in Global Politics’, Global Society, 30 (2016), pp. 151–61Google Scholar, which introduces a themed issue on counter-conducts.

16 Several recent studies by Czech scholars consider the totality of music sung in a given region or copied in a given manuscript; see, for example, the indispensable studies by Bat’a, J.: ‘Ferdinand of Tyrol and the Music Culture in Renaissance Prague’, in Wissenschaftliches Jahrbuch der Tiroler Landesmuseen, 5 (2012), pp. 1723Google Scholar, and ‘Musical Culture of Prague Lutherans during the Pre-White Mountain Era’, in Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 10 (2015), pp. 185–96. Other studies that centre connections between court music and local practices are S. Edwards, ‘Repertory Migration in the Czech Crown Lands, 1570–1630’ (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2012); Honisch, E., ‘Drowning Winter, Burning Bones, Singing Songs: Representations of Popular Devotion in a Central European Motet Cycle’, Journal of Musicology, 34 (2017), pp. 559609Google Scholar; and Honisch, E., ‘Music In-Between: Sacred Songs in Bohemia, 1517–1618’, in Zara, V. and Gurrieri, M. (eds.), Renaissance Music in the Slavic World (Turnhout, 2019), pp. 209–59Google Scholar.

17 For a broader discussion of subjectivity and collective ritual action, see the essays in Ashley, K. and Hüsken, W. (eds.), Moving Subjects: Processional Performance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA, 2001).Google Scholar

18 On the Feast of Corpus Christi as a ‘catalyst for violence’ elsewhere in Europe, see, among others, Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France, p. 172.

19 A representative example is the sermon by the Austrian court preacher Scherer, Georg, printed as Ein Predig vom Fronleichnamsfest vnd Vmbgang, am Tag der H. Dreyfaltigkeit (Vienna, 1588)Google Scholar, and as Ein Predig vom Fronleichnamsfest vnd Vmbgang, geschehen zu Wien in Österreich durch Georgium Scherer Societatis IESV… (Ingolstadt, 1588), with a dedication to the Emperor’s sister Elizabeth of Austria: ‘Hat David bey der Figur auff allerley Seitenspilen und Instrumenten spilen lassen / warumb solten wir das bey dem Figurato und bey der Sache selbs nicht thun mögen?’ (fol. 3v, Vienna print; p. 7, Ingolstadt print). The reference is to King David dancing in front of the Ark of the Covenant, as described in 2 Samuel 6.

20 In the Prague context, ‘community of belief’ opens onto a more useful set of categories than ‘confession’, which is closely tied to the theory of confessionalisation (Konfessionalisierung) formulated by Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard and which (even in the myriad recent correctives) stresses institutions, social disciplining, and state formation over community-level choices and practices, and subjective responses to religious decrees. For the foundational theorisations, see Schilling, Konfessionskonflict und Staatsbildung (Gütersloh, 1981)Google Scholar, and Reinhard, ‘Gegenreformation als Modernisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 68 (1977), pp. 257–77Google Scholar. Two influential critiques by Marc Forster posit the emergence of confessional identity ‘from below’; see Forster, M., The Counter-Reformation in the Villages: Religion and Reform in the Bishopric of Speyer, 1560–1720 (Ithaca, NY and London, 1992)Google Scholar and Forster, M., Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque: Religious Identity in Southwest Germany 1550–1750 (Cambridge, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A promising alternative to confessionalisation, foregrounding belief (as act) over doctrine and confession, is developed in Lambert, E., Singing the Resurrection: Body, Community, and Belief in Reformation Europe (Oxford and New York, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Useful case studies of practices of co-existence in religiously divided areas are Briggs, R., Communities of Belief: Cultural and Social Tension in Early Modern France (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar, and Kaplan, B., Divided by Faith: Religious Conflict and the Practice of Toleration in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Bridget Heal places Nuremberg at c. 40,000 inhabitants in The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Early Modern Germany: Protestant and Catholic Piety, 1500–1648 (Cambridge, 2007), p. 12. Prague, by comparison, had around 60,000 inhabitants. See Pánek, J., ‘The Czech Estates and the Habsburg Monarchy (1526–1620)’ in Pánek, J., Tůma, O. et al. (eds.), A History of the Czech Lands (Prague, 2009), pp. 191229Google Scholar, at p. 206.

22 The English equivalents for the names of Prague’s constituent towns are, respectively: Old Town, New Town, Little Quarter or Small Side, and Castle Hill). Castle Hill was not incorporated until 1598, during the Rudolfine period.

23 Lewkenor, S., A Discourse not Altogether Unprofitable, nor Unpleasant for Such as Are Desirous to Know the Situation and Customs of Forraine Cities without Travelling to See Them (London, 1600)Google Scholar, fol. 56v. The Czech name for Týn Church is Kostel Panny Marie před Týnem or, more commonly, Týnský Chram; in Latin documents, it is referred to as Laeta curia.

24 Prague was the ancient capital of the Bohemian Kingdom, but was Imperial capital only twice: during the reigns of Charles IV and Rudolf II.

25 Palmitessa, J., ‘The Prague Uprising of 1611: Property, Politics, and Catholic Renewal in the Early Years of Habsburg Rule’, Central European History, 31 (1998), pp. 299328Google Scholar, at p. 317. The seven Dominicans who remained in the monastery were moved to the St Agnes Cloister, also in Old Town. See Kroess, A., Geschichte der Böhmischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu (Vienna, 1910), pp. 20–2Google Scholar.

26 Newly elected Bohemian kings passed the selected site as they traversed the ‘Royal Route’ (Královská Cesta’) from Vyšehrad, ancient seat of the Přemyslid dynasty, to St Vitus Cathedral on Castle Hill, where they were crowned. On the significance of the Royal Route to Prague’s ceremonial topography, see Crossley, P., ‘The Politics of Presentation: The Architecture of Charles IV of Bohemia’, in Jones, S., Marks, R. and Minnis, A. (eds.) Courts and Regions in Medieval Europe (Woodbridge, and Rochester, NY), pp. 129–32 and 166–72Google Scholar.

27 The phrase translates as ‘whose Kingdom, his religion’ and required individuals to adopt the confession of their ruler. The Council of Basel (1431–5) paved the way for the acceptance of Utraquism, formalised in 1436 with the ‘Basel Compacts’ (Compactata). The Peace of Kutná Hora (1485) granted Catholics and Utraquists equal status within Bohemia.

28 A sense of the continuing cultivation by Utraquists of plainsong can be gleaned in the editions of Mass tropes by Vlhová-Wörner, H., Repertorium troporum Bohemiae medii aevi (Prague, 2004Google Scholar).

29 In 1600, the French diplomat Pierre Bergeron reported that two-thirds of the city was populated by Utraquists, and that Catholic Communion was only available in churches affiliated with monasteries. See Fučíková, E. and Chadraba, R. (eds.), Tři Francouzští Kavalíři v Rudolfínské Praze: Jacques Esprinchard, Pierre Bergeron, François de Bassompierre (Prague, 1989), pp. 44–5Google Scholar, and Pariset, François-Georges, ‘Pierre Bergeron à Prague (1600)’, in Dacos, N. (ed.) Relations artistiques entre les Pays-Bas et l’Italie dans la Renaissance: Études dédiées à Suzanne Sulzberger (Brussels and Rome, 1980), pp. 185–98Google Scholar, at p. 194. Bergeron’s observations on Prague are preserved on fols. 126–30 of the manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, f. fr. 5562.

30 This commitment to lay access to Communion wine also appears in ‘Calixtine’ (from ‘chalice’), another name widely used to describe Utraquists. In Czech, Catholics and Utraquists were referred to, respectively, as the party ‘pod jednou’, i.e., ‘under one [kind]’, and the party ‘pod obojí způsobou’, i.e., ‘under both kinds’. The term ‘Ussiti’(i.e., Hussite) was used pejoratively by Catholics. A concise summary and contextualisation of Utraquist Eucharistic practice is Holeton, David, ‘The Bohemian Eucharistic Movement in its European Context’, Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 1 (1996), pp. 2348Google Scholar.

31 To outsiders familiar only with the solemn services at the prestigious Týn Church, Utraquist worship and Utraquist clergy were virtually indistinguishable in sound and appearance from Catholic worship and Catholic clergy. Catholics hoping to convert Utraquists regularly capitalised on the similarities between Catholic and Utraquist belief and worship; the Czech Jesuit Václav Šturm, for instance, contrasted the orthodoxy of Hus’s teachings and Utraquist practice with the interpretations and practices of the Brethren. See David, Z., Finding the Middle Way: The Utraquists’ Liberal Challenge to Rome and Luther (Washington, DC, 2003), pp. 245–6Google Scholar.

32 Bergeron, quoted in Pariset, ‘Pierre Bergeron à Prague (1600)’, p. 194, wrote: ‘Elles ne sont point en apparence différentes des nôtres; les prêtres et le peuple chantent les mêmes paroles que nous disons en notre église et en même langue.’

33 ‘[K]atolickou pak víru a řád dobrej církevní starobylý v tomto království pří straně pod jednou i pod obojí vždy jednostejnej tupí’ (ibid., pp. 248 and 487, n. 41, quoting a petition to the Bohemian Chamber transcribed in Sněmyčeské [Bohemian Diets], ix. 178). Utraquist practice was far from uniform; other Prague churches preferred the liturgy in Czech translation (typically retaining or adapting the original plainsong melodies).

34 Jesuit reports indicate that, like Catholics, Utraquists held additional processions during the Octave of Corpus Christi (typically on the Sunday after Corpus Christi, and the following Thursday). On the Sunday after Corpus Christi in 1608 (8 June), for example, Catholics processed at St James (Old Town) while the Hussites held their own procession at the Týn Church. See Prague, Královská kanonie premonstrátů na Strahově, DC III 16 (Diarium Collegii Societatis Jesu Pragae ad sanctum Clementem 1578–1610, hereafter DC III 16), fol. 49v: ‘Fuit est hodie processio in S[ancto] Jacobo [et] Hussitarum in Laeta Curia.’ Utraquists remained committed to such processions even when they allied with the Calvinist Frederick of the Palatinate against the Habsburgs, leading to condemnation in 1620 from a Calvinist minister, Havel Phäeton (Žalanský). See David, Finding the Middle Way, p. 322. On fifteenth-century Bohemian Corpus Christi processions, see Hrdina, J., Mudra, A. and Perett, M., ‘Re-use and Reinvent: The Function of Processions in Late Medieval and Early Modern Bohemia’, in Studia Mediaevalia Bohemica, 7 (2015), pp. 300–11Google Scholar.

35 Translation quoted from David, Finding the Middle Way, p. 247. See also Fučíková and Chadraba, Tři Francouzští Kavalíři v Rudolfínské Praze, p. 45.

36 The ruling, by Pius IV, is dated 16 April 1564, and reflects the lobbying efforts of Prague Archbishop Antonín Brus (1561–80) on behalf of Ferdinand I. On this ruling and its ramifications see Constant, G., Concession à l’Allemagne de la communion sous les deux espèces: Étude sur les débuts de la réforme catholique en Allemagne (1548–1621), i (Paris, 1923), pp. 461611Google Scholar. In 1592, Nuncio Speciano wrote that Jesuits were still dispensing bread and wine at Communion to those who wanted it. This practice, which goes unmentioned in contemporary Jesuit chronicles, had recently been prohibited by Claudio Acquaviva, Superior General of the Society of Jesus (1581–1615) and dedicatee of Philippe de Monte’s first book of madrigali spirituali (Venice, 1581).

37 Prague City Archives, MS 1870, fols. 233v–245r: ‘Officium Corporis Christi 8. Vocum Aequalium Pau. Spon. G. compo: Dominica Exaudi…’. A digitisation of the sole surviving partbook may be accessed at http://katalog.ahmp.cz/pragapublica/permalink?xid=E1BD2D56B72711DF820F00166F1163D4&scan=466#scan466. The contents of this monumental gradual are discussed in J. Bat’a, ‘Tzv. Foliant Trubky z Rovin: Stručný Popis a Nastolení Otázek’, Acta Musicologica, 3 (2007), at http://acta.musicological.cz; and Bat’a, ‘Quod Laudat Praesens, Omnis Mirabitur Aetas: The Trubka z Rovin Gradual, its Repertoire of Music, and its European Context’, Miscellanea Musicologica, 40 (2009), pp. 166Google Scholar.

38 Bat’a, J., ‘The Influence of Cori Spezzati Technique on the Music of the Czech Lands: The Case of Pavel Spongopaeus Jistebnický (ca. 1560–1619)’, in Jež, T., Przybysweska-Jarmińska, B. and Toffetti, M. (eds.), Italian Music in Central-Eastern Europe around Mikołaj Zieleński’s Offertoria and Communiones (1611) (Venice, 2015), pp. 385–95Google Scholar; See also Soušková, D., Pavel Spongopaeus Jistebnický (Ústí nad Orlicí, 2013)Google Scholar.

39 The omission of the Agnus Dei was common, although not universal, in Utraquist practice. It was not, however, unique to Utraquists: such omissions are also regularly found in sixteenth-century German sources and in seventeenth-century north Italian sources. Hymns may have been sung instead during this particularly rich part of the ritual. See Bat’a, ‘Tzv. Foliant Trubky z Rovin: Stručný Popis a Nastolení Otázek’; and Roche, J., North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford, 1984), p. 34Google Scholar.

40 Literary brotherhoods were closer in structure and activity to Lutheran Kantoreien than Catholic confraternities. Zikmund Winter’s treatment remains the most thorough: see the chapter ‘O Bratřinách Literátských’ in Život Církevní v Čechách (Prague, 1896), which should, however, be read in conjunction with Horyna, Martin’s correctives, e.g., ‘Česká reformace a hudba: Studie o bohoslužebném zpěvu českých nekatolických církví v období 1420–1620’, Hudební věda, 48 (2011), pp. 540Google Scholar.

41 Jan Bat’a identifies the model in ‘The Influence of Cori Spezzati’, p. 392. The motet was first printed in Ruggiero Giovannelli, Sacrarum modulationum, quas vulgo motecta appellant, quae quinis, & octonis vocibus concinuntur, liber primus (Rome, 1593); RISM A/I G 2446, issued while Giovannelli was chapelmaster at the German College in Rome. A second edition (RISM A/I G 2447) appeared in 1598 (Venice: Vincenti), by which time he was chapelmaster at the Cappella Giulia. See R. DeFord, ‘Giovannelli [Giovanelli], Ruggiero’, GroveMusicOnline; accessed 20 Sept. 2017.

42 In the Introit, the text is structured as follows: [Antiphon] Cibavit eos ex adipe frumenti, alleluia: et de petra melle saturavit eos, alleluia. [Verse] Exultate Deo adiutori nostro: jubilate Deo Jacob. Gloria patri [etc.].

43 Golz, R. and Mayrhofer, W., Luther and Melanchthon in the Educational Thought of Central and Eastern Europe (Münster, 1998), p. 82Google Scholar. Strategic alliances between Utraquists and Lutherans (e.g., in 1575 to present a ‘Confessio Bohemica’ to Maximilian II, and in 1608 to secure the Letter of Majesty from his son) have been cited as evidence that by the late sixteenth century most Utraquists were in essence crypto-Lutherans. This downplays the persistence of specifically Utraquist identities and traditions.

44 David, Finding the Middle Way, p. 228 and p. 480, n. 159. See also Ruth, F., Kronika Královské Prahy a Obcí Sousedních (Prague, 1904), p. 1035Google Scholar, and Tomek, V., Dějepis města Prahy, xii (Prague, 1901), p. 318Google Scholar. Charles University remained in non-Catholic hands until the Battle of White Mountain.

45 Ibid.

46 Bydžovský was otherwise sympathetic to Lutheran thought and practice. See chapter 5 (‘Pavel Bydžovský and Utraquism’s Second Confrontation with Luther’) in David, Finding the Middle Way, pp. 111–42.

47 Ibid., pp. 120–1. The print was Bydžovský, Pavel, Odvolání jednoho bratra z roty Pikharstké (Prague, 1559)Google Scholar. A second edition was printed by Jan Jičinský in Prague in 1588.

48 David, Finding the Middle Way, 121, after Bydžovský, Odvolání jednoho bratra … (Prague, 1588), fols. A[1]–4v.

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid., p. 209.

51 Letter from Edmund Campion to John Bavand in 1577, quoted in Simpson, R., Edmund Campion (London, 1867), p. 88Google Scholar.

52 Catholics also counted among their numbers the Italian merchants, architects, and masons not directly connected to the court. The Italian population was sufficiently large and prosperous to fund the construction of a self-contained worship space within the Jesuit College (the so-called Wellische Capelle), in which Italian sermons were held, and where the Italian Marian congregation (the ‘Congregazione degli Italiani’) could meet. By 1614, Italians had founded a hospital in the Little Quarter dedicated to St Charles Borromeo. See Rigetti, P. and Pannich, J., Historische Nachricht sowohl von der Errichtung der Wellischen Congregation unter dem Titel Mariae Himmelfahrt als auch des dazu gehörigen Hospitals B.V. Mariae ad S. Carolum Borromaeum (Prague, 1773)Google Scholar.

53 Flecha el Joven, Mateo, Divinarum completarum psalmi, lectio brevis et Salve regina, cum aliquibus motetis (Prague, 1581)Google Scholar and Las Ensaladas de Flecha (Prague, 1581).

54 Prague, Královská kanonie premonstrátů na Strahově, DC III 20 (Diarium Collegii Societatis Jesu Pragae ad sanctum Clementem 1560–1583, hereafter DC III 20), fol. 189r: ‘Dominica infra octavam. Eodem die Proceßio Corporis Christi (quae 2. Junii solemniter habita fuit) magnificentius repetita est, adhibitis etiam Tubicinibus Imperatoriis.’

55 On the activities of the brotherhood in general, see Lindell, R., ‘Relations between Musicians and Artists at the Court of Rudolf II’, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, 85–6 (1989, 1990), pp. 7988Google Scholar, and Silies, M., Die Motetten des Philippe de Monte (1521–1603) (Göttingen, 2009), pp. 230–1Google Scholar.

56 Chimarrhaeus, J., Sacrum Gazophylacium laudabilis Confraternitatis S[anctissimi] Corporis Christi in Aula Caesarea (Prague, 1588), p. 267Google Scholar. The relevant passage reads: ‘Prima feria quinta cuiuslibet mensis ante Missam processio solennis cum deportatione Venerabilis Sacramenti instituetur, ad hanc omnes Confratres tenentur adesse, nemine nisi morbo graui, aut grauissima de cause se excusante.’

57 The anonymous broadsheet is preserved in Prague, Strahov Monastery, ‘Dobřenský sbírka jednolistů 16. Století’, DR I 21d, fol. 101r. The source text reads ‘panis, quem ego dabo, caro mea est pro mundi vita’, and as such it appears in Ego sum panis vivus, the antiphon to the Magnificat for Ember Wednesday.

58 Forty Hours’ devotions are prescribed in the 1588 edition of Chimarrhaeus, Sacrum Gazophylacium Laudabilis Confraternitatis S[anctissimi]Corporis Christi in Aula Caesarea, p. 187. Entries in the Jesuit chronicles beginning in the 1590s indicate an increase in frequency, along with a tendency to rotate them among the city’s Catholic churches.

59 Although the basic components of these procession were in common across Catholic Europe, they could be considerably more elaborate, and raucous, in Spain. See, for example, the procession described in Kreitner, K., ‘Music in the Corpus Christi Procession of Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Early Music History, 14 (1995), pp. 157–63Google Scholar; see also Dean, C., Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham, NC, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Iain Fenlon for pointing out the very different character of these Iberian processions.

60 The classic study is Rubin, M., Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar.

61 Alger, D., De veritate corporis et sanguinis Dominici in Eucharistia (Prague, 1584)Google Scholar. Extant copies may be found, among other places, in Budapest, Madrid, Prague (one copy of which was originally owned by the Cistercian Sancta Corona [Zlatá Koruna] monastery near Český Krumlov; another originally owned by the Prague Jesuit College) and Stockholm (probably taken during the 1649 Swedish occupation of Prague). The Prague re-edition is based on Divi Algeri quondam ex scholastico, monachi benedictini, de veritate corporis & sangui[ni]s Domini in Eucharistia: Cu[m]refutatione diuersaru[m]circa hoc haereseon, opus piu[m]iuxta ac doctu[m], ed. D. Erasmus (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1530).

62 Davidson, A., ‘Miracles of Bodily Transformation, or How St. Francis Received the Stigmata’, Critical Inquiry, 35 (2009), pp. 455, 458Google Scholar and passim.

63 Holeton, D., ‘Fynes Moryson’s Itinerary: A Sixteenth-Century English Traveller’s Observations on Bohemia, its Reformation, and its Liturgy’, Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 5 (2005), p. 369Google Scholar, n. 85. Holeton draws upon Moryson’s unpublished writings as preserved in Oxford, Corpus Christi College, MS 94.

64 Luython, Carolus, Liber primus … sacrarum cantionum (Prague, 1603)Google Scholar. For an account of some of the text’s valences, see Rubin, Corpus Christi, pp. 193–4. On Pontanus’s numerous hagiographies and collaborations with Luython and other Imperial composers, see Honisch, ‘Drowning Winter, Burning Bones, Singing Songs’.

65 Rubin, Corpus Christi, p. 55.

66 The indulgence was granted by Pope John XXII (r. 1316–34); see Swanson, R., Indulgences in Late Medieval England: Passports to Paradise? (Cambridge, 2007), p. 263Google Scholar, n. 190. Closely related texts were set (independently from Pange lingua) by Noel Bauldewyn and Costanzo Porta.

67 ‘Chara’ may here simply be an alternative spelling of ‘cara’ (i.e. ‘dear’), but given the humanist inclinations of the dedicatee, Pontanus, it might also be a pun referring to the chara root (still unidentified) that in Ancient Rome was ground up and made into a kind of bread, when there was insufficient food to feed the armies. As Jonathan Roth notes, Caesar described it as an effectus panis (substitute for bread). See Roth, The Logistics of the Roman Army at War (264 B.C.–A.D. 235) (Leiden, 1999), p. 50Google Scholar. Roth’s ultimate source is Julius Caesar, Bellum Civile, Book 3, chapter 48.

68 The owner of an enharmonic keyboard (mentioned by Michael Praetorius in Syntagma musicum 2), Luython engaged with mode in sophisticated ways. Elsewhere in the 1603 collection, he exploits the evocative possibilities of modal mixture: in the St James motet O lux et decus Hispaniae, for instance, he uses modal mixture to separate the earthly petitions that frame the motet from the allusion to James’s place in the heavens in the motet’s middle section.

69 The above discussion of modal practice is informed by Meier, B., The Modes of Classical Vocal Polyphony: Described according to the Sources, with Revisions by the Author, trans. Beebe, E. (New York, 1988)Google Scholar and Wiering, F., The Language of the Modes: Studies in the History of Polyphonic Modality (New York and London, 2001)Google Scholar. See also Wiering, F., ‘Internal and External Views of the Modes’, in Judd, C. (ed.), Tonal Structures in Early Music (New York, 1998), pp. 87107Google Scholar, for a useful effort to move beyond the apparently irreconcilable divide between Meier’s position on the historicity of polyponic modality and the influential critique by Powers, H., ‘Is Mode Real? Pietro Aron, the Octenary System, and Polyphony’, Basler Jahrbuch für Historische Musikpraxis, 16 (1992), pp. 952Google Scholar.

70 While the frequent cadences on A, particularly towards the end, imply an A-plagal disposition, the conclusion on E suggests mode 3 more strongly.

71 Mirabile mysterium was printed in Jacobus Handl (Gallus), Opus musicum, I (Prague, 1589).

72 Some official statements on the role of music in Corpus Christi processions are surveyed in Bowles, E., ‘Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Procession’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 17 (1964), p. 252Google Scholar. In 1264, for example, Pope Urban IV stated: ‘We therefore … ordain, in the case of so great a sacrament … a solemn and special memorial should be made … in order that … devout congregations of the faithful … [and] clerics as well as laymen shall rejoice and break forth into songs of praise’ (ibid.).

73 Chua, Absolute Music and the Construction of Meaning, pp. 15–16. The French Jesuit scholar Michel de Certeau helpfully distinguished between ‘space’ and ‘place’ (describing ‘space’ as fluid and contestable, and ‘place’ as fixed) in The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. S. Rendall (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984).

74 Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, p. 216.

75 Jakubec, O., ‘“We Believe that Our Ladyship Will Deign to Accept this Small Gift with Gratitude”: Artworks and Literature as Means for Strengthening Catholicism in Moravia before the Battle of White Mountain’, in Šroněk, Michal and Bartlová, Milena (eds.), Public Communication in the European Reformation (Prague, 2007), pp. 205–17Google Scholar, at p. 209. The German and Czech editions are, respectively, Georg Scherer, Ein Predig vom Fronleichnamsfest vnd Vmbgang (op. cit.), and Scherer, Georg, Kázanij o Slawném Swátku Těla Božijho a Processý. Kázané w Městě Wijdni w Rakausých skrze Giřijka … w Cžeský Jazyk přeloženo a wytisstěno (Litomyšl, 1594)Google Scholar.

76 Scherer, Ein Predig vom Fronleichnamsfest …, p. 7 (see also n. 19 above).

77 Georg Bartholdus Pontanus à Braitenberg, Krafftbüchlein / Darin der Hochloblichsten Vbertrefflichsten Brüderschafft des Fronleichnams JE–/SU CHRISTI / Grund / Krafft und Regeln … angezeigt Werden … (n.p., 1590), pp. ccxxxii–ccxxxiii. He writes: ‘das zu Uttrüch in Hollandt / alls der Priester mitt dem Hochheyligen Sacrament uber ein Brücken zu einem Krancken eylette / sie aber in jrem Tantzen und springen fortfuhren / keine Reuerentz / dem heyligen Sacramen [sic] erzeigeten / ist die Brucken zerbrochen / in den fluß Mosam abgefallen / un[d] beyneben in die 200. Menschen ersoffen.’ In the margins, he gives his source as ‘Aeneas Syl. In cron: mundi at: 6. Anno. 1277’.

78 Ibid., p. ccxxxii. ‘So ist noch alhie zu Prag / das ort / an welchem des H. Wenceslai Mutter / sonsten eine Gottloß Weib / da sie ihren Fuhrman / das er unter der eleuation, im Fürfahren neben S. Matth: Capell von Pferden und auff die Schwell kniet / auff Heydnisch spottet un[d] schalt / plötzlich versuncken und der Fuhrman allein verblieben. Darum wol angeordnet / das ein jeder Bruder so solcher procession begegnet / dieselb mehre un[d] ziere mit einem liecht und seiner gegenwardt.’ The Eucharistic connection may be unique to Pontanus: in other sources, Drahomira fell into an abyss when she had her mother-in-law, St Ludmilla, murdered.

79 Wagstaff, G., ‘Music for the Dead and the Control of Ritual Behavior in Spain, 1450–1550’, Musical Quarterly, 82 (1998), pp. 551–73, at p. 551Google Scholar.

80 Among their many treatments and reworkings of the subject, the following are essential: Turner, V., The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca, NY, 1969)Google Scholar; Turner, V. and Turner, E., Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar.

81 The foundational reading on liminality is Turner, V., ‘Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage’, in The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, NY, 1967), pp. 93111Google Scholar.

82 James, M., ‘Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town’, Past & Present, 98 (1983), pp. 329Google Scholar.

83 Ibid., 4.

84 Soergel, P., Wondrous in his Saints: Counter-Reformation Propaganda in Bavaria (Berkeley, 1993), pp. 87–9Google Scholar; Eurich, A., ‘Sacralising Space: Reclaiming Civic Culture in Early Modern France’, in Spicer, Andrew and Coster, Will (eds.), Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 259–81Google Scholar, at pp. 272–4.

85 Van Orden, K., Music, Discipline, and Arms in Early Modern France (Chicago, 2005), p. 157Google Scholar.

86 The procession is recorded in considerable detail in the manuscript chronicle maintained by the Prague Jesuits. See DC III 20, fols. 211r ff. The 1583 entries are transcribed in Straka, C., ‘Jak slavilo se Boží Tělo v Praze v XVI. a XVII. století’, Časopis Katolického Duchovenstva, 57 (1916), pp. 161–73Google Scholar and 323–36. Although many parts of the complex were under construction, three church structures existed, in whole or in part: the Church of St Clement, the Church of St Saviour, and the Italian chapel (until 1590, a wooden structure).

87 DC III 20, fol. 211r. ‘Priores tres ordines cu[m] suis praefectis dispositi sunt, in area ante refectoriu[m] juxta puteum.’

88 Ibid., fol. 211r–v. The passage reads: ‘Interim Organista pulsabat cum primùm campanae signum datu[m] fuisset.’

89 Ibid., fol. 211v.

90 The chronicler notes (ibid.) that Pange lingua was sung rather than Homo quidam fecit.

91 Ibid. The passage reads: ‘omnes advolabant canentes gloriam Christo’.

92 Ibid., fols. 212v and 213v. The entry specifies: ‘mutetum Boëmicum … deuotu[m] et suavi co[m]positum’.

93 Rosenplut, Jan, Kancionál (Olomouc, 1601), p. 286Google Scholar. It is found here in a section of Eucharistic music (‘O Welebné Swátosti Oltářnij’) in which there are also translations of Thomas Aquinas’s Office. These include Lauda Sion Saluatorem (= Chwal Syone Spasytele) on p. 285, and Deus Pater Omnipotens (Otče Bože wssehomaucý) on p. 286.

94 Ibid., fol. 214r. The entry reads: ‘devotum et suavi vocum antiquum et pium’.

95 Ibid. The relevant passage reads: ‘cu[m] freque[n]tib[us] generalib[us] pausis’.

96 Unsurprisingly, Clavius’s music appears with some frequency in sources connected to Central and Eastern European Jesuit institutions. ‘Domine Jesu Christe, non sum dignus’ was printed some years later in Suavissimorum modulorum selectissimae cantiones sacrae ex praestantissimis quibusdam musicis collectae, ed. Stephen Schormann (Munich, 1590); see Charteris, Richard, ‘A Neglected Anthology of Sacred Vocal Music Dating from the Sixteenth Century’, Music & Letters, 90 (2009), pp. 134Google Scholar, at p. 19.

97 See n. 77 above.

98 The didactic tone and the careful explanation, along with scriptural justification, of the content and mode of Catholic Eucharistic traditions (he has a section on liturgical vestments) suggests as well that Pontanus was speaking to a population for whom these rites and rituals were no longer familiar.

99 Pontanus à Braitenberg, Krafftbüchlein, title page. The ‘king’ here is, by implication, Rudolf II, King of Bohemia.

100 Muir, E., ‘The Eye of the Procession: Ritual Ways of Seeing in the Renaissance’, in Howe, Nicholas (ed.), Ceremonial Culture in Pre-Modern Europe (Notre Dame, IN, 2007), pp. 129–53Google Scholar, at p. 130.

101 Ibid.

102 For treatments of theories of hearing through the centuries see among others Burnett, C., ‘Perceiving Sound in the Middle Ages’, in Smith, M. (ed.), in Hearing History: A Reader (Athens, GA, 2004), pp. 6984Google Scholar, and Gouk, P., ‘Some English Theories of Hearing in the Seventeenth Century: Before and after Descartes’, in Burnett, C. (ed.), The Second Sense: Studies in Hearing and Musical Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century (London, 1991), pp. 95113Google Scholar.

103 Rubin, Corpus Christi, pp. 2–3 and 266.

104 In this respect, the parallels with certain Spanish processions are striking. By the early sixteenth century, religious processions in Andalusia similarly excluded large sections of the urban population: Jews and Muslims, previously integrated into royal entries and religious processions (often by compulsion), were left out, either segregated from the Christian population or banished entirely. See, among others, Martinez Gil, F. and González, A., ‘Del Barocco a la Ilustración en una fiesta del Antiguo Régimen: El Corpus Christi’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna Anejos, 1 (2002), pp. 151–75Google Scholar; C. Dean, Inka Bodies, p. 13; Ruiz, T., Spanish Society, 1348–1700, 2nd edn (Abingdon, 2017), pp. 165–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

105 Smith, J. Z., To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago, 1992), p. 109Google Scholar.

106 Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, p. 4.

107 In 1591 the papal nuncio reported that the two important Corpus Christi processions were the Catholic procession at St Vitus Cathedral ‘dal capitolo et clero catholico, alla quale interviene S. Mtà et tutta la corte’, and the Utraquist procession ‘nella città dall’administratore et clero hussito’ at the Týn Church. See Die Nuntien in Prag: Alfonso Visconte, 1589–1591, Camillo Caetano, 1591–1592, vol. 3, ed. J. Schweizer, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, nebst ergänzenden Aktenstücken: 1585 (1584)–1590 … (Paderborn, 1912), p. 317.

108 Amanda Eurich touches on this, albeit in a French context, when she writes ‘[t]hrough ritual devotions and processions, [Catholics] … reasserted their authority through the reordering of civic space and time’. See A. Eurich, ‘Sacralising Space’, p. 272. The power of religious processions in shared spaces is theorised more extensively in Jacobsen, K. (ed.), South Asian Religions on Display: Religious Processions in South Asia in the Diaspora (New York and London, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109 Eurich, ‘Sacralising Space’, pp. 272–3: ‘Protestants were not only obliged to close their shops but also to vacate the streets, unless they wanted to suffer the humiliation of genuflecting before the passing Host.’

110 Letter from Georg Eder to Duke Albert of Bavaria, dated 30 May 1578; cited in Louthan, H., The Quest for Compromise: Peacemakers in Counter-Reformation Vienna (Cambridge, and New York, 1997), p. 155CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 The Jesuits had deliberately delayed their own festivities so as not to conflict with the events at St Vitus, and to allow the princes to join in. See DC III 16, fol. 91v.

112 Schmidl, J., Historiae Societatis Jesu Provinciae Bohemiae Pars Secunda. Ab Anno Christi MDXCIII ad Annum MDCXV (Prague, 1749), 569Google Scholar. The account of the incident given in this eighteenth-century history corresponds to the more cursory account given in the contemporary Diarium (DC III 16, fols. 91v–92r). I draw on the later account here as it fills in details that are abbreviated or omitted in the Diarium.

113 Ibid.: “Verùm Optimi principes simul omne quatuor proximum conscendunt currum, aurigam statim movere jubent, satellites sive volentes, sive nolentes secum trahunt: ante Collegium è curru exscendunt, pedes ingrediuntur aream scholarum.’

114 DC III 16, fol. 91v.

115 Schmidl, Historiae Societatis Jesu Provinciae Bohemiae Pars Secunda, p. 569.

116 For the location of each station and information about which pieces were sung at each station, I draw upon the account given in DC III 16, fols. 91v–92v.

117 The printing house had become a stopping point for Jesuit processions some years earlier. An entry from 28 May 1606 (DC III 16, fol. 19v) describes the third station as being ‘Ad aedes Nigrini Typographi, qui est angularis versus pontem’. The following year, one of the Marian brotherhoods based at the Clementinum staged a procession on the Sunday after Corpus Christi, and erected their third station ‘ante domu[m] Nigrini’, where they sang songs in several languages (ibid., fol. 34r).

118 Ibid., fol. 92r. Campion had spent many years preaching and teaching at Jesuit colleges in Bohemia and Moravia before going to England. The sheer abundance of texts by him and accounts of the English martyrs held today in the National Library of the Czech Republic indicates that Prague’s Catholics followed the events in England closely and carefully cultivated the memory of their martyr. On some musical repercussions of the execution, see C. Monson, ‘Byrd, the Catholics and the Motet: The Hearing Reopened’, in Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet, pp. 348–74.

119 DC III 16, f. 92r. The passage reads: ‘egredientes et progredientes … MUSICA … tum vocalis, tum instrumentalis, tum Castrensis’. The drummers and trumpeters may have been employees of the emperor, in which case they were ‘of the castle’ (i.e. castrensis) in another literal sense.

120 Fisher, A., Music and Religious Identity in Counter-Reformation Augsburg, 1580–1630 (Aldershot, and Burlington, VT, 2004), p. 254Google Scholar.

121 de Monte, Philippe, Sacrarum cantionum, cum sex vocibus … liber secundus (Venice, 1587)Google Scholar. Striking evidence for the degree to which Jesuit spirituality influenced Monte’s sacred output in the 1580s is the dedication of his 1581 collection of madrigali spirituali to the Inspector General of the Jesuits, Claudio Acquaviva. That his sacred music was known and valued in Jesuit circles is supported by communications from a Wittelsbach agent at the Imperial court, who suggested that Lasso obtain texts from the Jesuits in Italy, so that he might write similar pieces ‘as have been written by Filippo [de Monte]’; See Filippi, D., ‘“Ask the Jesuits to Send Verses from Rome”: The Society’s Networks and the European Dissemination of Devotional Music’, in Maryks, A. (ed.), Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Ways of Proceeding within the Society of Jesus (Leiden, 2016), pp. 6280Google Scholar, at p. 68.

122 The entry for 29 January1586 (DC III 16, fol. 9r), reads: ‘Magister Capellae Caesaris donavit cuida[m] ex nostris moteta aliqua impressa.’

123 Palestrina’s setting of O quam suavis, for example, is set in a different mode (transposed Dorian) than his setting of Fratres ego enim accepi (mode 6; with B flat), forestalling any combination.

124 For example, Tcharos, S., Opera’s Orbit: Musical Drama and the Influence of Opera in Arcadian Rome (Cambridge and New York, 2011)Google Scholar and Feldman, M., Opera and Sovereignty: Transforming Myths in Eighteenth-Century Italy (Chicago, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

125 Fisher, A., Music and Religious Identity in Counter-Reformation Augsburg, 1580–1630 (Aldershot, 2004)Google Scholar; and Fisher, Music, Piety, and Propaganda.

126 Prague’s Jews comprised another important, and marginalised, listening community; they do not figure in this article, as the efforts to convert them were irregular – there were significant efforts in the 1560s and again in the 1630s – and took more openly coercive forms, for example enforced attendance at sermons and the deployment of Jewish converts to proselytise in the synagogues.

127 A magnificent study of the range of ways a given piece might have been heard is Tcharos, S., ‘The Serenata in Early 18th-Century Rome: Sight, Sound, Ritual, and the Signification of Meaning’, Journal of Musicology, 23 (2006), pp. 528–68Google Scholar.

128 Prague, Narodní Muzeum České Hudby, AZ 37, olim XIV C 149, fols. 24v–26r.

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