PRINT, PUBLICATION, AND RELIGIOUS POLITICS IN CAROLINE ENGLAND
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2008
This article uses original research in archival sources, many of them not yet exploited by scholars of the early modern book trade, to demonstrate that the confluence of a printer-publishers' political and religious ideology and his trade was possible during the reign of Charles I. A detailed case-study of the family, life, career, as well as publications of Richard Badger (1585–1641), reveals that his emergence from the late 1620s as William Laud's house printer was rooted in a complex web of locality, kinship, self-promotion, and patronage that had at its heart a religious conservatism that flowed logically and, for a time, successfully into the movement now known as Laudianism. The article offers simultaneous insights into politics and religion in the Caroline book trade, and the emergence, flourescence – and collapse – of Laud's programme for religious change.
- Research Article
- Copyright © 2008 Cambridge University Press
1 Sheila Lambert, ‘The printers and the government, 1604–1637’, in Robin Meyers and Michael Harris, eds., Aspects of printing from 1600 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 1–29; Lambert, ‘Richard Montagu, Arminianism and censorship’, Past and Present, 124 (1989), pp. 36–68; Lois Potter, Secret rites and secret writing: royalist literature, 1641–1660 (Cambridge, 1989); Peter White, Predestination, policy and polemic: conflict and consensus in the English church from the Reformation to the civil war (Cambridge, 1992); McCullough, Peter, ‘Making dead men speak: Laudianism, print, and the works of Lancelot Andrewes, 1626–1642’, Historical Journal, 41 (1998), pp. 401–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; S. Mutchow Towers, The control of religious printing in early Stuart England (Woodbridge, 2003); Zachary Lesser, Renaissance drama and the politics of publication (Cambridge, 2004); Kate Peters, Print culture and the early Quakers (Cambridge, 2005).
2 McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, at pp. 404–9.
3 Lesser, Renaissance drama, p. 41.
4 Married 3 Nov. 1578; Richard Savage, ed., Registers of Stratford-upon-Avon … marriages, 1558–1812 (London, 1898), p. 9.
5 Edgar I. Fripp, Shakespeare's haunts near Stratford (Oxford, 1929), p. 47; Fripp, Master Richard Quyny, bailiff of Stratford-upon-Avon and friend of William Shakespeare (London, 1924), pp. 114–15.
6 Stratford-upon-Avon, council books, Shakespeare Birthplace Trust Record Office, Stratford-upon-Avon (SBT), BRU 2/2.
7 SBT, chamberlain's accounts, BRU 4/1, 2/2/157; Minutes and accounts of the borough of Stratford, iv, pp. 92ff; Fripp, Haunts, pp. 49–50; according to Jeanne Jones, Family life in Shakespeare's England: Stratford-upon-Avon, 1570–1630 (Stroud, 1996), pp. 91, 93, among the some 600 early modern Stratford heads of house, George Badger had the largest number of children, and was the longest-lived, dying aged eighty-three in 1635.
8 SBT, BRU 2/2, BRU 15/12/71, 93, 15/3/23, 15/13/15, 15/16/37.
9 Fripp, Haunts, pp. 46–7; SBT, BRU 115/7, 13, 20, 35, 44, 48, 54.
10 Fripp, Haunts, p. 131, quoting letter of Thomas Tempest dated 8 Nov. 1605 (State Papers Domestic, James I, xvi. 34).
11 Richard was baptized at Holy Trinity 17 Aug. 1585; he was bound to Short 12 Apr. 1602 for the term 25 Mar. 1602–7 May 1610. Richard Savage, ed., Registers of Stratford-on-Avon … baptisms 1558–1652 (London, 1897), p. 40; Paul Morgan, ‘Warwickshire apprentices in the Stationers’ Company of London, 1563–1700', Dugdale Society Occasional Papers 25 (1978), pp. 20–1 (where Richard's father's name is incorrectly given as ‘John’). For Short, see Akihira Yamada, Peter Short: an Elizabethan printer (Jei, Japan, 2002). In ‘Making dead men speak’, I erroneously christened Short a Stratford man (p. 405); was Badger's road from Stratford to London printing paved by Richard Field?
12 William (bap. 19 Dec. 1619; bur. 27 Apr. 1625); Richard (bap. Feb. 1621; freed by patrimony 25 Feb. 1642); Steven (bap. 1 Jan. 1623); Ann (bap. 12 Jan. 1627); London Guildhall Library (GL), MS 10,212; Donald McKenzie, Stationers Company apprentices, 1605–1640 (Charlottesville, 1961). Four elder children, all sons, three of whom also entered the trade, were not baptized at St Martin's, and their birth dates can only be inferred from the dates of their freedom (by patrimony) of the Stationers' Company: Thomas (1633), John (1636), and George (1639), hence birth c. 1610–12, 1612–14, 1615–17, respectively.
13 Hampshire Record Office (HRO) 1635 B/108 (original will, dated 20 Aug. 1635). I have found no marriage record for Richard Badger and Alice Stempe in either the London or Winchester registers.
14 HRO 21m65/a1/27 (registers of bishops Watson and Cooper), fos. 19r, 21r; Margaret Bowker, ‘Cooper, Thomas (c. 1517–1594), Oxford dictionary of national biography (ODNB) (Oxford, 2004). In the two years in which Cooper ordained Stempe, seventeen men took orders in the diocese; only three (including Stempe) did not have degrees.
15 HRO MS 21m65/a1/29 (register of Bishop Bilson), fos. 25v, 39r. Visitation returns for the diocese (1592–1633) and a fragmentary parish record show that Stempe continued to hold St Peter's by sequestration after receiving St Mary Kalendar, at times also holding St Swithun's-upon-Kingsgate (1606), and St Lawrence (1607, by sequestration), with St Mary Kalendar and Winhall held in commendam (1613–35): HRO 21m65/1/20, fo. 3r, 21m65/b1/21, fo. 15v, 21m65/b1/22, fo. 24r, 21m65/b1/23, fos. 10r, 10v, 12r. 21m65/b1/32, fos. 22r, 25r, m28/pR5 (register of SS Maurice and Mary Kalendar, flyleaf). The 1633 visitation of St Mary returns Stempe as ‘no preacher’. Stempe entered Winchester College aged eleven in 1575: Thomas Frederick Kirby, Winchester scholars (London, 1888), p. 146.
16 For educational and preaching standards among the clergy in the period, see Patrick Collinson, The religion of Protestants (Oxford, 1982), ch. 3.
17 Henry appears in the cathedral accounts as a lay clerk in 1541; in addition to those cited above, he names in his 1549 will daughters Margaret and Christian. See G. W. Kitchin and F. T. Madge, eds., Documents relating to the foundation of the chapter of Winchester, a.d. 1541–1547 (London, 1889), and W. H. Challen, ‘Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester, his family and their Hampshire, Sussex and other connections’, Papers and Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club, 19 (1955), p. 275.
18 John Foxe, Acts and monuments … (1570 edition), p. 1718 (online). (hriOnline, Sheffield). Available from: http://www.hrionline.shef.ac.uk/foxe/ (accessed: 19 Feb. 2007). Thomas Stempe's will (HRO 1581B/107/1, dated 1 Feb. 1580/1) names Ellis Stempe as brother and legatee. Ellis appears frequently in royal patent rolls, 1563–82, as ‘page of the chamber’ to Elizabeth; a 1577 grant of arms identifies him as ‘of the Chappell’ (Calendar of patent roles, Elizabeth I, passim; Pedigrees of the visitation of Hampshire, Harleian Society 64 (1913), p. 234); he was sworn gentleman of the Chapel Royal in 1580 and vacated in 1588 (Andrew Ashbee and John Harley, eds., The cheque books of the Chapel Royal (2 vols., Aldershot, 1988), i, pp. 22, 24). Ellis's son, another Thomas Stempe (c. 1564–1607?), who entered Winchester College at exactly the same time as his namesake and probable cousin, was ordained in London and had a troubled career as an Essex curate (Clergy of the Church of England Database (CCED) ordination record 171995; appointment evidence 73199; liber cleri record 9801). For Alice Bilson, née Stempe, see William Richardson, ‘Bilson, Thomas (1546/7–1616)’, ODNB.
19 P. Caraman, Henry Garnet, 1555–1606, and the Gunpowder Plot (London, 1964), quoted in Richardson, ‘Bilson’, ODNB.
20 How exactly the printer's father-in-law Thomas Stempe was related to the children of Henry Stempe (d. 1549) defies the surviving records. His christian name and that of two of his children (i.e., Thomas, Walter, and Alice) repeat those from the early Tudor generation; also strongly suggestive is that Henry (d. 1549) and Thomas (d. 1635) and Thomas's son Walter (d. 1638) requested burial in the churchyard of ‘Trinity church’ (i.e., Winchester cathedral), which suggests loyalty to a family burial place (Challen, ‘Thomas Bilson’, p. 275; HRO 1635b/108; 1638b/7711).
21 Stempe does not name his wife in his will. As a widow she took up residence in London with the Badgers. The registers of St Martin Ludgate record the burial on 7 July 1638 of ‘Widdow Stemps mother in Law vnto Mr Ricard[us] Badger printer’ (GL MS 10,212; the eighteenth-century transcript, GL 10,213, records the biographically disastrous ‘Widdow Stemmps mother [sic] to Rich: Badger printer’).
22 The National Archive, Kew (TNA) PROB 11/156; HRO 1635b/108; TNA E334/14/94r, E334/16/154v. G. le G. Norgate, rev. Vivienne Larminie, ‘Sutton, Christopher’, ODNB, gives no parentage or exact date and place of birth or ordination for Sutton. However, the record of his ordination as deacon by bishop of London John Aylmer on 26 Sept. 1589 at Fulham, gives his age as twenty-five and Winchester as his birthplace: CCED, ordination record number 172128 (citing GL MS 9535/2).
23 Sutton's emphatic views on the universality of grace, his ‘extraordinarily elevated terms’ for discussing the eucharist, and his strong court connections are explored in Kenneth Fincham and Nicholas Tyacke, Altars restored: the changing face of English religious worship, 1547–c. 1700 (Oxford, 2008), pp. 67–9; I am grateful to Prof. Fincham for sharing portions of this work in advance of publication.
24 TNA PROB 11/156; Julia Merritt, ‘The cradle of Laudianism? Westminster abbey, 1558–1630’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 52 (2001), pp. 623–46. Badger printed later editions of all three of Sutton's devotional works between 1626 and 1635 (Donald Wing, Short title catalogue … 1641–1700, iv, indexes (2nd edn, Charlottesville, 1998 (STC), 23488, 23493.7, 23494, 23490, 23495; all for Nicholas Bourne).
25 McKenzie, Apprentices, pp. 50, 122; H.G. Aldis et al., A dictionary of printers … 1557–1640 (London, 1910); ‘Browne, John’, ‘Browne, Alice’, ‘Dewe, Thomas’, ‘Stempe, John’, in The British book trade index (online http://www.bbti.bham.ac.uk/) (accessed 23 Feb. 2007). Dewe's death in the spring of 1625 explains the second transfer of John Stempe's apprenticeship (recorded will, ‘Thomas Dew of the parishe of St Dunstane in the West … Stacioner’, written 13 Mar. 1624/5, proved 1 Apr. 1625; TNA PROB 11/145. Dewe, who appears as publisher or bookseller for some twenty imprints between 1621 and 1625, catered for a strikingly ‘literary’ market with the printer Augustine Matthews; their titles included works by Quarles, Green, Markham, Middleton and Rowley (A fair quarrell), Drayton (Poly-Olbion), Donne (Anniversaries), and ‘Shakespeare’ (actually anon., 1 and 2 Troublesome Reign of King John).
26 W. W. Greg, A companion to Arber (Oxford, 1967), p. 333.
27 TNA PROB 11/140 (recorded will, ‘Iohn Browne of London Stationer’, dated 23 Sept. 1622, proved 10 Oct. 1622).
28 R. M. Glencross, ed., Calendar of the marriage license allegations in the registry of the bishop of London, 1597–1700 (2 vols., London, 1937–40), ii, p. 233. The licence (GL MS 10,091/23, fo. 62v) was granted to Badger ‘of the parish of Christ Church Stationer’; Elizabeth (of St Faith's) was attested to be ‘about 20’ and her parents ‘deceased’. Thomas Dewe's will (see n. 25) mentioned only unnamed, underaged children, but the registers of St Dunstan's-in-the-West record the christening of ‘Elizabeth the daughter of Thomas Dew and Anne his wife’ on 1 Jan. 1621/2 (GL MS 10342).
29 GL MS 3968/2 (churchwardens' accounts, St Dunstan's-in-the-West), fo. 246v, GL MS 3016/1, fos. 154, 180 (vestry minute books), burial 6 Mar. 1643; successor elected 4 Mar.: GL MSS 10345 (registers), 3016/1, fo. 231.
30 TNA E334/20, fo. 46r (Feb. 1641).
31 Ernest Ebblewhite, The parish clerks company (London, 1932), pp. 56, 80; GL MS 03706 (William McMurray, ‘Copy of extracts from the minutes of the parish clerks’ company, 1610–1926', c. 1926–40?; the original minutes were destroyed by enemy action in 1940); R. H. Adams, The parish clerks of London (London, 1971); his father's will (1635) refers to him simply as ‘William Stempe of London gent my sonne’ (HRO 1635b/108).
32 GL MS 1311, Pt 1, fos. 11r–v.
33 A further glimpse into Badger's socio-political connections at St Martin's Ludgate is suggested in the benefactions to himself, his wife, and children in the will of the wealthy St Martin's taylor John Locke (TNA PROB 11/163/5, written 20 Oct. 1632, proved 9 Jan. 1633). Locke's other bequests included £100 to Laud's pet project of the restoration of St Paul's, and expensive plate to the erstwhile Laudians and royalists Sir Hamon Le Strange, Sir Robert Hyde, and Sir Henry Spelman.
35 McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, at pp. 406–7.
36 A. J. Hegarty, ‘Baylie, Richard’, ODNB; Katherine Duncan-Jones, Ungentle Shakespeare (London, 2001), pp. 267–71. Baylie's father died early in his life; he was raised in Coventry by his mother's second husband, the wealthy alderman William Wheate.
37 Fripp, Master Richard Quyny, p. 201; TNA PROB 11/54 (registered will of Thomas Badger of Bidford (grandfather of the printer), 1571).
38 TNA E334/16/136v, Richard Baylie to prebend, St David's, and Llanhaden rectory (Jan. 1623), sureties Richard Quiney, grocer of St Stephen's Walbrook, and Richard Badger, stationer of St Martin's Ludgate.
39 GL MS9052/10 (original will, dated 19 July 1641; proved 20 Aug.). The second overseer was Badger's brother-in-law William Stempe. Quiney died a rich widower in 1655, leaving a bequest to his cousin Richard Baylie, as well as lands in Virginia to his heirs (registered will, dated 16 Aug. 1655, proved Jan. 1656, TNA PROB 11/261). There is no genealogical link (other than godparenthood) between the Badgers and Quineys; Badger must use ‘cossen’ here in the loose sense of ‘countryman’.
40 Hegarty, ‘Baylie, Richard’.
41 Torlesse and Badger stood surety for Baylie's promotions to Ibstock rectory (Jan. 1627), the archdeaconry of Nottingham (Apr. 1628), the St Paul's prebend of Chiswick (May 1631), and Northall rectory (May 1632): TNA E334/17/110v, 148v, E334/19/13v, 53v.
42 TNA E334/17, fos. 146v (Bishop Hall to Breock rectory, Cornwall, 1628), 216v (William Peterson to Dupford rectory, Devon, 1630), E334/19, fos. 10r (Robert Hall to Stokeinteignehead, Devon, 1631), 30r (Robert Peeter, to Cornwall archdeaconry, 1632), 101r (Robert Hall to Cornwall archdeaconry, 1633), 116r (Robert Hall to Clyst Hydon rectory, Devon, 1634), E334/20, fo. 103v (George Hall to Cornwall archdeaconry, 1641); S. A. Baron, ‘Butter, Nathaniel (bap. 1583, d. 1664)’, ODNB.
43 William A. Jackson, Records of the court of the Stationers Company,1602–1640 (London, 1957), pp. 173, 174. This corrects two errors in Sara J. van den Berg and W. Scott Howard, ‘G. M. revealed: printer of the first attacks on The doctrine and discipline of divorce’, Milton Quarterly, 38 (2004), at pp. 244, 247: Badger and Miller were not fellow-apprentices of Field (Badger served Short, then Lownes, see above), and the date of their partnership is 1625, not 1624 (perhaps a misreading of the old-style dates in Jackson, Records).
44 Burch, B., ‘The parish of St Anne's Blackfriars, London, to 1665’, Guildhall Miscellany, 3 (1969–71), pp. 1–54Google Scholar; TNA E334/19, fos. 38r, 86r; J. Fielding, ‘Bentham, Joseph (1593/4–1671)’, ODNB; for Harris, see Tom Webster, Godly clergy in early modern England: the Caroline puritan movement 1620–1643 (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 220, 231.
45 Van den Berg and Howard, ‘G. M. revealed’.
46 Cf., for example, his imposition of Jeremy Taylor as fellow of All Souls in 1635, and his deployment in the same year of an archiepiscopal ‘Lambeth Degree’ to satisfy a cathedral statute breached in his 1633 gift of a St Paul's prebend to his technically unqualified nephew, Edward Layfield. See John Spurr, ‘Taylor, Jeremy’, ODNB (I am grateful to Prof. Fincham for this example); and Cox, Noel, ‘Dispensations, privileges, and the conferment of graduate status, with particular reference to Lambeth degrees’, Journal of Law and Religion, 18 (2002), pp. 249–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 265.
47 Jackson, Records, pp. 215, 209, 182, 211; McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, p. 406. Again, this corrects van den Berg and Howard's 1630 date – which follows Plomer and McKerrow, who used only imprints, rather than Stationers' Company records (‘G. M. revealed’, pp. 244, 247) – for the dissolution of the Miller–Badger partnership.
48 [John?] Harrison, [John?] Rothwell, [Richard?] Moore, [James] Boler, [George?] Latham and [Michael] Sparke, [Robert?] Allott, John Grismond, Philemon Stephens, and Christopher Meredith. Edward Arber, A transcript of the registers … of the … stationers … 1554–1640 (5 vols., London, 1875–94), iv, pp. 168–9; first names supplied from British book trade index (accessed 26 Feb. 2007). In his 1641 will, bequesting to his heirs ‘all such bookes of what sorte soever that are in my Shoppe’, Badger was careful to except ‘all such Bookes that are of the Late Bish[op] of Winchesters sermons and such Bookes that I ame Cop[ar]tner w[i]th others’ (GL MS 9052/10).
49 Lesser, Renaissance drama, pp. 38–9. My research on Badger had by 1998 already included analysis of the trade vs publication distinction in Badger's list, but I had no space for this in a wider analysis of the print history of Andrewes's works (‘Making dead men speak’).
50 Lewis Bayley, The practice of piety (‘Printed by R.B. for R.A. 1636’). My citation (‘Making dead men speak’, p. 408 and n. 31) of ‘several editions of sermons by … Preston’ was illustrative, and not an exact tally. Lesser (Renaissance drama, p. 38 n. 43) correctly identifies ‘six Preston titles printed by Badger in a total of eleven editions’. I take these to be The saint's daily exercise (1631), Life eternall (1632, 1633), The saint's qualification (two variants each in 1633, 1634, 1637), Remaines (1637), The golden sceptre (1638 two variants, 1639); all for Nicholas Bourne, except Remaines, for Andrew Crooke; the sixth, Sins overthrow (1641), may be by either Richard Badger, Sr, or Jr, for Crooke.
51 For a list of the most salient, see McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, pp. 407–8, esp. n. 29. The only non-religious publication is the exception that proves the rule: Robert Powell's 1636 Depopulation arraigned, a panegyric to Caroline economic policy fulsomely dedicated to Attorney General Sir John Bankes, ally of Laud in Star Chamber.
52 Anthony Milton, ‘The creation of Laudianism: a new approach’, in Thomas Cogswell, Richard Cust, and Peter Lake, eds., Politics, religion and popularity in early Stuart Britain: essays in honour of Conrad Russell (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 162–84, at pp. 163, 177; Francis White, A treatise of the sabbath-day (1635, 3 edns, 1636, 1 reissue); William Laud, A speech … at the censure of J. Bastwick (1637); John Pocklington, Altare Christianum (1637, 2 edns). Laud's other star propagandist, Peter Heylyn, never used Badger as publisher, but a combination of Oxford's William Turner, and London's John Clark, Henry Siele, and Richard Milbourne. Their careers would repay further study.
53 Lesser, Renaissance drama, p. 39.
54 The error is that of the standard reference work, STC, p. 49, which conflates biographical and trade details of Badger, Jr, under Badger, Sr. The distinction is properly made in the second edition of Pollard and Redgrave, Short title catalogue … 1475–1640, iii. For Marshall's godly career, and his 1642 sermons, see Thomas Webster, ‘Marshall, Stephen (1594/5?–1655)’, ODNB, and, further, Webster's Godly clergy, passim.
55 George Hakewill, A sermon preached at Barstaple (1632); Andrew Willet, A treatise of Salomons mariage (1634); both for R. Allot.
56 Lesser, Renaissance drama, pp. 36, 37.
57 Lesser (Renaissance drama, p. 39 n. 44) is correct to demur at the inclusion of the Laudian Giles Fleming's Magnificence exemplified (1634, for Thomas Alchorn) among Badger's ‘Laudian publications’ – though it was made clear that it was from Badger's trade, not his publication, list (McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, p. 407 n. 29).
58 E.g., ‘Imprinted at London by R.B. for Nicholas Bourne’; or, as in the Hakewill sermon, cited above, in which Badger opted for the anonymous ‘Printed for R. Allot’, and is identifiable as printer only by his materials.
59 Lesser, Renaissance drama, p. 42. The finest examples of Badger's folio work are (in addition to the 1632, 1635, and 1641 editions of Andrewes's XCVI sermons), John Guillim's A display of heraldrie (1632) for R. Mab, Sir Henry Spelman's Concilia (1639) and his Latin-Old English Psalterium (1640), and Theodore Gulstone's graeco-latin edition of Galen's Opuscula (1640), all for Philemon Stephens and Christopher Meredith.
60 John Gee, The foot out of the snare (1624), sig. T1r–v.
61 St Bartholomew-the-Less, London, MS 21.2 (churchwardens' accounts, 1614–65), routine payments, passim, ‘to Mr Andrewes’ for digging graves, bellringing, and stationery (last entry naming Andrewes 1652). Between 1624 and 1641 the baptisms of nine children of ‘Thomas Androes stationer by Elizabeth his wife’ were recorded; widow Elizabeth Andrewes was buried ‘in [the] body of [the] Church’ 14 June 1660 (St Bartholomew-the-Less, registers, MSS 10.1 (1547–1646), 2 (1646–1670)).
62 TNA, SP16/197/34 (Andrewes) and 33 (Worstley).
63 Lesser, Renaissance drama, p. 8.
64 William Laud, The history of the troubles and trial, ed. Henry Wharton (1695), p. 236.
65 The true informer, no. 34 (London, June 1644), p. 245. Badger did enter, on 24 Jan. 1637/8, ‘his Copie vnder the hands of Master weekes [Laud's chaplain] … The whole story of the Bible cutt in brasse peeces with sentences of scripture and certaine verses graven vnder neath them’ (Arber, Registers, iv, p. 345). If these were issued, they are most likely William Slatyer's Illustrations to the book of Genesis. 40 plates engraved by J van Langeren (STC 22634.5a3), which has no title page, date, or identification of printer or publisher, but a dedication by the author and artist to Charles I.
66 Peters, Print culture, pp. 57–60.
67 Lesser, Renaissance drama, p. 94.
68 The printer was Badger's then partner, George Miller, identified by STC from his device and materials. The other occurences of an address similar to this in Badger's publications are: Andrewes, A sermon of the pestilence (1636), ‘sold in Saint Dunstans Church-yard, neere the Church-doore’; anon., A relation of the devill balams departure, and John Browning, Concerning publick-prayer, both 1636 and both ‘sold in S Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreet at the Shop turning up to Cliffords Inne’; Robert Powell, Depopulation arraigned (1636), ‘at S. Dunstans Churchyard neere the Church doore’; White, A treatise of the sabbath (1636), ‘at S. Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreete’; Thomas Lawrence, A sermon preached before the kings maiesty (1637), and Francis White, An examination and confutation (1637), both with address as for Browning (1636).
69 GL MS 9052/10.
70 There is to my knowledge no way of determining whether Dewe's shop ‘in St Dunstan's Churchyard’ is the same as that (or those?) further distinguished in the Stempe and Badger imprints as, variously, near the church door, or near the lane into Clifford's Inn. But given the degree of relationship between these parties, both by apprenticeship and marriage, the likelihood of some connection seems unavoidable.
71 Jackson, Records, p. 98.
72 See Jackson, Records, pp. 245 (quarterly payment for summoning pensioners on ‘the poores day’), 276 (‘for making Cleane the Hall’), 173 (attending outside door), 229 (rank); Badger was fined on 23 Oct. 1638 having ‘absented himselfe from the Co[urt] there being speciall occasion for him’ (p. 315).
73 W. Pierce, The Marprelate tracts (London, 1911), pp. 52–6, 84, 85; Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, 1996), pp. 66, 117.
74 Lambert B. Larking, ed., Proceedings … in … Kent, in connection with the parliaments called in 1640 (Camden Society, 80 (1882)), pp. 82–4. I am very grateful to Elizabeth Clarke for this reference.
75 For the many disputes over rights to Andrewes's catechistical lectures, and Laud's and Badger's attempts to block their publication, see McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, pp. 419–22.
76 By agreement with the university in 1611, the company's beadle was to receive £1 6s 8d per annum for his pains; Badger's first payment was delayed for two years, and subsequent payments until his death in 1641 included arrearages. See Gwen Hampshire, ed., and Ian Philip, intro., The Bodleian library account book, 1613–1646, Oxford Bibliographical Society Publications N.S. xxi (1983); the list of books deposited by Badger is Bodleian Lib., unnumbered MSS, Bodl. Lib. Records: 1613–20 Day-book, vol. ii, fo. 70.
77 Payments to Badger ‘for bindinge Manuscripts’ are dated 8 Apr. 1636. 31 Mar., 27 June, 7 July, 17 Nov. 1637, 26 Mar., 8 June, 17 Aug., 22 Mar., 20 Dec. 1639, 24 July, 6 Nov. 1640 (TNA E101/547/5, fos. 6, 31, 38, 40, 53, 67, 74, 80, 99, 118, 133, 140); Laud presented three batches of manuscripts on 22 May 1635, 16 June 1636, and 28 June 1639. For descriptions of their contents, see Falconer Madan, A summary catalogue of western manuscripts in the Bodleian Library … vol. I, part 2 (Oxford, 1937), nos. 1658–2114 (1635 deposit), 2115–293 (1636), and 2294–838 (1639). A manuscript note in the Bodleian's Duke Humfrey Library copy of Madan (p. 4, by ‘EWBN[icholson?]’), confirms that these donations were ‘rebound [before] they were presented’. Badger was also paid by Laud for ‘bindinge Books’ (fos. 2, 7, 107), ‘for Books’ (fos. 7, 154), ‘for Books sent to the Q. of Bohemia’ (fo. 31; 31 Mar. 1637), and for ink, paper and wax (fos. 9, 107, 133).
78 There may have been other Badger donations, perhaps also to individuals; I have examined surviving benefaction records for all Oxford and Cambridge colleges, and English cathedrals and parish libraries.
79 Cambridge University Library MS Oo.vii.52, p. 44 (‘Ex dono Rich: Badger Typographi Londinensis. Lancelot Andrews Sermons’); Pembroke Coll. Camb. Lib., benefactors book, fo. 78 (‘Ricard[us] Badger/Civis & Typographus Londinensis, Februarij XII./Anno Domini mdcxxxiv.o/dedit/1 The Sermons of … lancelot ord Bishop of Winton. / … 2 Ejusdem R.di Patris/Opera (quae extant) Latina . .’); Wells cathedral library, benefactors book, fo. 12v (‘Bishop Andrewes his Sermons giuen by Richard Badger printer and stationer in London’); Warden and Fellows' Library, Winchester College, benefactors book (Winchester College medieval MS collection, World Microfilms Publications, 1977, reel 1), s.d. 1641, ‘ricardus badger Londinensis Dedit The conference of Archbishopp Laud with Mr Fisher’.
80 Wells cathedral library, benefactors book, fos. 5, 9, 10. Titles donated by Sparke and Prynne included expensive theological works (‘Origens Workes 2 vol: folio’), as well as the greatest hits of Prynne's and Sparke's revenge campaign against Laud: A new discovery of the prelates tyranny (1641), The popish royall favorite (1643), A breviate of the liffe of William Laud (1644), and Canterburies doome (1646).
81 R. B. McKerrow, Printers' & publishers' devices in England and Scotland, 1485–1640 (London, 1913), no. 417.
82 A. E. M. Kirwood, ‘Richard Field, printer, 1589–1624’, Library, n.s. 12 (1931), pp. 1–39, at p. 26, notes that Field, in a ‘small group of 5 books’ printed 1592–9, used a device (unrecorded by McKerrow) of ‘a bird standing erect with outspread wings … it may be a phoenix rising from its nest of flames, or … the “splayed eagle” which was later the sign of Field's shop’. Field and Badger of course had Stratford birth in common; could Badger's device be a sort of ‘reincarnation’ or ‘resurrection’ of Field's business, which had passed to Badger's erstwhile partner, George Miller?
83 According to Huston Diehl, An index of icons in English emblem books (Norman, OK, 1986), the phoenix was applied in the period to Elizabeth I, the Virgin Mary, Robert Cecil, widows, Christ, and the town of Nantwich after a great fire (pp. 162–3). The motto (‘Virtue [or, strength] rises from the flames’) appears to be unique, but is probably derived from Gregory the Great on Christ's incarnation and passion: ‘Quia enim testa in igne solidatur, ejus virtus sicut testa exaruit, quia assumptam carnem ad resurrectionis gloriam ex passionis tribulatione roboravit’ (Homiliae in Evangelia xxxiv.6; in Patrologiae Cursus Completus (Paris, 1996), vol. 76, col. 1249b). This was frequently quoted or paraphrased in later Latin fathers.
84 Cf. the similar monograms used by Caxton, de Worde, and Pynson in McKerrow, Devices, nos. 1, 2, 6, 46b; the latest Elizabethan example is that of Hugh Singleton, 1578 (McKerrow no. 198); the only other example from the seventeenth century is, perhaps paradoxically, a device of Michael Sparke (McKerrow no. 406).
85 W. G. Hunt, Esq., Portcullis Pursuivant, College of Arms, letter, 10 Sept. 1996. For the legitimate bearers, the Baghots (alias Badger) of Prestbury, see Visitation of the county of Leicester 1619 (Harleian society publications, vol. 2, 1870), p. 150; and Visitation of the county of Gloucester in 1682–1683 (privately printed, 1884), p. 5. The rightful bearer at the time was Sir Thomas Badger, master of the king's buckhounds and a regular performer in Jacobean and Caroline court masques. In Richard Badger's edition of Guilim's Heraldrie (for R. Mab), the cadency rose is explained at pp. 42–3.
86 See Duncan-Jones, Ungentle Shakespeare, pp. 83–6, 91–103.
87 5 May 1634. Jackson, Records, p. 256; Badger may have been prompted by the election of Joseph Hunscott to the first reversion just months before (Jackson, Records, p. 244). In his will, Richard Badger left to his son John £60 ‘vpon hope and Confidence that M[aster] Crawsley [sic] my said sonnes ffather in lawe will give vnto him and his wife some such like some to inable them to live Comfortably and happilie togeather’; Crawley's PCC will (dated and proved Feb. 1647/8) left the couple £20 (GL MS 9052/10; TNA PROB 11/203).
88 NA SP/446/54 (Thomas Badger, petition to Laud, 29 Feb. 1639/40, endorsed in Laud's hand). The succession began in 1637 when Purfoot, ‘being much in yeares accompanied with many infirmities, & in consideration of a good summe of monies, desired [the] assistance and managing of the trade’ by Badger. In Dec. 1639 ‘Thomas Purfoot resigned all his right, title estate & interest to [Badger] … by his deed’, which was presented with Badger's petition to Laud.
89 GL MS 9052/10. Note Lesser's observation that copies of books were often more valuable than printing materials (presses, letter, etc.) themselves (Renaissance drama, pp. 33–4). In her will (21 Feb. 1655, proved 3 Apr.), Alice Badger left ‘Coppies of Bookes and all my interest of in and to Copies of bookes entred in the name of my late husband Richard Badger deceased’. She was buried at St Dunstan's-in-the-West (which suggests residence with her surviving son, George, and continued involvement in his trade there), ‘by [the] Kitchin dore’ on 13 Mar. 1655 (GL MS 10345).
90 TNA LC5/134/277.
91 Receipts for books and stationery endorsed by Prince Charles's tutor and comptroller, dated from ‘midsomer’ 1641 to Feb. 1642, show that another stationer with Laudian connections, Henry Siele (see n. 52), was ‘the Princes Stationer’ (Folger Shakespeare Library, MS x.d.95.1, 2, 3). Was this in succession to Badger, or was the prince's ‘stationer’ distinct from his ‘printer’?
92 Title pages of William Laud, A relation of the conference (London, 1639), and Charles I, His majesties declaration concerning his proceedings with his subjects in Scotland (London, 1640).
93 Lesser, Renaissance Drama, pp. 41, 96. One such autobiographical paratextual statement of personal politics by Badger does exist in rare states of BAΣILIKA DΩPA, a collection of letters by English monarchs extolling the royal prerogative, printed and published by him in 1640. Two known copies have a short dedicatory epistle from Badger to the prince of Wales inserted between sigs. a1 and a2 (Bodleian Library Douce B.59 and Huntington Library RB 82389). The entire collection is sometimes attributed to Badger himself: STC; also Thomas Hearne, Remarks and collections, ed. C. E. Doble (11 vols., Oxford, 1885–1921), ii, p. 11. An inscription in another Bodleian copy (8o A 4 Art BS) identifies Dr Thomas Clayton (vice-chancellor of Oxford, Regius Professor of Medicine, and King's Physician) as the volume's ‘Collector’.
94 The working presence of two Richard Badgers for the first eight months of 1641 makes distinguishing between them difficult. Both certainly appear in the 1641 imprint of John Davenant's Exhortation to brotherly communion, printed by ‘R.B. for Richard Badger, and John William’; cf. also from ‘1641’ John Trapp's Theologia theologiæ, ‘by R.B. for George Badger, in S. Dunstane's Church-yard, at his shop turning up to Clifford's Inn’ (Trapp's dedication is signed from Stratford-upon-Avon, 25 Jan. 1641; the work is dated by Wing and EEBO 1641 – but is this 1642?).
95 The imprint published by Badger, Jr, was Edward Dunsterville, A sermon at the funerall of … Sir Simon Harcourt (1642), printed ‘by command of the Houses of Parliament’. His trade imprints included the anti-prelatical Two petitions from the countee palatine of Che[s]ter (the only to use his father's device), for R. Lownds; also for Lownds was the fallen Laudian Bishop Robert Wright's apologetic A speech spoken in the House of Commons. The absence of imprints later than 1642 is strange given Badger's appearance in company records as late as Aug. 1647, but his widow married out of the company shortly before the sale of her livery part on 8 July 1648; in June 1649 the company granted ‘Mr Bourne … the warehouse where Mr: Badgers presse house was’ (Stationers' Company, Court Book C, fos. 247r, 254 r, 257v).
96 For his marriage, see above and n. 87. He was paid in Oct. 1641 for ‘attending his fathers place [as beadle] since Michaelmas last’; in Feb. 1645/6 he petitioned the Court on his father-in-law's behalf for the sale of half of the latter's livery part; and he is mentioned in his father-in-law's Feb. 1647/8 will (Stationers' Company, Court Book C, fol. 178r, 251v; TNA PROB 11/203). Two children, John and Elizabeth, were born (respectively) in Feb. 1641 and Apr. 1643 in St Giles Cripplegate, and St James Clerkenwell. See Miller, William E., ‘Printers and stationers in the parish of St Giles Cripplegate 1561–1640’, Studies in Bibliography, 19 (1966), p. 19Google Scholar; R. Hovenden, ed., Registers of baptisms … at St James Clerkenwell (Harleian Society Publications ix, 1884), p. 154.
98 Reed, John Curtis, ‘Humphrey Moseley, publisher’, Oxford Bibilographical Society Proceedings and Papers, 2 (1930), pp. 104–5Google Scholar. See also Potter, Secret rites, pp. 20–2.
99 Three sons and a daughter of Thomas and Francis Badger were baptized between June 1639 and Aug. 1645; Badger himself was buried 4 Dec. 1646 (St Bartholomew-the-Less, MS 10.1); William Hall, A sermon preached at St. Bartholomevvs the lesse … the day of the inaugeration of our soveraigne lord king Charles (1642).
100 The frontispiece – with Payne's fine engraving of Andrewes and Crashaw's memorial poem – is unchanged except for the substitution of George Badger's name and address, and the year 1650. For the importance of this edition in the competition over the legacy of Andrewes's early Cambridge lectures, see McCullough, ‘Making dead men speak’, pp. 419–22; and Peter McCullough, ed., Lancelot Andrewes: selected sermons and lectures (Oxford, 2005), pp. 276–7.
101 Elizabeth's monument in St Mary Magdalen's, Oxford, mistakenly names her father as ‘Dr Iohn Robinson ArchDeacon of Nottingham’; her father was William; her brother was Sir John Robinson, bart., royalist merchant and Restoration alderman, MP, and lieutenant of the Tower.
102 Layfield's father was Dr John Layfield (d. 1617), member of Andrewes's Westminster committee for the King James Bible; see Ronald Bayne, ‘Layfield, John (1562/3–1617)’, rev. Margot Johnson, ODNB. By far the best account of Layfield's Laudian innovations, puritan ejection, and Restoration return at All Hallows is Fincham and Tyacke, Altars restored, pp. 265–72, 318–19; see also London County Council, Survey of London, xii:The parish of All Hallows Barking, part I (London, 1929), pp. 41–3, 48–9. A copy of Badger's 1635 edition of Andrewes's XCVI sermons survives at All Hallows, perhaps purchased by Layfield. A final testament of the Andrewes–Layfield legacy in the parish is the will of Andrewes's nephew, merchant Samuel Burrell, who requested interment there ‘with the solemnity of the Booke of Common Prayer’ and left ‘unto my Reverend and deare friend Edward Layfield Doctor in Divinity forty shillings for his attendance at that time’ (23 Dec. 1671, proved 10 Apr. 1673; TNA PROB 11/341).
103 No printed source yet adequately documents the Laud–Robinson relationships. See the will of Laud's half-brother, William Robinson, archdeacon of Nottingham (TNA PROB 11/190; 28 Feb. 1641, proved Oct. 1642), for his sons-in-law – all Laud's clients – Richard Baylie, John Swynnock, Thomas Walker, and William Duckett.
104 St John's College, Oxford, MSS lxxxv.A.15, lxxxvi.A.17, 20–2, 26 (letters to Baylie from Thomas Quiney, Thomas Walker, Thomas Downes, William Duckett, and Edward Layfield); TNA E101/547/5, fo. 154. Badger's household as hostelry, depository, and meeting point for an embattled sectarian minority provides another anticipation of the role in early Quakerism played by the stationer Giles Calvert, who, among other services, ‘was also used as a forwarding address for letters’ to and from Quaker ministers; see above, nn. 1, 66.
105 Death followed soon after; the will was proved by his widow and executors on 20 Aug. 1641. The place and date of his burial is a mystery: he was not interred at St Martin's Ludgate, St Dunstan's-in-the-West, or Holy Trinity Stratford; nor at neighbouring London parishes for which records survive (St Gregory's, St Faith's); nor at the Laudian satellites with which he had connection (All Hallows Barking, St Mary's Lambeth).
106 Richard Baylie's half-sister Anna (daughter of Anne Quiney and her second husband, William Wheate), married Thomas Dighton of Worcester, father of Badger's legatee and executor of the same name (d. 1669). The younger Thomas Dighton's elder brother, Job (d. 1666, lawyer and associate of Richard Quiney), acquired the manor of Clifford Chambers near Stratford and served as town clerk, and his son Henry made a complete circle of the Baylie–Quiney connection by marrying Richard Baylie's daughter, Sarah. Several Bailey, Quiney, and Dighton sons matriculated at St John's College, Oxford, during the presidency there of Richard Baylie (1633–48, 1660–7). See The visitation of Worcestershire 1569 (Harleian Society vol. 27), p. 49; The visitation of the county of Warwick in the year 1619 (Harleian Society vol. 12), p. 193; Andrew Clark, ed., The life and times of Anthony Wood (5 vols. Oxford, 1892), ii, pp. 114–15; and Ann Hughes, Politics, society and civil war in Warwickshire, 1620–1660 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 33. See also the wills of Anne (Quiney, Baylie) Wheate (proved 1632), Job Dighton (proved 1666), and Thomas Dighton (proved 1669): TNA PROB 11/162, 11/300, and 11/329.