Hostname: page-component-7bb8b95d7b-cx56b Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-10-06T06:28:55.106Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Carl Heinrich Becker: From old to Modern Islamology

Commemorating the 70th Anniversary of “Der Islam als Problem”

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Mark Batunsky
Affiliation:
Institute of Sociology Academy of Sciences of the Ussr, Moscow

Extract

Even now, seventy years after publication, the significance of Becker's article “Der Islam als Problem”1 is still very difficult2 to realize completely. The article is short but it presents a historical and cultural perspective more dense in meaning than many thick volumes could be. It was an attempt to bid resolute farewell to a great number of previous conceptions about the nature of the Muslim religion, which had acquired an almost axiological status

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 Der Islam, Vol. I (Hamburg, 1910), pp. 123.Google Scholar

2 We have to take into account that the teaching about Islam as a whole did not find a classically complete expression in Becker's work. He did not concentrate his ideas in any single paper but scattered them in a multitude of articles, books, reviews, different in importance, length, and form. Besides, Becker's understanding of the specific nature of Islam changed with time: he often took to studying some single aspect of Islam and, in that case, deliberately isolated and emphasized it out of proportion, thus violating the integrity of his own lslamology. In order to study the views of Becker on Islam, therefore, we had to put them together like a jigsaw puzzle trying to isolate and follow his general logic.

My essay does not aim to give a detailed description of Becker's Islamological conceptions; this has already been done in the highly informative book by Waardenburg, J.-J., L'Islam dans le miroir de l'Occident (Paris, 1962). It deals only with ideological-methodological and epistemological principles of Becker's Islamology and the actual and potential role played in the dynamics of that science.Google Scholar

3 DespitealltheeffortsmadebyA.vonKremertofindaharmoniouscombinationofmicro-andmacroanalyses(seeBatunskij, Mark,“AlfredvonKremeralseinerderBegrunderdermodernenIslamkunde”,AnzeigerderÜsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.Philosophisch-historischeKiasse.116(1979),240260.Google Scholar

4 SeeWende, E.,Becker, C.H.,MenschundPoliriker(Stuttgart,1960), p.105.Google Scholar

5 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”inBecker, C.H., Islamsiudien(IS), Vol.1(Leipzig, 1924), pp.12.Google Scholar

6 Ibid., p.2.

7 “IstderIslameineGefahrfürunsereKolonien?”IS, Vol.II(Leipzig, 1932), p.156.Google Scholar

8 Ibid., pp.156–157(italicsmine).

9 Ibid., p.157.

10 Ibid., p.169.

12 Ibid., p.168.

13 Therefore, itisnotbychance, ofcourse, thathavingbecometheMinisterofCultureafterWorldWarI, Beckerspokeagainstaone-sided, onlyliterary-historic-aestheticapproachtothestudyofothercountries, andrequiredtheknowledgeof“nichtnurSprachen, sondernderstaatlichen, wirtschaftlichenundgesellschaftlichenStrukturandererLänderunddesvielgestaltigenDenkensundEmpfindensihrerVölker”(Ritter, H., “DemAndenkenanC.H.Becker, ”DerIslam.38, 3(1963), 274.Google Scholar

14 “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”IS.II, 201.Google Scholar

15 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.2(italicsmine).

16 Ibid., pp.2–3.

17 SeealsoBatunsky, M., “Kproblemevzaimootnosheniireligioznoiipoliticheskoielitnamusul'manskomVostoke, ”Obschchestvo, elitaibiurokratiiavrazvivaiushchikhsiastranakhVosroka(“OntheProblemofRelationshipofReligiousandPoliticalElitesintheMuslimOrient, ”Society, Elite, andBureaucracyinDevelopingOrientalCountries), Vol.1(Moscow, 1974), pp.8283.Google Scholar

18 “StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”IS, 1, 218.Google ScholarSeealsoldquo;TheodorNöldeke, ”IS, 1, 515;Google Scholar“MartinHartmann, ”IS, II, 490.Google Scholar

19 SeeBatunsky, M., “Kvoprosuobideino-metodologicheskikhosnovakhtvorchestvaI.Goldzihera, ”Vestnikistoriimirovoikuirury(OntheProblemofIdeologicalandMethodologicalBasisoftheWorkofI.Goldziher, ”BulletinofHistoryofWorldCulture), 6(Moscow, 1960), 111117.Google Scholar

20 “StaatundMission, ”pp.218–219(italicsmine).

21 Ibid., p.219.AndBeckerassignedevenreligiousfanaticismtotheattributesofanappropriateethnicandpsychologicalcomplex(Ibid.p.222).

22 Ibid., p.218(italicsmine).

23 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.5.

24 Inmanyrespects, arepresentativeofthe“socioeconomic”trendthatreducedreligiousideologytoamanifestationofsocialandeconomiccontradictionsandignoredspontaneousprocessesinthereligioussphere, BeckeroftenrefusedtoseeinreligiousmovementsastructuralelementofspiritualhistoryoftheMuslimworldwhichwasdeterminedprimarilybytheformsofconsciousnessthatdevelopedimmanently.OnecannotexpectanythingelsefromBeckerwho, evenwhenyoung, didnotfeel“einInteresseanreintheologischenProblemen”(Wende, , Becker, C.H..MenschundPolitiker, p.17)andwhoneverwasabletosupplementorganicallyasociologicalanalysiswithapsychologicalone.Google Scholar

25 Kremer, A., KulrurgeschichredesOrientsunterdenChalifen, Vol.II(Vienna, 1877), p.29.Google Scholar

26 Kuenen, A., NationalReligionsandUniversalReligions(London, 1882), p.293.Google Scholar

27 Landmann, M., PhilosophischeAntropologie(Berlin, 1955), p.187.Google Scholar

28 And, therefore, itiswrongtoconsiderC.Beckerasupporterof“mono-causalexplanationsofthefoundationsandexpansionofIslam”(Bryan, S.Turner, WeberandIslam:ACriticalStuds[London, 1974], p.32).Google Scholar

29 “Panislamismus, ”IS, II, 232.Google Scholar

30 Ibid., p.251.

31 Renan, E., Islaminauka(IslamandScience)(St.Petersburg, 1883), p.5.Google Scholar

32 “DieAraberalsKolonisatoren, ”IS, II, 8.Google Scholar

33 Itgoeswithoutsaying, though, thatthenetworkofnotionsmadebyBeckerwasnotverysuitablefordeepstructuralizationofMuslimsocieties:itwasdominatedbyethnicgroupswhileclassesandsocialgroupswerepracticallyeliminated.

34 Thus, inpost-warTurkey“wardiepolitischePraxisbeherrschtvomnationalenlnstinktdertürkischenRasse…dienationalePhantasiebegeistertesichanderIdeeeineskunftigengrossturkischenoderturanischenReiches”(“DieTürkeinachdemWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 442).Google Scholar

35 DieStifterhabendesreinreligiöse[italicsmine]imMenscheninderTiefezuerweckengewusst.DieReligionselbersinddasProduktderAuseinandersetzungderhierdurchangeregtenBewegungmitdenvorgefundenenKulturelementen.AuchdiehöchsteLebenserkenntnisbleibtandieZeitumständegebunden;jadasMilieuwirktaufdieDaueroftmächtigeralsderschöpferischeGedanke”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 400).Google Scholar

36 “KarlVollers, ”IS, II, 453.Google Scholar

37 “IgnazGoldziher, ”IS, II, 500.Google Scholar

38 “IstderIslameineGefahr…?”IS, II, 183.Google Scholar

39 Ibid., p.185(italicsmine).

40 Ibid., p.180.

41 “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.205(italicsmine)

42 SeeindetailWende, , C.H.Becker, p.24.Google Scholar

43 InBecker'ssetofrequirementstoHomoIslamicus, therefore, prevailsademandtobringtherationalsphereofthepersonalityirreversiblytotheforeground, andthedemandthatthissphereshouldoverridetheemotional, aesthetic, andsensualaspectsofthatpersonality(see“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 369).Google Scholar

44 Thatiswhy, inparticular, hesopassionatelypraisedtheroleofIslaminBlackAfricaasbeinghistoricallyprogressive(see“DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.201;“StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”p.218).

45 “IstderIslameineGefahr…”p.119.

46 “DerIslamu.d.Kolonisierung, ”p.202.

47 Ibid., p.205.

48 “JuliusWellhausen, ”IS, II, 480.Google Scholar

49 Waardenburg, , L'lslamdanslemiroirdel'Occident, pp.304305.Google Scholar

50 SeealsoBecker, C.H., “DerWandelimgeschichtlichenBewusstsein, ”DieNeueRundschau, 38(1927), 113115.Google Scholar

51 Seeespecially“GrundsätzlicheszurLeben-Muhammed-Forschung, ”IS.I, 52.Google Scholar

52 Wende, , p.146.Google Scholar

53 Ibid., p.144.

54 Hisinclinationtowardreductionistprocedures(see, forexample.“ChnstentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 402), therefore, isbothundoubtableandquiteunderstandable.Google Scholar

55 Hedidmuchforthecomprehensionoftheirtremendousroleeveninhisearlyworks, inparticularinBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, (Strassburg, 1902).Google Scholar

56 AccordingtoBecker, “allesschöpferischeistIndividualleistung, eineGemeinschaftistnurschöpferischinderGefolgschafteinesführendenIndividuums”(Wende, , p.152).Google ScholarSeealsoBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, I, 189.Google Scholar

57 See“DerIslamimRahmeneinerallgemeinenKulturgeschichte, ”IS.1, 24, 25.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., p.25.

59 AndthatiswhyBeckerinsistedsostronglythattherewasnothingnewintheChalifatecivilization(“Spengler'sMagischeKultur, ”ZDMG, 78(1923), 2829.Google Scholar

60 “DerIslaminRahmen, ”pp.28–29.

61 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.16.

62 Seeespecially“DerIslamalsWeltanschauunginVergangenheitundGegenwart, ”IS, I, 41, ;“ChristentumundIslam, ”p.428;Google Scholar“AltrissderislamischenReligion, ”IS, I, 331;Google Scholar“DertürkischeStaatsgedanke, ”IS, II, 348.Google Scholar

63 Itispossibletofindthisbasis, particularlyinBecker'stendencytobringtogetherasmuchaspossible(withoutgoingtotheextremesofaxiologicalunification, however)IslamandChristianitywithinafundamentallycommonculturalidealandto“deasiatize”byallmeansthetworeligionsand, consequently, theirfuturewaysofdevelopment(see“Islampolitik, ”IS.II, 310).Google ScholarThemainlysecularapproachofBeckercanalsobeseenfromthefactthathewasmoreinterestedinthe“wordly”componentsoftheMuslimandChristiancivilizationsthaninthereligiousones–Asian(firstofall, Persian)inorigin(“LeoFrobenius, ”IS, II, 61).Google Scholar

64 See“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 367.Google Scholar

65 SeealsoBatunsky, M.A., “MusulmanskiiVostok:istochnikisotsiokulturnoidinamikiiorientatsiinauniversal'nyesimvoly, ”Natsional'noeiinternatsional'noevideologiinatsional'no-osvo-boditel'nogodvizheniiaGoogle Scholar(“MuslimOrient:SourcesofSocioculturalDynamicsandOrientationasUniversalSymbols, ”TheNationalandInternationalintheIdeologyoftheNationalLiberationMovement), Vol.II(Moscow, 1974), pp.1015.Google Scholar

66 DieTürkeiimWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 258.Google Scholar

67 “DieKriegsdiskussionüberdenHeiligenKrieg, ”IS, II, 320.Google Scholar

68 Snouck-Hurgronje, Ch., Mohammedanism(NewYork, 1916), pp.16, 52.Google Scholar

69 Itisonlyinviewofthis“egalitarian”aspectofBecker'swork, whichactuallymakesitpossibletowithdrawtheantithesisoftheWestandtheEast, thatoneshouldinterpretBecker'snotionthatIslamstimulatedthedevelopmentofcultureinBlackAfricaandalsoBecker'sfamousconceptofaclosepositivecorrelationbetweenfieldsofactivityofIslamandcapitalismandtheirinteraction(see“IslamalsWeltanschauung, ”IS, I, 52Google Scholar“IslamundWirtschaft, ”IS, 1, 5465.Google Scholar

70 SeeBatunsky, M., “Onekotorykhtendentsiiakhvsovremennomzapadnomislamovedenii, ”Religiiaiobshchestvennaiamysl'narodovVostoka(“OnSomeTrendsinModernIslamologyintheWest, ”ReligionandSocialThoughtofthePeoplesoftheOrient)(Moscow, 1971), p.236.Google Scholar

71 “DerIslamalsWeltanschauung, ”p.53s.

72 MögederIslamsichallmählichnichtnurdieForm, sondernauchdasWesendesneuenchristlichenEuropazueigenmachen!AuchdaschristlicheMittelalterhatJahrhundertegebraucht, bisesdieneueGedankenweltübersichHerrwerdenliess.AuchimChristentumwarenesUnchristhicheIdeen, diedasNeueschufen, aberdiechristlichenhabensichorganischmitihnenverbunden.SokannsichauchdieWiedergeburtdesOrientsnichtalleindurchImportundNachnahmungeuropäischenGutesvollziehen, sondernhauptsächlichdurchGeistesarbeit, auchaufdemBodenderReligion”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, 1, 429).Seealso“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”p.337and“DieTürkennachdemWeltkriege, ”p.449.Google Scholar

73 SeeindetailBatunsky, M., “Razvitiepredstavleniiobislamevzapadnoevropeiskoisrednevekovoiobshchestvennoimysli, ”NarodyAziiiAfriki(“TheDevelopmentofNotionsofIslaminWestern-EuropeanMedievalSocialThought, ”PeoplesofAsiaandAfrica), (Moscow, 1971), 18.Google Scholar