Hostname: page-component-7d8f8d645b-xmxxh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2023-05-28T13:24:55.431Z Has data issue: false Feature Flags: { "useRatesEcommerce": true } hasContentIssue false
  • English

Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 September 2018

Stefanie Reher Open the ORCID record for Stefanie Reher[Opens in a new window]
Stefanie Reher*
Affiliation:
School of Government & Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK
*
*E-mail: stefanie.reher@strath.ac.uk
Get access Rights & Permissions[Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.

Keywords

opinion–policy congruencegenderdescriptive representationEuropeelectoral systemspolitical behavior (including public opinion and elections)
Type
Research Article
Information
European Political Science Review , Volume 10 , Issue 4 , November 2018 , pp. 613 - 635
Copyright
© European Consortium for Political Research 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abou-Chadi, T. (2016), ‘Niche party success and mainstream party policy shifts – how green and radical right parties differ in their impact’, British Journal of Political Science 46: 417–436.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Atchison, A. (2015), ‘The impact of female cabinet ministers on a female-friendly labor environment’, Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 36(4): 388–414.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bakker, R., Edwards, E., Hooghe, L., Jolly, S., et al (2015), 1999-2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey Trend File, Version 1.13 Available on chesdata.eu. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina.Google Scholar
Bartels, L.M. (2008), Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age, New York: Russell Sage Foundation and Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Baumgartner, F.R., C. Breunig, C. Green-Pedersen, B. D. Jones, P. B. Mortensen, M. Nuytemans and S. Walgrave (2009), ‘Punctuated equilibrium in comparative perspective’, American Journal of Political Science 53(3): 603–620.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bergh, J. (2007), ‘Explaining the gender gap: a cross‐national analysis of gender differences in voting’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 17(3): 235–261.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bernauer, J., Giger, N. and Rosset, J. (2015), ‘Mind the gap: do proportional electoral systems foster a more equal representation of women and men, poor and rich?’, International Political Science Review 36(1): 78–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blais, A. and Bodet, M.A. (2006), ‘Does proportional representation foster closer congruence between citizens and policy makers?’, Comparative Political Studies 39: 1243–1262.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bormann, N.-C. and Golder, M. (2013), ‘Democratic electoral systems around the world, 1946–2011’, Electoral Studies 32: 360–369.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bratton, K.A. and Haynie, K.L. (1999), ‘Agenda setting and legislative success in state legislatures: the effects of gender and race’, Journal of Politics 61(3): 658–679.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bratton, K.A. and Ray, L.P. (2002), ‘Descriptive representation, policy outcomes, and municipal day-care coverage in Norway’, American Journal of Political Science 46(2): 428–437.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brunner, E., Ross, S.L. and Washington, E. (2013), ‘Does less income mean less representation?’, American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 5(2): 53–76.Google Scholar
Campbell, R. (2004), ‘Gender, ideology and issue preference: is there such a thing as a political women’s interest in Britain?’, British Journal of Politics & International Relations 6: 20–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Campbell, R., Childs, S. and Lovenduski, J. (2010), ‘Do women need women representatives?’, British Journal of Political Science 40(1): 171–194.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Caul, M. (2001), ‘Political parties and candidate gender policies: a cross-national study’, Journal of Politics 63(4): 1214–1229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Celis, K. (2006), ‘Substantive representation of women: the representation of women’s interests and the impact of descriptive representation in the Belgian parliament (1900–1979)’, Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 28(2): 85–114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Childs, S. and Withey, J. (2006), ‘The substantive representation of women: the case of the reduction of VAT on sanitary products’, Parliamentary Affairs 59(1): 10–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Childs, S. and Krook, M.L. (2009), ‘Analysing women’s substantive representation: from critical mass to critical actors’, Government and Opposition 44(2): 125–145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Converse, P.E. (1964), ‘The nature of belief systems in mass publics in D.E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, pp. 206–266.Google Scholar
Cowell-Meyers, K. (2017), ‘The contagion effects of the feminist initiative in Sweden: agenda-setting, niche parties and mainstream parties’, Scandinavian Political Studies 40(4): 481–493.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cox, G.W. (1997), Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World’s Electoral Systems, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dahlerup, D. (1988), ‘From a small to a large minority: women in Scandinavian politics’, Scandinavian Political Studies 4: 275–298.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
de Vries, C.E. and Hobolt, S.B. (2012), ‘When dimensions collide: the electoral success of issue entrepreneurs’, European Union Politics 13: 246–268.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dingler, S.C., Kroeber, C. and Fortin-Rittberger, J. (2018), Do parliaments underrepresent women’s policy preferences? Exploring gender equality in policy congruence in 21 European democracies. Journal of European Public Policy, https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1423104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dolezal, M., Eder, N., Kritzinger, S. and Zeglovits, E. (2013), ‘The structure of issue attitudes revisited: a dimensional analysis of Austrian voters and party elites’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 23(4): 423–443.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Döring, H. and Manow, P. (2016), ‘Parliaments and governments database (ParlGov): Information on parties, elections and cabinets in modern democracies. Development version’. Retrieved 25 August 2016 from http://www.parlgov.org/.Google Scholar
Enns, P.K. (2015), ‘Relative policy support and coincidental representation’, Perspectives on Politics 13(4): 1053–1064.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Esaiasson, P. and Holmberg, S. (1996), Representation From Above, Aldershot: Dartmouth.Google Scholar
Ezrow, L. and Xezonakis, G. (2011), ‘Citizen satisfaction with democracy and parties’ policy offerings’, Comparative Political Studies 44: 1152–1178.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gallagher, M. (2014), Election indices dataset. Retrieved 11 May 2017 from http://www.tcd.ie/Political_ Science/staff/michael_gallagher/ElSystems/index.php.Google Scholar
Gidengil, E., Blais, A., Nadeau, R. and Nevitte, N. (2003), ‘Women to the left? Gender differences in political beliefs and policy preferences, in M. Tremblay and L. Trimble (eds), Women and Electoral Politics in Canada, Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press, pp. 140–159.Google Scholar
Gilens, M. (2012), Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in America, New York: Russell Sage Foundation and Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Golder, M. (2010), ‘Democratic electoral systems around the world, 1946–2000’, Electoral Studies 24: 103–120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Golder, M. and Stramski, J. (2010), ‘Ideological congruence and electoral institutions’, American Journal of Political Science 54(1): 90–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Greene, Z. and O’Brien, D. (2016), ‘Diverse parties, diverse agendas? Female politicians and the parliamentary party’s role in platform formation’, European Journal of Political Research 55: 435–453.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Griffin, J.D., Newman, B. and Wolbrecht, C. (2012), ‘A gender gap in policy representation in the U.S. Congress?’, Legislative Studies Quarterly 37(1): 35–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hayes, B.C. (1997), ‘Gender, feminism and electoral behaviour in Britain’, Electoral Studies 16(2): 203–216.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Höhmann, D. (2017), ‘Electoral systems and the legislative behavior of women’. Paper presented at the General Conference of the European Political Science Association, June 22–24, Milan.Google Scholar
Homola, J. (2017), Are parties equally responsive to women and men? British Journal of Political Science. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123417000114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Htun, M., Lacalle, M. and Micozzi, J.P. (2013), ‘Does women’s presence change legislative behavior? Evidence from Argentina, 1983–2007’, Journal of Politics in Latin America 5(1): 95–125.Google Scholar
Htun, M. and Weldon, S.L. (2012), ‘The civic origins of progressive policy change: combating violence against women in global perspective, 1975–2005’, American Political Science Review 106(3): 548–569.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
IDEA (2017), Voter Turnout Database. Retrieved 11 May 2017 from https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/voter-turnout.Google Scholar
Inglehart, R. and Norris, P. (2000), ‘The developmental theory of the gender gap: women’s and men’s voting behavior in global perspective’, International Political Science Review 21(4): 441–463.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) (2018), ‘Women in parliament’. Retrieved 26 April 2018 from http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif-arc.htm.Google Scholar
Keefer, P.E. (2015), Database of political institutions 2015. Retrieved 11 May 2017 from http://go. worldbank.org/2EAGGLRZ40.Google Scholar
Kittilson, M.C. (2008), ‘Representing women: the adoption of family leave in comparative perspective’, Journal of Politics 70(2): 323–334.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Knutsen, O. (2001), ‘Social class, sector employment, and gender as party cleavages in the Scandinavian countries: a comparative longitudinal study, 1970–95’, Scandinavian Political Studies 24(4): 311–350.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krook, M.L. and Schwindt-Bayer, L. (2013), Electoral institutions, in G. Waylen, et al (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 554–578.Google Scholar
Kuklinski, J.H. and Segura, G.M. (1995), ‘Endogeneity, exogeneity, time, and space in political representation: a review article’, Legislative Studies Quarterly 20(1): 3–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lax, J.R. and Phillips, J.H. (2012), ‘The democratic deficit in the states’, American Journal of Political Science 56(1): 148–166.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mansbridge, J. (1999), ‘Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent “yes”’, Journal of Politics 61(3): 628–657.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marshall, M.G., T.R. Gurr and K. Jaggers (2016), Polity IV Project: Dataset Users’ Manual, Center for Systemic Peace. Google Scholar
Matland, R.E. and Studlar, D.T. (1996), ‘The contagion of women candidates in single-member district and proportional representation electoral systems: Canada and Norway’, Journal of Politics 58(3): 707–733.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matland, R.E. and Taylor, M.M. (1997), ‘Electoral system effects on women’s representation: theoretical arguments and evidence from Costa Rica’, Comparative Political Studies 30(2): 186–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mazur, A.G. (2002), Theorizing Feminist Policy, Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McAllister, I. and Studlar, D.T. (2002), ‘Electoral systems and women’s representation: a long‐term perspective’, Representation 39(1): 3–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meguid, B.M. (2005), ‘Competition between unequals: the role of mainstream party strategy in niche party success’, American Political Science Review 99(3): 347–359.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Monroe, A.D. (1998), ‘Public opinion and public policy, 1980-1993’, Public Opinion Quarterly 62(1): 6–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Osborn, T.L. (2012), How Women Represent Women: Political Parties, Gender and Representation in the State Legislatures, Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Page, B.I. and Shapiro, R.Y. (1983), ‘Effects of public opinion on policy’, American Political Science Review 77(1): 175–190.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Peters, Y. and Ensink, S.J. (2015), ‘Differential responsiveness in Europe: the effects of preference difference and electoral participation’, West European Politics 38(3): 577–600.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Phillips, A. (1995), The Politics of Presence, Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Pitkin, H.F. (1967), The Concept of Representation, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Poggione, S. (2004), ‘Exploring gender differences in state legislators’ policy preferences’, Political Research Quarterly 57(2): 305–314.Google Scholar
Pratto, F., Stallworth, L.M. and Sidanius, J. (1997), ‘The gender gap: differences in political attitudes and social dominance orientation’, British Journal of Social Psychology 36: 49–68.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Rasmussen, A., Mäder, L. and Reher, S. (2018a), ‘With a little help from the people? The role of public opinion in advocacy success’, Comparative Political Studies 51(2): 139–164.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rasmussen, A., Reher, S. and Toshkov, D. (2018b), The opinion-policy nexus in Europe and the role of political institutions. European Journal of Political Research. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12286.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Reher, S. (2015), ‘Explaining cross-national variation in the relationship between priority congruence and satisfaction with democracy’, European Journal of Political Research 54(1): 160–181.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sawer, M. (2012), ‘What makes the substantive representation of women possible in a Westminster parliament? The story of RU486 in Australia’, International Political Science Review 33(3): 320–335.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwindt-Bayer, L.A. and Mishler, W. (2005), ‘An integrated model of women’s representation’, Journal of Politics 67(2): 407–428.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shapiro, R.Y. and Mahajan, H. (1986), ‘Gender differences in policy preferences: a summary of trends from the 1960s to the 1980s’, Public Opinion Quarterly 50(1): 42–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Soroka, S.N. and Wlezien, C. (2008), ‘On the limits to inequality in representation’, PS: Political Science & Politics 41(2): 319–327.Google Scholar
Soroka, S.N. and Wlezien, C. (2010), Degrees of Democracy: Politics, Public Opinion, and Policy, New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stetson, D.M.B. and Mazur, A.G. (eds) (1995), Comparative State Feminism, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Google Scholar
Stimson, J.A., Mackuen, M.B. and Erikson, R.S. (1995), ‘Dynamic representation’, American Political Science Review 89(3): 543–565.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Swers, M.L. (1998), ‘Are women more likely to vote for women’s issue bills than their male colleagues?’, Legislative Studies Quarterly 23(3): 435–448.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taylor-Robinson, M.M. and Heath, R.M. (2003), ‘Do women legislators have different policy priorities than their male colleagues?’, Women & Politics 24(4): 77–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Thomas, S. (1991), ‘The impact of women on state legislative policies’, Journal of Politics 53(4): 958–976.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Thomas, S. (1994), How Women Legislate, Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Thomassen, J. (2012), ‘The blind corner of political representation’, Representation 48(1): 13–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tremblay, M. (2003), ‘Women’s representational role in Australia and Canada: the impact of political context’, Australian Journal of Political Science 38(2): 215–238.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vega, A. and Firestone, J.M. (1995), ‘The effects of gender on congressional behavior and the substantive representation of women’, Legislative Studies Quarterly 20(2): 213–222.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Verba, S. (2003), ‘Would the dream of political equality turn out to be a nightmare?’, Perspectives on Politics 1(4): 663–680.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wagner, M. (2012), ‘Defining and measuring niche parties’, Party Politics 18: 845–864.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wängnerud, L. (2000), ‘Testing the politics of presence: women’s representation in the Swedish Riksdag’, Scandinavian Political Studies 23(1): 67–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wängnerud, L. (2015), The Principles of Gender-Sensitive Parliaments, New York: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wängnerud, L. and Sundell, A. (2012), ‘Do politics matter? Women in Swedish local elected assemblies 1970-2010 and gender equality in outcomes’, European Political Science Review 4(1): 97–120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Waylen, G. (2007), Engendering Transitions: Women’s Mobilization, Institutions and Gender Outcomes, Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weldon, S.L. (2002), ‘Beyond bodies: institutional sources of representation for women in democratic policymaking’, Journal of Politics 64(4): 1153–1174.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: PDF

Reher supplementary material

Reher supplementary material 1

Download Reher supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 960 KB