Commemorating the 70th Anniversary of “Der Islam als Problem”
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
Even now, seventy years after publication, the significance of Becker's article “Der Islam als Problem”1 is still very difficult2 to realize completely. The article is short but it presents a historical and cultural perspective more dense in meaning than many thick volumes could be. It was an attempt to bid resolute farewell to a great number of previous conceptions about the nature of the Muslim religion, which had acquired an almost axiological status
1 Der Islam, Vol. I (Hamburg, 1910), pp. 1–23.Google Scholar
2 We have to take into account that the teaching about Islam as a whole did not find a classically complete expression in Becker's work. He did not concentrate his ideas in any single paper but scattered them in a multitude of articles, books, reviews, different in importance, length, and form. Besides, Becker's understanding of the specific nature of Islam changed with time: he often took to studying some single aspect of Islam and, in that case, deliberately isolated and emphasized it out of proportion, thus violating the integrity of his own lslamology. In order to study the views of Becker on Islam, therefore, we had to put them together like a jigsaw puzzle trying to isolate and follow his general logic.
My essay does not aim to give a detailed description of Becker's Islamological conceptions; this has already been done in the highly informative book by Waardenburg, J.-J., L'Islam dans le miroir de l'Occident (Paris, 1962). It deals only with ideological-methodological and epistemological principles of Becker's Islamology and the actual and potential role played in the dynamics of that science.Google Scholar
3 DespitealltheeffortsmadebyA.vonKremertofindaharmoniouscombinationofmicro-andmacroanalyses(seeBatunskij, Mark,“AlfredvonKremeralseinerderBegrunderdermodernenIslamkunde”,AnzeigerderÜsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.Philosophisch-historischeKiasse.116(1979),240–260.Google Scholar
4 SeeWende, E.,Becker, C.H.,MenschundPoliriker(Stuttgart,1960), p.105.Google Scholar
5 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”inBecker, C.H., Islamsiudien(IS), Vol.1(Leipzig, 1924), pp.1–2.Google Scholar
6 Ibid., p.2.
7 “IstderIslameineGefahrfürunsereKolonien?”IS, Vol.II(Leipzig, 1932), p.156.Google Scholar
8 Ibid., pp.156–157(italicsmine).
9 Ibid., p.157.
10 Ibid., p.169.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid., p.168.
13 Therefore, itisnotbychance, ofcourse, thathavingbecometheMinisterofCultureafterWorldWarI, Beckerspokeagainstaone-sided, onlyliterary-historic-aestheticapproachtothestudyofothercountries, andrequiredtheknowledgeof“nichtnurSprachen, sondernderstaatlichen, wirtschaftlichenundgesellschaftlichenStrukturandererLänderunddesvielgestaltigenDenkensundEmpfindensihrerVölker”(Ritter, H., “DemAndenkenanC.H.Becker, ”DerIslam.38, 3(1963), 274.Google Scholar
14 “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”IS.II, 201.Google Scholar
15 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.2(italicsmine).
16 Ibid., pp.2–3.
17 SeealsoBatunsky, M., “Kproblemevzaimootnosheniireligioznoiipoliticheskoielitnamusul'manskomVostoke, ”Obschchestvo, elitaibiurokratiiavrazvivaiushchikhsiastranakhVosroka(“OntheProblemofRelationshipofReligiousandPoliticalElitesintheMuslimOrient, ”Society, Elite, andBureaucracyinDevelopingOrientalCountries), Vol.1(Moscow, 1974), pp.82–83.Google Scholar
18 “StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”IS, 1, 218.Google ScholarSeealsoldquo;TheodorNöldeke, ”IS, 1, 515;Google Scholar“MartinHartmann, ”IS, II, 490.Google Scholar
19 SeeBatunsky, M., “Kvoprosuobideino-metodologicheskikhosnovakhtvorchestvaI.Goldzihera, ”Vestnikistoriimirovoikuirury(OntheProblemofIdeologicalandMethodologicalBasisoftheWorkofI.Goldziher, ”BulletinofHistoryofWorldCulture), 6(Moscow, 1960), 111–117.Google Scholar
20 “StaatundMission, ”pp.218–219(italicsmine).
22 Ibid., p.218(italicsmine).
23 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.5.
24 Inmanyrespects, arepresentativeofthe“socioeconomic”trendthatreducedreligiousideologytoamanifestationofsocialandeconomiccontradictionsandignoredspontaneousprocessesinthereligioussphere, BeckeroftenrefusedtoseeinreligiousmovementsastructuralelementofspiritualhistoryoftheMuslimworldwhichwasdeterminedprimarilybytheformsofconsciousnessthatdevelopedimmanently.OnecannotexpectanythingelsefromBeckerwho, evenwhenyoung, didnotfeel“einInteresseanreintheologischenProblemen”(Wende, , Becker, C.H..MenschundPolitiker, p.17)andwhoneverwasabletosupplementorganicallyasociologicalanalysiswithapsychologicalone.Google Scholar
25 Kremer, A., KulrurgeschichredesOrientsunterdenChalifen, Vol.II(Vienna, 1877), p.29.Google Scholar
26 Kuenen, A., NationalReligionsandUniversalReligions(London, 1882), p.293.Google Scholar
27 Landmann, M., PhilosophischeAntropologie(Berlin, 1955), p.187.Google Scholar
28 And, therefore, itiswrongtoconsiderC.Beckerasupporterof“mono-causalexplanationsofthefoundationsandexpansionofIslam”(Bryan, S.Turner, WeberandIslam:ACriticalStuds[London, 1974], p.32).Google Scholar
29 “Panislamismus, ”IS, II, 232.Google Scholar
30 Ibid., p.251.
31 Renan, E., Islaminauka(IslamandScience)(St.Petersburg, 1883), p.5.Google Scholar
32 “DieAraberalsKolonisatoren, ”IS, II, 8.Google Scholar
33 Itgoeswithoutsaying, though, thatthenetworkofnotionsmadebyBeckerwasnotverysuitablefordeepstructuralizationofMuslimsocieties:itwasdominatedbyethnicgroupswhileclassesandsocialgroupswerepracticallyeliminated.
34 Thus, inpost-warTurkey“wardiepolitischePraxisbeherrschtvomnationalenlnstinktdertürkischenRasse…dienationalePhantasiebegeistertesichanderIdeeeineskunftigengrossturkischenoderturanischenReiches”(“DieTürkeinachdemWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 442).Google Scholar
35 DieStifterhabendesreinreligiöse[italicsmine]imMenscheninderTiefezuerweckengewusst.DieReligionselbersinddasProduktderAuseinandersetzungderhierdurchangeregtenBewegungmitdenvorgefundenenKulturelementen.AuchdiehöchsteLebenserkenntnisbleibtandieZeitumständegebunden;jadasMilieuwirktaufdieDaueroftmächtigeralsderschöpferischeGedanke”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 400).Google Scholar
36 “KarlVollers, ”IS, II, 453.Google Scholar
37 “IgnazGoldziher, ”IS, II, 500.Google Scholar
38 “IstderIslameineGefahr…?”IS, II, 183.Google Scholar
39 Ibid., p.185(italicsmine).
40 Ibid., p.180.
41 “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.205(italicsmine)
42 SeeindetailWende, , C.H.Becker, p.24.Google Scholar
43 InBecker'ssetofrequirementstoHomoIslamicus, therefore, prevailsademandtobringtherationalsphereofthepersonalityirreversiblytotheforeground, andthedemandthatthissphereshouldoverridetheemotional, aesthetic, andsensualaspectsofthatpersonality(see“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 369).Google Scholar
44 Thatiswhy, inparticular, hesopassionatelypraisedtheroleofIslaminBlackAfricaasbeinghistoricallyprogressive(see“DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.201;“StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”p.218).
45 “IstderIslameineGefahr…”p.119.
46 “DerIslamu.d.Kolonisierung, ”p.202.
47 Ibid., p.205.
48 “JuliusWellhausen, ”IS, II, 480.Google Scholar
49 Waardenburg, , L'lslamdanslemiroirdel'Occident, pp.304–305.Google Scholar
50 SeealsoBecker, C.H., “DerWandelimgeschichtlichenBewusstsein, ”DieNeueRundschau, 38(1927), 113–115.Google Scholar
51 Seeespecially“GrundsätzlicheszurLeben-Muhammed-Forschung, ”IS.I, 52.Google Scholar
52 Wende, , p.146.Google Scholar
53 Ibid., p.144.
54 Hisinclinationtowardreductionistprocedures(see, forexample.“ChnstentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 402), therefore, isbothundoubtableandquiteunderstandable.Google Scholar
55 Hedidmuchforthecomprehensionoftheirtremendousroleeveninhisearlyworks, inparticularinBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, (Strassburg, 1902).Google Scholar
56 AccordingtoBecker, “allesschöpferischeistIndividualleistung, eineGemeinschaftistnurschöpferischinderGefolgschafteinesführendenIndividuums”(Wende, , p.152).Google ScholarSeealsoBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, I, 189.Google Scholar
57 See“DerIslamimRahmeneinerallgemeinenKulturgeschichte, ”IS.1, 24, 25.Google Scholar
58 Ibid., p.25.
59 AndthatiswhyBeckerinsistedsostronglythattherewasnothingnewintheChalifatecivilization(“Spengler'sMagischeKultur, ”ZDMG, 78(1923), 28–29.Google Scholar
60 “DerIslaminRahmen, ”pp.28–29.
61 “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.16.
62 Seeespecially“DerIslamalsWeltanschauunginVergangenheitundGegenwart, ”IS, I, 41, ;“ChristentumundIslam, ”p.428;Google Scholar“AltrissderislamischenReligion, ”IS, I, 331;Google Scholar“DertürkischeStaatsgedanke, ”IS, II, 348.Google Scholar
63 Itispossibletofindthisbasis, particularlyinBecker'stendencytobringtogetherasmuchaspossible(withoutgoingtotheextremesofaxiologicalunification, however)IslamandChristianitywithinafundamentallycommonculturalidealandto“deasiatize”byallmeansthetworeligionsand, consequently, theirfuturewaysofdevelopment(see“Islampolitik, ”IS.II, 310).Google ScholarThemainlysecularapproachofBeckercanalsobeseenfromthefactthathewasmoreinterestedinthe“wordly”componentsoftheMuslimandChristiancivilizationsthaninthereligiousones–Asian(firstofall, Persian)inorigin(“LeoFrobenius, ”IS, II, 61).Google Scholar
64 See“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 367.Google Scholar
65 SeealsoBatunsky, M.A., “MusulmanskiiVostok:istochnikisotsiokulturnoidinamikiiorientatsiinauniversal'nyesimvoly, ”Natsional'noeiinternatsional'noevideologiinatsional'no-osvo-boditel'nogodvizheniiaGoogle Scholar(“MuslimOrient:SourcesofSocioculturalDynamicsandOrientationasUniversalSymbols, ”TheNationalandInternationalintheIdeologyoftheNationalLiberationMovement), Vol.II(Moscow, 1974), pp.10–15.Google Scholar
66 DieTürkeiimWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 258.Google Scholar
67 “DieKriegsdiskussionüberdenHeiligenKrieg, ”IS, II, 320.Google Scholar
68 Snouck-Hurgronje, Ch., Mohammedanism(NewYork, 1916), pp.16, 52.Google Scholar
69 Itisonlyinviewofthis“egalitarian”aspectofBecker'swork, whichactuallymakesitpossibletowithdrawtheantithesisoftheWestandtheEast, thatoneshouldinterpretBecker'snotionthatIslamstimulatedthedevelopmentofcultureinBlackAfricaandalsoBecker'sfamousconceptofaclosepositivecorrelationbetweenfieldsofactivityofIslamandcapitalismandtheirinteraction(see“IslamalsWeltanschauung, ”IS, I, 52Google Scholar“IslamundWirtschaft, ”IS, 1, 54–65.Google Scholar
70 SeeBatunsky, M., “Onekotorykhtendentsiiakhvsovremennomzapadnomislamovedenii, ”Religiiaiobshchestvennaiamysl'narodovVostoka(“OnSomeTrendsinModernIslamologyintheWest, ”ReligionandSocialThoughtofthePeoplesoftheOrient)(Moscow, 1971), p.236.Google Scholar
71 “DerIslamalsWeltanschauung, ”p.53s.
72 MögederIslamsichallmählichnichtnurdieForm, sondernauchdasWesendesneuenchristlichenEuropazueigenmachen!AuchdaschristlicheMittelalterhatJahrhundertegebraucht, bisesdieneueGedankenweltübersichHerrwerdenliess.AuchimChristentumwarenesUnchristhicheIdeen, diedasNeueschufen, aberdiechristlichenhabensichorganischmitihnenverbunden.SokannsichauchdieWiedergeburtdesOrientsnichtalleindurchImportundNachnahmungeuropäischenGutesvollziehen, sondernhauptsächlichdurchGeistesarbeit, auchaufdemBodenderReligion”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, 1, 429).Seealso“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”p.337and“DieTürkennachdemWeltkriege, ”p.449.Google Scholar
73 SeeindetailBatunsky, M., “Razvitiepredstavleniiobislamevzapadnoevropeiskoisrednevekovoiobshchestvennoimysli, ”NarodyAziiiAfriki(“TheDevelopmentofNotionsofIslaminWestern-EuropeanMedievalSocialThought, ”PeoplesofAsiaandAfrica), (Moscow, 1971), 18.Google Scholar
