LES JUGES JUGEZ, SE JUSTIFIANTS (1663) AND EDMUND LUDLOW‘S PROTESTANT NETWORK IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY SWITZERLAND*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 May 2014
This article aims to locate English republican thought and writing in a wider European context and to understand the personal connections that aided the distribution and reception of English republican ideas abroad. It does so through the case-study of a little-known pamphlet published by the English regicide Edmund Ludlow during his exile in Switzerland after the restoration of the Stuart monarchy in 1660. Les juges jugez, se justifiants (1663) was a French translation of the dying speeches and other miscellaneous texts of some of the English regicides, produced in Geneva and subsequently printed in Yverdon with the help of Ludlow's local Protestant network. Rather than propagating a secular republican ideology, Ludlow offered his work to a European Protestant audience in the language of Geneva, promoting a primarily religious cause in an attempt to make martyrs out of political activists. It is therefore to Ludlow's Protestant networks that we need to turn to find out more about the transmission of English republican ideas in francophone Europe and beyond.
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014
The author would like to thank Cesare Cuttica, J. C. Davis, Andrew McKenzie-McHarg, and the anonymous readers at the Historical Journal for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article. This research was funded by a British Academy Small Grant. I have modernized the use of ‘i’ and ‘j’ and ‘v’ and ‘u’ in all my early modern sources for ease of reading. All translations of foreign-language material are my own, unless otherwise stated.
1 See, for instance, Skinner, Quentin, The foundations of modern political thought (2 vols., Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar; idem, Liberty before liberalism (Cambridge, 1998); idem, Visions of politics (3 vols., Cambridge, 2002); Bock, Gisela, Skinner, Quentin, and Viroli, Maurizio, eds., Machiavelli and republicanism (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar; Armitage, David, Himy, Armand, and Skinner, Quentin, eds., Milton and republicanism (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar; Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian moment: Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition (Princeton, NJ, 1975)Google Scholar, and idem, ed., The political works of James Harrington (Cambridge, 1977); idem, Virtue, commerce, and history: essays on political thought and history, chiefly in the eighteenth century (Cambridge, 1985). Other examples for a secular approach to English republicanism are Fink, Zera S., The classical republicans (Evanston, IL, 1945)Google Scholar; Robbins, Caroline, The eighteenth-century commonwealthman: studies in the transmission, development and circumstance of English liberal thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the war with the thirteen colonies (Cambridge, MA, 1959)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Raab, Felix, The English face of Machiavelli: a changing interpretation, 1500–1700 (London and Toronto, 1964)Google Scholar; and Sullivan, Vickie B., Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the foundations of a liberal republicanism in England (Cambridge, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Pocock, The Machiavellian moment; idem, Virtue, commerce, and history; also Wootton, David, ed., Republicanism, liberty and commercial society, 1649–1776 (Stanford, CA, 1994)Google Scholar.
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4 The term ‘transnational’ seems rather anachronistic when applied to the early modern period, which did not know ‘nation’ states. However, its use has been established to describe a history that crosses a variety of borders. Cf. Ngai, Mae M., ‘Promises and perils of transnational history’, Perspectives Online, 50, 9 (2012)Google Scholar, www.historians.org/perspectives/issues/2012/1212/Promises-and-Perils-of-Transnational-History.cfm, accessed on 7 Sept. 2013.
5 On liberty of conscience, see Coffey, John, ‘The toleration controversy during the English Revolution’, in Durston, Christopher and Maltby, Judith, eds., Religion in revolutionary England (Manchester, 2006), pp. 42–68Google Scholar. In some cases, toleration was even extended to Catholics, see Carlin, Norah, ‘Toleration for Catholics in the puritan revolution’, in Grell, Ole Peter and Scribner, Robert W., eds., Tolerance and intolerance in the European Reformation (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar; and Mahlberg, Gaby, ‘Henry Neville and the toleration of Catholics during the Exclusion Crisis’, Historical Research, 83 (2010), pp. 617–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 See in particular Coffey, John's ‘Quentin Skinner and the religious dimension of early modern political thought’, in Chapman, Alister, Coffey, John, and Gregory, Brad S., eds., Seeing things their way: intellectual history and the return of religion (Notre Dame, 2009), pp. 46–74Google Scholar.
7 Nelson, Eric, The Hebrew republic: Jewish sources and the transformation of European political thought (Cambridge, MA, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marco Barducci, ‘Harrington, Grotius, and the commonwealth of the Jews, 1656–1660’, in Mahlberg and Wiemann, eds., European contexts, pp. 63–79; Mark Somos, ‘Irenic secularization and the Hebrew republic in Harrington's Oceana’, in Mahlberg and Wiemann, eds., European contexts, pp. 81–103; Luc Borot, ‘Religion in Harrington's political system: the central concepts and methods of Harrington's religious solutions’, in Dirk Wiemann and Gaby Mahlberg, eds., Perspectives on English revolutionary republicanism (Farnham, 2014); Lea Campos Boralevi, ‘Classical foundational myths of European republicanism: the Jewish commonwealth’, in Van Gelderen and Skinner, eds., Republicanism, i, pp. 247–61. See also Schochet, Gordon, Oz-Salzberger, Fania, and Jones, Meirav, eds., Political Hebraism: Judaic sources in early modern political thought (Jerusalem, 2008)Google Scholar.
8 Morrill, John, ‘The English Civil War’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 34 (1984), pp. 155–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For responses to and engagements with this thesis, see Prior, Charles W. A. and Burgess, Glenn, eds., England's Wars of Religion, revisited (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2011)Google Scholar.
9 For a later elaboration of his point, see Morrill, John, ‘England's Wars of Religion’, in his collection The nature of the English Revolution (London, 1993), pp. 33–44.Google Scholar
11 Grell, Ole Peter, Brethren in Christ: a Calvinist network in Reformation Europe (Cambridge, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Trim, David J. B., ed., The Huguenots: history and memory in transnational context: essays in honour and memory of Walter C. Utt (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2011)Google Scholar, in particular Trim's introductory chapter and his ‘The Huguenots and the European Wars of Religion, c. 1560–1697: soldiering in national and transnational context’, pp. 154–92. In the same volume, Vivienne Larminie establishes a link between the English exiles and the significance of the Swiss Pays de Vaud for the later high period of Huguenot refuge in the 1680s, but does not explore the issue further; see her ‘Exile, integration and European perspectives: Huguenots in the Pays de Vaud’, pp. 241–61.
12 See, for instance, the myth-making around William Goffe, Edward Whalley, and John Dixwell among the American Romantics in Sargent, Mark L., ‘Thomas Hutchinson, Ezra Stiles, and the legend of the regicides’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 49 (1992), pp. 431–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wilson, Douglas C., ‘Web of secrecy: Goffe, Whalley, and the legend of Hadley’, New England Quarterly, 60 (1987), pp. 575–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a different perspective beyond the myth see Philip Major, ‘“A poor exile stranger”: William Goffe in New England’, in idem, ed., Literatures of exile in the English Revolution and its aftermath, 1640–1690 (Farnham, 2010), pp. 154–66. Cf also Jason Peacey, ‘“The good old cause for which I suffer”: the life of a regicide in exile’, in Major, ed., Literatures of exile, pp. 167–80.
13 Some work on the English republican exiles in Europe has been undertaken by James Walker on refugees in the Netherlands in ‘The English exiles in Holland during the reign of Charles II and James II’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser., 30 (1948), pp. 111–25; Scott, Jonathan on Algernon Sidney in Algernon Sidney and the English republic, 1623–1677 (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar, ‘Part Three: Restoration and exile’, pp. 143–249; and Mahlberg, Gaby, ‘“All the conscientious and honest papists”: exile and belief formation of an English republican: Henry Neville (1619–1694)’, in Schaff, Barbara, ed., Exiles, emigrés and intermediaries: Anglo-Italian cultural transactions (Amsterdam and New York, NY, 2010), pp. 161–76Google Scholar; and idem, Henry Neville and English republican culture: dreaming of another game (Manchester, 2009), especially pp. 56–63 and 200–7. Snippets on English republicans and regicides can also be found scattered in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB).
14 Ludlow, Edmund, A voyce from the watch tower: part five: 1660–1662, ed. Worden, A. B. (London, 1978)Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Whig history and puritan politics: the Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow revisited’, Historical Research, 75 (2002), pp. 209–37. I use Worden's edition for quotations from the 1660–2 part of the text. Later quotes refer directly to Ludlow's manuscript, ‘A voyce from the watch tower’, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Eng.hist.c.487 (hereafter ‘Voyce’).
15 Kevin Killeen points out that we should not see Ludlow's religious language as unusual or even specifically puritan, but that biblical exegesis was commonly used as ‘an analytical lens for political affairs’. See his ‘Hanging up kings: the political Bible in early modern England’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 72 (2011), pp. 549–70, at pp. 567ff, 551. The present author uses the adjective and noun ‘puritan’ to refer to the adherents of a Calvinist strand of English Protestantism that rejected the established Church of England as insufficiently reformed.
16 The title translates as ‘The judges judged, justifying themselves’.
18 Ludlow, Voyce, ed. Worden, pp. 8–9, and C. H. Firth, rev. Blair Worden, ‘Ludlow [Ludlowe], Edmund (1616/17–1692), army officer and regicide’, in ODNB.
19 Davis, J. C., ‘Cromwell's religion’, in Morrill, John, ed., Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (London, 1990), pp. 181–208Google Scholar, at p. 196.
20 In fact, a proclamation for his arrest was issued on 1 Sept. 1660 when he was still in Sussex, waiting for a vessel to carry him abroad. By the king: a proclamation for the apprehension of Edmund Ludlow esquire, commonly called, Colonel Ludlow (London, 1660); and Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 818. For further details on Ludlow's life and political and military career, see Firth, rev. Worden, ‘Ludlow [Ludlowe], Edmund (1616/17–1692)’.
21 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 818.
23 Archives d’État, Geneva, Archives du Bureau 1962, Travaux Recherches 65, pp. 291–303; and M. J.-E. Cellérier, ‘Charles Perrot, pasteur genevois au seizième siècle: notice biographique’, in Mémoires et documents publies par la Société d'Histoire et D'Archéologie de Genève, xi (Geneva, 1859), pp. 1–68.
24 Archives d’État, Geneva, Registres du Conseil, RC 160 (1660), fo. 10.
25 Archives d’État, Geneva, Archives du Bureau 1962, Travaux Recherches 65, pp. 291–303.
26 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 822, and Archives d’État, Geneva, Archives du Bureau 1962, Travaux Recherches 65, pp. 291–303.
28 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 922–3.
29 Ibid., p. 922. Louis XIV's younger brother, Philippe I, duke of Orléans (and duke of Anjou) was married to Princess Henrietta of England and Scotland, daughter of Charles I and sister of Charles II. The duchess of Orléans/Anjou played an important role in the persecution of the regicides on the continent.
30 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 922–3. For the composition of the city government, see Archives d’État, Geneva, Registres du Conseil (1662), 162, fo. 4v.
31 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 923; and Archives d’État, Geneva, Registres du Conseil (1660), 160, fo. 9v.
32 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 923.
33 Odet Lect was one of the city's syndics in 1662. Cf. Archives d’État, Geneva, Registres du Conseil (1662), 162, fo. 4v; and the entry on Odet Lect (1611–85) in Choisy, Albert, Généalogies Genevoises: familles admises à la Bourgeoisie avant la Réformation (Geneva, 1947)Google Scholar, p. 211.
34 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 923. Lect was married to Renée Burlamachi, the daughter of Philip Burlamachi from Geneva, who settled as a merchant-banker in London in the early seventeenth century and became one of the largest lenders to James I and Charles I. Charles's lax repayments had virtually ruined him. It is likely that the debt Ludlow refers to dated back to this time. See Choisy, Généalogies Genevoises, p. 211, and on Philip Burlamachi: Grell, Brethren in Christ, pp. 107–13.
35 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 923.
37 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 978 and passim.
38 On Ludlow and Dury, see Worden, ‘Introduction’ to Ludlow, Voyce, p. 14.
39 Grell, Ole Peter, Calvinist exiles in Tudor and Stuart England (Aldershot, 1996)Google Scholar; and idem, Brethren in Christ.
40 Grell, Brethren in Christ, p. 178.
41 On Labadie's life, see Saxby, The quest of the New Jerusalem. Orange was outside the jurisdiction of France.
42 Saxby, The quest for the New Jerusalem, p. 103.
43 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 962, 1237, quoted in Worden, ‘Introduction’, to Ludlow, Voyce, pp. 7–8.
44 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 951, 923.
45 Saxby, The quest for the New Jerusalem, p. 98.
46 Durham House was the London residence of the bishop of Durham. In the 1630s, it was the meeting place of the so-called Durham House group, including William Laud and other high churchmen.
47 Somerset House was a former royal palace, taken by the parliamentarians during the Civil War.
48 Saxby remarks that Milton's letter to Labadie is usually dated 21 Apr. 1659 in editions of Milton's Epistolae Familiares, e.g. Pickering, William, ed., The works of John Milton: in verse and prose (8 vols., London, 1851), vii, pp. 406–8Google Scholar; but Parker, William R., Milton: a biography (2 vols., Oxford, 1968)Google Scholar, ii, p. 525, says it should be 27 Apr. Saxby also suspects that the Dury referred to might not have been John but Giles, an elder of the Westminster church. See Saxby, The quest for the New Jerusalem, pp. 354–5 n. 45.
49 Saxby, The quest for the New Jerusalem, pp. 98–101.
51 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 916ff.
52 Ibid., p. 923. Labadie's contacts might have been Steiger and Weiss, who are frequently mentioned as friends by Ludlow.
53 Raths-Manual der Stadt Bern, A II 454, vol. 143 (27 Jan. 1662 to 7 June 1662). The entry for 16 Apr., p. 317, reads: ‘Uff etlicher, von des Glaubens wegen, uß Ihrem Land vertribener Enggelländeren gebürendes Nachwerben, daß Sy sich so lang es Ir g[nädigen] h[erren] gefallen und sich wol verhalten werdend, alhier Inn Ihr g[nädigen] h[erren] Lands uffhalten und Ihre Sicherheit haben Mögind.’
54 I owe this point to Professor André Holenstein of Bern University.
55 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 965.
56 Ibid. The correspondence between Hummel and the exiles can be found in the State Archive, Bern, Epistolae virorum clarorum, B III 63. Copies are also held in the British Library. The letters have been published in slightly shortened form in Stern, Alfred, ed., Briefe englischer Flüchtlinge in der Schweiz: Aus einer Handschrift des Berner Staats-Archivs (Göttingen, 1874)Google Scholar.
57 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 965.
58 The canton's reformed church was based on the Berner Synodus of 1532 and the Helvetic Confessions of 1536 and 1562, reflecting these different influences. See Bruening, Michael W., Calvinism's first battleground: conflict and reform in the Pays de Vaud, 1528–1559 (Dordrecht, 2005)Google Scholar, pp. 63ff. For more detail on religious practice in Bern, see also Ehrensperger, Alfred, Der Gottesdienst in Stadt und Landschaft Bern im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Zurich, 2011)Google Scholar.
60 For more detail on the Hartlib Circle and irenicism, see Greengrass, Mark et al. , eds., Samuel Hartlib and universal reformation: studies in intellectual communication (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar; and Turnbull, George H., Hartlib, Dury and Comenius: gleanings from Hartlib's papers (Liverpool, 1947)Google Scholar.
61 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 1184–5, quoted in Ludlow, Voyce, ed. Worden, p. 8.
62 [Nicholas Love] to Johann Heinrich Hummel from Vevey, 23 Aug. 1668, State Archive, Bern, B III 98, Epistolae ad decanos bernenses, 1661–1743, item 35. Love was writing under the alias John Ralfeson. See Stern, ed., Briefe englischer Flüchtlinge, pp. xv–xvi, and 10ff.
63 On John Pell (1611–85) and his mission between 1654 and 1658, see Christoph J. Scriba, ‘Pell, John (1611–1685)’, ODNB.
64 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 944.
66 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 978.
67 There were at least two earlier assassination attempts on the English exiles in Switzerland before Lisle was shot in Lausanne: one in November 1663 and another in May 1664. Cf. Staatsarchiv, Bern, A II 459, vol. 148, p. 138. Marshall, Alan, Intelligence and espionage in the reign of Charles II, 1660–1685 (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 294–6Google Scholar. On the assassination of Lisle, see Hugli, Jean, ‘Les “regicides” anglais et l'assassinat du chancelier Lisle (1664)’, in Grandes heures de Lausanne (1041–1797): ouvrages orné de 8 hors-texte et d'une vignette de couverture (Lausanne, 1967)Google Scholar, ch. 7; and idem, ‘Un drame à Lausanne en 1664’, Rendez-vouz: Revue du Léman, 10 (1948), no pagination. Lisle's assassination is reminiscent of the murder of Isaac Dorislaus and other agents of the republic abroad shortly after the regicide in 1649–50. Cf. Peacey, Jason, ‘Order and disorder in Europe: parliamentary agents and royalists thugs, 1649–1650’, Historical Journal, 40 (1997), pp. 953–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
68 The full title of the pamphlet is Les juges jugez, se justifiants. Ou récit de ce qui s'est passé en la condamnation & exécution de quelques uns des Juges du dernier defunct Roy d'Angleterre, & autres seigneurs du parti du Parlement (n.p., mdclxiii ).
69 ‘Charles II, 1660: an act of free and generall pardon indempnity and oblivion’, in Statutes of the realm, v, 1628–80 (1819), pp. 226–34.
70 Ludlow relates his decision to publish the speeches of ‘our first ten Martyrs' in Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 948.
71 John Carew was the second of the regicides to be executed – on 15 Oct. 1660.
72 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 948.
73 The full title is The speeches and prayers of some of the late king's judges, viz. Major General Harison, Octob. 13. … Together with severall occasionall speeches and passages in their Imprisonment till they came to the place of execution. Faithfully and impartially collected for further satisfaction. Heb. 11.4 And by it he being dead, yet speaketh (n.p., Printed Anno Dom. 1660). Ludlow, who was kept informed of events in England through a stream of letters and news publications sent to him by friends and family, must have been in possession of a copy of the first imprint of The speeches and prayers of some of the late king's judges (1660), some passages of which he also included almost verbatim in his ‘Voyce’. See Williams, J. B. [Muddiman, J. G.], ‘The forged “Speeches and prayers” of the regicides’, Notes and Queries, 11th ser., 7 (1913), pp. 301–2Google Scholar.
74 L'Estrange, Roger, Considerations and proposals in order to the regulation of the press: together with diverse instances of treasonous, and seditious pamphlets, proving the neceßity thereof (London, 1663)Google Scholar, p. 11. The ‘treasonous’ passages highlighted by L'Estrange are from ‘The publisher to the reader’ of the Speeches and prayers: ‘That men may see what it is to have an Interest in Christ in a Dying hour, and to be Faithful to his Cause’, and from p. 41: ‘I look upon it [the Murther of the King] as the most Noble and high Act of Justice that our Story can Parallel.’
75 See [Muddiman], ‘The forged “Speeches and prayers”’; and for a fuller history of the activities of the opposition press: Greaves, Deliver us from evil, ch. 7. The government had tried to suppress this publication in 1661. See Clarke, Elizabeth, ‘Re-reading the Exclusion Crisis’, Seventeenth Century, 21 (2006), pp. 141–59Google Scholar, at p. 153.
76 E.g. Speeches and prayers, p. 14.
79 Cf. Jenkinson, Matthew, Culture and politics at the court of Charles II: 1660–1685 (Woodbridge, 2010)Google Scholar, p. 38.
80 [Muddiman], ‘The forged “Speeches and prayers”’; and a further addition to the note in Notes and Queries, 11th ser., 8 (1913), pp. 22–3.
81 Speeches and prayers, p. 15.
82 Of course Thucydides's Peleponnesian War was known in England at the time through the translation of Hobbes, Thomas (1629): The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury; now first collected and edited by Sir William Molesworth, Bart. (11 vols., London, 1839–45)Google Scholar, viii and ix, available at http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Fperson=3796&Itemid=28 (2008), accessed on 31 Jan. 2014. Thucydides explains his method of reporting public speeches in his first book (section 22) of the Peleponnsian War as follows: ‘What particular persons have spoken when they were about to enter into the war or when they were in it, were hard for me to remember exactly; whether they were speeches which I have heard myself, or have received at the second hand. But as any man seemed to me, that knew what was nearest to the sum of the truth of all that had been uttered, to speak most agreeably to the matter still in hand, so I have made it spoken here.’ See: http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=771&chapter=90126&layout=html&Itemid=27 (2008), accessed on 7 Sept. 2013.
83 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 950.
84 Jenkinson, Culture and politics, pp. 38ff.
85 Freeman, Thomas S. and Wall, Sarah Elizabeth, ‘Racking the body, shaping the text: the account of Anne Askew in Foxe's “Book of Martyrs”’, Renaissance Quarterly, 54 (2001), pp. 1165–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ludlow, Voyce, ed. Worden, p. 9. However, the Marian martyrs had been denied their dying speeches ‘on pain of having their tongues cut out’, which was perceived as the act of an ‘unjust and tyrannical regime’. The authorities were presumably aware of the propaganda effect of such performances. See McKenzie, Andrea, ‘God's tribunal: guilt, innocence, and execution in England, 1675–1775’, Cultural and Social History, 3 (2006), pp. 121–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 126. In an interesting twist, Ludlow's fellow exile John Lisle had two speeches drafted for his possible trial and execution, in case he would be captured and repatriated by the agents of Charles II. After Lisle was shot in Lausanne in 1664, Ludlow included transcripts from Lisle's papers in his ‘Voyce’ (pp. 1083–7). See Holmes, Clive, ‘John Lisle, Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal, and the last months of the Cromwellian Protectorate’, English Historical Review, 122 (2007), pp. 918–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 930.
86 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 948–9.
87 The original English text had 96 pages, the French translation – despite several omissions – had 202 pages. The full French pamphlet including the additional material had 235 pages plus an additional table of contents.
88 However, the English text has the scaffold speeches all in italics, which the French text has not.
89 In the English version, pp. 36–50 and 57, in the French translation, pp. 177–206 and 218–20.
90 In the English text, pp. 50–6, in the French pamphlet, pp. 206–18.
91 The note on p. 85 of Les juges reads: ‘Il y a encore quelques pieces & lettres de Mr. Cooke, lesquelles tesmoignent hautemet de son erudition & de sa pieté, qui pourront aussi estre mises sous la presse, si tant est que ces premieres productions soyent receuës avec agreement.’ The omitted letters can be found on pp. 36–57 of the English text.
92 Muddiman complains that ‘immensely lengthy passages’ have been devoted to Cook. He questions the authenticity of the letters in any case. See Notes and Queries, 11th ser., 7 (1913), p. 22.
93 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 948–9.
94 In the Speeches and prayers, the sermon can be found on pp. 58–60; the French text refers to the sermon on p. 87.
95 Pp. 67–8 and 72 in the Speeches and prayers.
96 E.g. additional passages on John Jones have been moved forward to join up with the other text relating to him, while conversely the short paragraph on Gregory Clement has been moved back. Two passages on Scroop and Cook have been omitted.
97 E.g. Speeches and prayers, pp. 18–19, 22, 93.
98 It is more likely that they were removed to ‘streamline’ the text, so that only coherent narratives, speeches, prayers, and letters remained. While the English pamphlet on which the major part of Les juges is based appears very higgledy-piggledy, the French translation prides itself on a coherent text and clear layout.
99 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949.
100 ‘To the Reader’ in Speeches and prayers as compared to ‘Au Lecteur’ in Les juges. However, ‘le tort qu'on avroit pû faire aux defuncts, par des Copies fausses & imparfaites’ is mentioned, while the reference to God is indeed missing.
101 Ibid. Again, the French has ‘En quatriesme lieu, afin que l'on puisse voir que c'est que d'avoir interest en Christ à l'heure de la mort’, but not the further reference to ‘his cause’. Cf. L'Estrange, Considerations and proposals, p. 11.
102 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949.
103 The whole passage in the Speeches and prayers, p. 42, reads: ‘As they are most abominable prevarications of the honest interest, for they will wish at the last day, that they had been Jews, Turks or Indians; for the greater light, the greater is their Apostacy and ingratitutde, 2 Pet. 2.21. And sure they will have a peculiar Judgement by themselves; for they do openly proclaim the cause of Barrabas before the cause of Jesus.’ Cf. Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949. The corresponding passage in the French translation, Les juges, p. 186, has only: ‘ils sont des prevaricateurs tres abominables, & ils souhaiteront au dernier iour qu'ils eussent esté Juifs, Turcs ou Indiens: & d'autat plus leur lumiere a esté grande, plus est grande leur apostasie & ingratitude, 2. Pier. 2.21.’
104 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949. The Speeches and prayers, p. 88, reads: ‘then with a cheerful countenance, setting themselves down, they were drawn to Tyburn, the place of execution, where a Cart was set ready, into which they both ascended, their countenance not at all changed, though now the King of terror stared them in the face: the Ropes being then put about their necks, and a burning fire kindled before their faces: and being there ready to receive that sentence which Nature would have sunk under, if Grace had not supported’; the French text, Les juges, pp. 138–9, has: ‘puis avec une alegre contenance, s'estans assis en bas, ils furent traisnez à Tiburn, le lieu du supplice, où se trouva un Chariot tout prest, sur lesquel ils monterent tous deux, sans que leur contenance fust aucunement changée, combine que alors le Roy des espouvantemens les regardast en face: alors les cordes leurs ayans esté mises autour du col, & un feu ardent esté allumé devant eux’.
105 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949. The Speeches and prayers, p. 96, has: ‘One thing more is very remarkable, that when Col. Axtell and Col. Hacker were taken out of the sledge into the cart, the spectators being in great numbers there behaved themselves very civilly, onely two persons among them as soon as the Ropes were put about their Necks, cryed out very earnestly, Hang them, hang them Rogues, Traytors, Murtherers; Hang-man, draw away the cart: whereupon a man that stood by them desired them to be civil, and said, Gentlemen, this is not civil, for the Sheriff knoweth what he hath to do; & thereupon they were silent, and gave attention to Col. Axtell's speech and prayer; but before he had done, those very persons were so affected, that they could not refrain from pouring out many Tears upon the place, and went aside to a place a little more retired to weep; and that man that before desired them to be civil, went after them and beheld them, to his great admiration, as himself hath Narrated’; Les juges, p. 159, has: ‘Il y a encore une chose qui est tres-remarquable, c'est que lors que le Colonel Axtel & le Colonel Hacker, furent ostez de dessus le traisneau, pour ester mis sur le chariot, plusieurs des spectateurs qui y estoyent en grand nombre se comportment fort incivilement en leur endroit: & s'escrierent furieusement, Pendez les, pendez les ces meschants pendarts, traistres & meurtriers: Bourreau, tire le chariot: sur quoy un Personnage qui estoit pres d'eux les pria d'estre plus civils, leur disant, Gentilshommes, cela n'est pas civil ny seant, car le Lieutenant sçait bien ce qu'il a à faire: & là dessus ils se cotindrent & ne dirent mot, & furent attentifs à escouter le discours & la priere du Colonel Axtel. Et devant qu'il eust achevé, ces mesmes Personnages furent tellement esmeus de compassion, qu'Ils ne se pûrent abstenir de ietter plusieurs larmes sur le lieu, & se retirerent a quartier en un lieu un peu plus eslongné pour pleurer.’
106 Catterall, ‘Sir George Downing and the regicides’; Greaves, Deliver us from evil, pp. 92ff. Only Vane was executed though; Lambert was taken into custody on Guernsey.
107 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 950.
108 If this indeed refers to the Gazette de France, published in Paris between 1631 and 1915. Alas, as yet I have not been able to locate the account of Barkstead, Corbet, and Okey Ludlow refers to here.
109 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 950.
111 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 950.
112 Ibid. I have not been able to identify the original of the ‘Publique manuscript’ here referred to, but its contents are likewise reproduced in Ludlow's ‘Voyce’, p. 930. The French pamphlet (p. 225) concedes that the fictitious speech was added, ‘Les Amis du Chevalier Henry Vane estans restés mal satisfaits de ce qui a esté produit ci devant.’
113 Darnton, Robert, The business of Enlightenment: a publishing history of the Encyclopédie, 1775–1800 (Cambridge, MA, 1979)Google Scholar, p. 185.
114 The title translates as ‘The judges judged, justifying themselves.’
115 I.e. ‘The judges judged.’ Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949.
116 I.e. ‘The judges judged and justified.’
117 I.e. ‘The judges judged … justifying themselves.’ The present participle of the verb ‘se justifier’ (to justify oneself) indicates that the justification process was still in progress.
118 See Dirk Wiemann, ‘Spectacles of astonishment: tragedy and the regicide in England and Germany, 1649–1663’, in Mahlberg and Wiemann, eds., European contexts, pp. 33–48.
119 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, pp. 949–50. This is not entirely true, as the full title also appears on the title page, not just the frontispiece.
121 1 Samuel 8.
122 Speeches and prayers, p. 3; Les juges, p. 11 has: ‘Plusieurs amis … les trouverent rempli de la joye du Seigneur.’
123 Speeches and prayers, p. 4; Les juges, p. 12, has: ‘Il partit d'avec sa femme & ses amis avec grande joye & allegresse comme il avoit accoustume de faire, allant à quelque voyage, ou à quelque employ pour le service du Seigneur.’
124 Speeches and prayers, p. 32 (sic, p. 27); Les juges, p. 64, has: ‘se preparant pour ses souffrances, avec tant d'allegresse, que les spectateurs en estoyent tous estonnez’.
125 Speeches and prayers, p. 28, and Les juges, p. 67: ‘contenance allegre’; cf. McKenzie, ‘God's Tribunal’, p. 138.
126 Speeches and prayers, p. 12; Les juges, p. 31, has: ‘Je ne puis rien faire de moy mesme; mais ma force est & consiste au Seigneur des Armées, qui m'a aidé depuis mon commencement jusques a ce jourd'huy, & m'aidera jusques à la fin.’
127 Speeches and prayers, p. 12; Les juges, p. 33, has: ‘combien que l'homme ait condamné, si est ce que le Seigneur a justifié & justifie’.
128 Speeches and prayers, p. 25; Les juges, p. 60, has: ‘Bien dit-il, mes amis, il n'importe qui condemne quand Dieu justifie.’
129 Speeches and prayers, p. 25; Les juges, p. 60, has: ‘Quelques uns qui luy estoyent mal affectionnez estants presents, dirent, les Jesuites ont bient souffert allegrement & confidemment. Monsieur Cooke repliqua, je loüe Dieu que ma justification n'est pas establie sur les merites des œuvres, mais seulement sur la grade au sang de Christ.’
130 Speeches and prayers, p. 9; Les juges, p. 25, has: ‘Mais mon Dieu est le Roy des Rois, & le Seigneur des Seigneurs, … il ne delaissera jamais ceux qui se confient veritablement en luy, en la gloire duquel je m'en iray asseurement, & seray aßis à la dextre de Christ au Ciel, & peut-estre pour juger ceux qui m'ont jugé injustement.’ Harrison is referring to Matt. 25:33, 34; 1 Cor. 6:2.
131 Matt. 7:1.
132 Les juges, pp. 160ff, 171ff, and 225ff.
133 References to ‘grace’ are made in Speeches and prayers, pp. 25, 32, 70ff; cf. Les juges, pp. 60, 101ff; the reference from p. 32 in Speeches and prayers is omitted on p. 76 of Les juges.
134 Speeches and prayers, p. 19; Les juges, pp. 46–7 has: ‘Je desire de porter tesmoignage à la vraye Magistrature: à ceste Magistrature qui est contenue en la parole du Seigneur: & à ce vray Ministere qui est un Ministere de l'onction: qui porte tesmoignage au Seigeur Jesus, & qui est accompagné de son sainct Esprit. C'est ce tesmoignage que je desire de porter, & c'est ce tesmoignage, auquel je dsire de demeurer fidele, avec toute integrité envers le Seigneur Jesus, comme estant le Roy des Saincts, & le Roy des Nations.’
135 Speeches and prayers, p. 69; Les juges, p. 101, has: ‘[ta] pauvre & indigne Creature vient maintenant pour rendre son tesmoignage en ce grand spectacle, devant Toy, devant les Anges, & devant les Hommes’.
136 Cf. Clarke, ‘Re-reading the Exclusion Crisis’, p. 150.
137 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949.
138 McKenzie, ‘God's tribunal’, p. 133.
139 It is also worth noting that the Council of Geneva had offered a prayer on the king's restoration. So it seems the Genevans wanted to stay on friendly terms and could not be seen to be harbouring regicides. See Archives d’État, Geneva, Registres du Conseil, RC 160 (1660), entry for 23 May 1660, fo. 80r. According to Ludlow, the duchess of Anjou had offered £2,500 pounds ‘for the betraying of us into our Enemyes hands’ (Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 951).
140 I owe this point to Andrew McKenzie-McHarg.
141 Grell, Brethren in Christ.
142 Daston, Lorraine, ‘The ideal and reality of the Republic of Letters in the Enlightenment’, Science in Context, 4 (1991), pp. 367–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 376; Jacob, Margaret C., ‘The mental landscape of the public sphere: a European perspective’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 28 (1994), pp. 95–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 98.
143 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 949. Les juges is also not listed in any of the catalogues of the established printers in Yverdon at the time. See ‘Catalogue’ of works printed or published at Yverdon in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, attached to Perret, Jean-Pierre, Les imprimeries d'Yverdon au xviie et au xviiie siècle (Lausanne, 1945)Google Scholar, pp. 375ff. Yverdon did not get a printing press until the seventeenth century, and owing to strict censorship from the Excellencies of Bern, printing remained very constrained even then. It is likely that such an environment would encourage the establishment of illegal presses.
144 The work had been planned by the previous printer of Yverdon, Pyrame de Candolle, and the manuscript, herbarium, and plates were still in the town. Cf. Perret, Les imprimeries d'Yverdon, pp. 49–54.
145 According to Perret, Chabrey applied to the Council of Yverdon in Aug. 1656 for an increase in his salary because he had a large family to support. Cf. Perret, Les imprimeries d'Yverdon, p. 52n.
149 Darnton, The business of Enlightenment, p. 39. Copies of Les juges can be found in the French Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris as well as the Bodleian Library in Oxford.
150 Worden, ‘Introduction’ to Ludlow, Voyce, p. 10.
151 Ludlow, ‘Voyce’, p. 948.
152 There were Huguenot settlements in Canada, Florida, and Brazil.
153 Ovid has: ‘Omne solum forti patria est.’ Cf. Publii Ovidii Nasonis, Fasti, from the text of J. B. Krebs, carefully revised (London, 1854), ‘Liber Primus’, verse 493. The addition ‘quia patris’ gives it a religious twist and was presumably by Ludlow himself. See De Beer, G. R., ‘Anglais au Pays de Vaud’, Revue Historique Vaudoise, 59 (1951), pp. 56–78Google Scholar, at p. 59.
154 Worden, Blair, Roundhead reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity (London, 2011)Google Scholar; Hammersley, Rachel, The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France (Manchester, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, French revolutionaries and English republicans: the Cordeliers Club, 1790–1794 (Woodbridge, 2005); Ludwig, Roland, Die Rezeption der Englischen Revolution im deutschen politischen Denken und in der deutschen Historiographie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 2003)Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Die Englische Revolution als politisches Argument in einer Zeit des gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs in Deutschland’, in Heiner Timmermann (ed.), 1848 Revolution in Europa: Verlauf, politische Programme, Folgen und Wirkungen (Berlin, 1999), pp. 481–504.