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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
This Article compares the French and Italian experiences with gender quotas—understood as mechanisms intended to increase women's participation in public life, including but not limited to, the reservation of seats in certain positions and the modulation of electoral lists— in public entities such as legislative and executive bodies (including political parties), the judiciary, and public universities. The comparison between France and Italy demonstrates that even between two countries whose constitutional history and trajectory with regard to gender quotas has been portrayed as being essentially identical, a closer analysis of the recent developments in both countries’ constitutional and administrative case law shows a slightly more nuanced picture. Using Rodolfo Sacco's approach of legal formants, this Article argues that the difference stems mainly from the different attitude and interpretation of equality by the judicial formant.
1 For more on this topic of legal literature in the United States or literature in English language comparing gender quotas in the United States and abroad, see Anne Peters, Women, Quotas and Constitutions: A Comparative Study of Affirmative Action for Women Under American, German, European Community and International Law (1999); Darren Rosenblum, Parity/Disparity: Electoral Gender Inequality on the Tightrope of Liberal Constitutional Traditions, 39 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 1119 (2006); Darren Rosenblum, Feminizing Capital: A Corporate Imperative, 6 Berkeley Bus. L.J. 55 (2009); Julie C. Suk, Gender Parity and State Legitimacy: From Public Office to Corporate Boards, 10 Int'l J. Const. L. 449 (2012); Nadia Urbinati, Why Parité is a Better Goal Than Quotas, 10 Int'l J. Const. L. 465 (2012); Véronique Magnier & Darren Rosenblum, Quotas and the Transatlantic Divergence of Corporate Governance, 34 Nw. J. Int'l L. & Bus. 249 (2014).Google Scholar
2 Rubio-Marín, Ruth, A New European Parity-Democracy Sex Equality Model and Why It Won't Fly in the United States, 60 Am. J. Comp. L. 99 (2012).Google Scholar
3 On the general literature on women's quotas (in politics) and their global spread, see, e.g., Women, Quotas and Politics (Drude Dahlrup ed., 2006); Mona Lena Krook, Quotas for Women in Politics. Gender and Candidate Selection Worldwide (2009); The Impact of Gender Quotas (Susana Franceschet, Mona Lena Krook & Jennifer M. Piscopo eds., 2012); Eléonore Lépinard, Gender Quotas and Transformative Politics (RSCAS Policy Paper No. 6, 2014).Google Scholar
4 More specifically on gender quotas in France in English beyond some of the references indicated supra note 1, see Rainbow Murray, Parity in France: A ‘Dual Track’ Solution to Women's Under-Representation, 35 West Eur. Politics 343 (2012); more specifically on gender quotas in Italy in English, see Elisabetta Palici Di Suni, Gender Parity and Quotas in Italy: A Convoluted Reform Process, 35 West Eur. Politics 380 (2012).Google Scholar
5 Both countries have introduced quotas for some types of companies. For France: Law no. 2011-103 of Jan. 27, 2011, J.O., Jan. 28, 2011. p. 1680 (concerning the balanced representation of women and men on corporate boards and professional equality); for Italy: Law July 12, 2011, no. 120, G.U., July 28, 2011, no. 174 (concerning equal access to corporate boards of publicly listed companies). The European Commission is still debating the introduction of a similar instrument Europe-wide, Commission Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on Improving the Gender Balance Among Non-Executive Directors of Companies Listed on Stock Exchanges and Related Measures, COM (2012) 0614 final (Nov. 14, 2012).Google Scholar
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7 See Ruiz, Blanca Rodríguez & Rubio-Marín, Ruth, The Gender of Representation: On Democracy, Equality, and Parity, 6 Int'l J. Const. L. 287 (2008), and, in particular, on France and Italy at 290–96.Google Scholar
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13 Declaration of the Right of Man and the Citizen, Aug. 26, 1789 art. 6 (France). This provision states: “All citizens, being equal in its eyes, shall be equally eligible to all high offices, public positions and employments, according to their ability, and without other distinction than that of their virtues and talents.”Google Scholar
14 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 82-146 DC, Nov. 18, 1982.Google Scholar
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17 Corte Costituzionale (Corte Cost.) (Constitutional Court) [Hereinafter Corte Cost.], Sept. 12, 1995, no. 422, para. 3 (italics added).Google Scholar
18 Id., paras. 4–6.Google Scholar
19 Id., para. 7.Google Scholar
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26 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2000-429 DC, para. 4., May 30, 2000.Google Scholar
27 Id., paras. 7–8.Google Scholar
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31 This is known as the Conseil supérieur de la magistrature. Google Scholar
32 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2001-445 DC, June 19, 2001.Google Scholar
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35 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2006-533 DC, para. 18, Mar. 16, 2006.Google Scholar
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40 Law no. 2011-103, supra note 5.Google Scholar
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47 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2010-608 DC, June 24, 2010. The Economic, Social and Environmental Council is known as Conseil économique, social et environnemental and is a constitutional consultative assembly.Google Scholar
48 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2012-658 DC, para. 43, Dec. 13, 2012; The High Council of Public Finances is known as Haut conseil des finances publiques. Google Scholar
49 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2013-667 DC, paras. 10–16, May 16, 2013.Google Scholar
50 Supra note 402.Google Scholar
51 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2014-700 DC, paras. 5–9 July 31, 2014,Google Scholar
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60 Conseil constitutionnel [CC] (Constitutional Court) decision No. 2015-465 QPC, paras. 13-14, Apr. 24, 2015.Google Scholar
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62 Conseil d'Etat [CdE], Ass., May 7, 2013, no. 362280, Lebon, p. 119. Assembly decisions by the CdE are reserved to the most solemn and important decisions by this body.Google Scholar
63 Decree no. 2012-838 of June 29, 2012, J.O., June 30, 2012, p. 10786 (concerning the elections to agricultural chambers).Google Scholar
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80 Law, May 6, 2015, no. 52; G.U. May 8, 2015, no. 105; the lower chamber of Parliament is the Camera dei deputati. Google Scholar
81 This system is also known under the term “double gender preference” (doppia preferenza di genere).Google Scholar
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87 Id. at para. 3.3.Google Scholar
88 Id. at para. 3.2.Google Scholar
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117 This is partly what is indicated in a Circular by the Interior Ministry, dated Apr. 24, 2014, at point 3.Google Scholar
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121 I explicitly do not add “her actions” here because in all the cases read and analyzed it was male mayors/presidents whose actions were under scrutiny and not female ones.Google Scholar
122 See Trib. ammin. reg. Puglia, Lecce, sez. I, Oct. 10, 2009, no. 792.Google Scholar
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137 As was the case in Rome in the decision cited supra note 105.Google Scholar
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142 See Decree Abolishing the Feudal System, Aug. 11, 1789, published in John L. Heinemann, Readings in European History: 1789 To the Present 9–10 (2d ed., 1994).Google Scholar
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