Hostname: page-component-7d684dbfc8-dh8xm Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2023-09-28T18:12:08.395Z Has data issue: false Feature Flags: { "corePageComponentGetUserInfoFromSharedSession": true, "coreDisableEcommerce": false, "coreDisableSocialShare": false, "coreDisableEcommerceForArticlePurchase": false, "coreDisableEcommerceForBookPurchase": false, "coreDisableEcommerceForElementPurchase": false, "coreUseNewShare": true, "useRatesEcommerce": true } hasContentIssue false

Global prohibition regimes: the evolution of norms in international society

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

Ethan A. Nadelmann
Assistant Professor of Politics and Public Affairs in the Woodrow Wilson School and the Department of Politics at Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey.
Get access


The dynamics by which norms emerge and spread in international society have been the subject of strikingly little study. This article focuses on norms that prohibit, both in international law and in the domestic criminal laws of states, the involvement of state and nonstate actors in activities such as piracy, slavery, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, the hijacking of aircraft, and the killing of endangered animal species. It analyzes the manner in which these norms have evolved into and been institutionalized by global prohibition regimes and argues that there are two principal inducements to the formation and promotion of such regimes. The first is the inadequacy of unilateral and bilateral law enforcement measures in the face of criminal activities that transcend national borders. The second is the role of moral and emotional factors related to neither political nor economic advantage but instead involving religious beliefs, humanitarian sentiments, fears, prejudices, paternalism, faith in universalism, the individual conscience, and the compulsion to proselytize. The ultimate success or failure of an international regime in effectively suppressing a particular activity depends, however, not only on the degree of commitment to its norms or the extent of resources devoted to carrying out its goals but also on the vulnerability of the activity to its enforcement measures.

Copyright © The IO Foundation 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)


1. Axelrod, Robert, “An Evolutionary Approach to Norms,” American Political Science Review 80 (12 1986), p. 1101CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. For a discussion of international regimes in general, see Krasner, Stephen D., ed.. International Regimes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Young, Oran R., International Cooperation: Building Regimes for Natural Resources and the Environment (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Haggard, Stephan and Simmons, Beth A., “Theories of International Regimes,” International Organization 41 (Summer 1987), pp. 493–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Keohane, Robert O., After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

3. See Kindleberger, Charles P., “Hierarchy Versus Inertial Cooperation,” International Organization 40 (Autumn 1986), p. 845CrossRefGoogle Scholar, in which much of the regime literature is criticized for ignoring the role of “conscience, duty, obligation, or such old-fashioned notions as noblesse oblige.”

4. The notion of “transnational moral entrepreneurs” conjoins Becker's concept of “moral entrepreneurs” and Huntington's notion of a “transnational organization.” Becker indicates that moral entrepreneurs are those who “operate with an absolute ethic” in seeking to create new rules to do away with a perceived great evil. See Becker, Howard, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1963), p. 148Google Scholar. Huntington states that a transnational organization is “a relatively large, hierarchically organized, centrally directed bureaucracy… [that] performs a set of relatively limited, specialized, and in some sense, technical functions… across one or more international boundaries and, insofar as it is possible, in relative disregard of those boundaries.” See Huntington, Samuel, “Transnational Organizations in World Politics,” World Politics 25 (04 1973), p. 333CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. See Bassiouni, M. Cherif, ed., International Criminal Law (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Transnational Publishers, 1986)Google Scholar.

6. See Wight, Martin, “Western Values in International Relations,” in Butterfield, Herbert and Wight, Martin, eds., Diplomatic Investigations: Essays in the Theory of International Politics (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), pp. 89131Google Scholar; Bull, Hedley, “The Emergence of a Universal International Society,” in Bull, Hedley and Watson, Adam, eds., The Expansion of International Society (London: Oxford University Press, 1984), pp. 117–26Google Scholar; and Mayall, James, “International Society and International Theory,” in Donelan, Michael, ed.. The Reason of States: A Study in International Political Theory (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978), pp. 122–41Google Scholar.

7. See Beitz, Charles, “Bounded Morality: Justice and the State in World Politics,” International Organization 33 (Summer 1979), pp. 405–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Keohane, , After Hegemony, pp. 247–51Google Scholar.

8. Mayall, James, “Introduction,” in Mayall, James, ed., The Community of States: A Study in International Political Theory (London: Allen & Unwin, 1982), p. 2Google Scholar.

9. The question of when a regime comes into existence, like the question of when a human being comes into existence, is a matter of debate. The answer is largely a function of how we define and make use of the term “regime.”

10. Young, , International Cooperation, pp. 76 and 203Google Scholar.

11. Global prohibition regimes that reach the fifth stage of development resemble other global regimes that have emerged since the mid-1800s to monitor, control, and prevent cholera, plague, yellow fever, smallpox, and other infectious diseases. For a fascinating analysis of how international cooperation against infectious diseases ultimately prevailed, see Cooper, Richard N., International Cooperation in Public Health as a Prologue to Macroeconomic Cooperation (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institute, 1986)Google Scholar.

12. See Thomson, Janice E., “Sovereignty in Historical Perspective: The Evolution of State Control over Extraterritorial Violence,” in Caparoso, James A., ed., The Elusive State (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1989), pp. 227–54Google Scholar.

13. See Jackson, Robert H., “Quasi-States, Dual Regimes, and Neoclassical Theory: International Jurisprudence and the Third World,” International Organization 41 (Autumn 1987), pp. 533–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. States that are able and willing to employ totalitarian measures and states whose laws are bolstered by strong social sanctions are best able to suppress these types of criminal activities. International society, however, lacks both the potential to employ totalitarian methods and the cultural homogeneity that typically underlies powerful social sanctions.

15. For an overview of the subject, see Gosse, Philip, The History of Piracy (New York: Longmans, Green, 1932)Google Scholar.

16. Schwarzenberger, Georg, “International Law,” in The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 21, p. 725Google Scholar.

17. Schwarzenberger, Georg, “The Problem of an International Criminal Law,” in Mueller, Gerhard O. W. and Wise, Edward M., eds., International Criminal Law (South Hackensack, N.J.: Fred B. Rothman, 1965), p. 6Google Scholar.

18. See Braudel, Fernand, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, vol. 2, trans. Reynolds, Sian (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1976), pp. 865–91Google Scholar.

19. Ritchie, Robert C., Captain Kidd and the War Against the Pirates (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 11Google Scholar.

20. Senior, C. M., A Nation of Pirates: English Piracy in Its Heyday (New York: Crane Russak, 1976), p. 149Google Scholar.

21. Ritchie, , Captain Kidd and the War Against the Pirates, pp. 152–54Google Scholar.

22. Senior, ANation of Pirates, p. 151Google Scholar.

23. Watson, Adam, “European International Society and Its Expansion,” in Bull, and Watson, , The Expansion of International Society, p. 25Google Scholar.

24. See, for example, Tarding, Nicholas, Piracy and Politics in the Malay World (Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1963)Google Scholar.

25. See Ward, Ralph T., Pirates in History (Baltimore, Md.: York Press, 1974), pp. 112–27Google Scholar; and Wolf, John B., The Barbary Coast (New York: Norton, 1979), pp. 299321Google Scholar.

26. Thomson, , “Sovereignty in Historical Perspective,” pp. 248–49Google Scholar.

27. Ward, , Pirates in History, p. 158Google Scholar.

28. Stark, Francis R., “The Abolition of Privateering and the Declaration of Paris,” dissertation, Columbia University, New York, 1897Google Scholar.

29. See, for example, Grummond, Jane Lucas de, Renato Beluche: Smuggler, Privateer, and Patriot, 1780–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983)Google Scholar.

30. Thomson, “Sovereignty in Historical Perspective.”

31. Benjamin Franklin, cited in Lucie-Smith, Edward, Outcasts of the Sea (New York: Paddington Press, 1978), p. 232Google Scholar.

32. Lord Nelson, cited in ibid.

33. Sir Piggott, Francis, The Declaration of Paris, 1856 (London: University of London Press, 1919), pp. 142–49Google Scholar.

34. “Privateer,” in The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 8, p. 713.

35. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, On the Social Contract, trans. Masters, Roger D. and Masters, Judith R. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978), p. 50Google Scholar.

36. That the regime was not codified in an international convention until the 1958 Convention on the High Seas may well be explained by the fact that global norms condemning piracy were so universally acknowledged by the middle of the nineteenth century that a convention would have been perceived as superfluous. Indeed, many states explicitly condemned other transnational activities, such as slave trading, by linking them with and even labeling them as piracy. See Dubner, Barry H., The Law of International Sea Piracy (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1980)Google Scholar.

37. Ward, , Pirates in History, pp. 158–59Google Scholar.

38. Ibid.

39. See Mueller, G. O. W. and Adler, Freda, Outlaws of the Ocean (New York: Hearst Marine Books, 1985), pp. 131–57Google Scholar; and Captain Villar, Roger, Piracy Today: Robbery and Violence at Sea Since 1980 (London: Conway Maritime Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

40. For an analysis of the British role, see Craton, Michael, Sinews of Empire: A Short History of British Slavery (Garden City, N.V.: Anchor Books, 1974)Google Scholar. The figure often million is derived from Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 268Google Scholar.

41. Klingberg, Frank J., The Anti-Slavery Movement in England: A Study in English Humanitarianism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1926Google Scholar; Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1968), p. 13.

42. See Miers, Suzanne, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade (New York: Africans Publishing, 1975)Google Scholar.

43. See Craton, , Sinews of Empire, pp. 289 and 378Google Scholar, fn. 8. See also Lloyd, Christopher, The Navy and the Slave Trade: The Suppression of the African Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century (London: Longmans, Green, 1949)Google Scholar; and Ward, W. E. F., The Royal Navy and the Slavers: The Suppression of the Atlantic Slave Trade (London: Pantheon Books, 1970)Google Scholar.

44. Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade.

45. See Bethell, Leslie, The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 327–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Adams, Jane Elizabeth, “The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade,” Journal of Negro History, vol. 10, 1925, pp. 607–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46. Nicolson, Harold, The Congress of Vienna: A Study in Allied Unity, 1812–1822 (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1946), pp. 209–14Google Scholar.

47. For a seminal exposition of this view, see Williams, Eric E., Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1942)Google Scholar.

48. See Clarkson, Thomas, Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade (1788)Google Scholar, excerpted in Craton, Michael, Walvin, James, and Wright, David, eds., Slavery, Abolition and Emancipation: Black Slaves and the British Empire (London: Longman, 1976), pp. 248–53Google Scholar.

49. See Drescher, Seymour, Econocide: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977)Google Scholar.

50. See SirCoupland, Reginald, The British Anti-Slavery Movement, 2d ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1964)Google Scholar; Temperley, Howard, British Antislavery, 1833–1870 (London: Longman, 1972)Google Scholar; Hunvitz, Edith, Politics and the Public Conscience: Slave Emancipation and the Abolitionist Movement in Britain (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1973)Google Scholar; Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade; Klingberg, The Anti-Slavery Movement in England; and Ray, James Lee, “The Abolition of Slavery and the End of International War,” International Organization 43 (Summer 1989), pp. 407–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Davis, David Brion, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. xviiiGoogle Scholar, in which Davis argues that “the impetus behind British antislavery policies was mainly religious, though devout Victorians assumed that good economics was consistent with good religion.”

51. Hampson, Norman, The Enlightenment (Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1968), p. 153Google Scholar.

52. See Seymour Drescher, “Public Opinion and the Destruction of British Colonial Slavery,” and Walvin, James, “The Propaganda of Anti-Slavery,” both in Walvin, James, ed., Slavery and British Society, 1776–1846 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), pp. 2248 and 49–68, respectivelyCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53. See Coupland, , The British Anti-Slavery Movement, pp. 206–35Google Scholar; and Rice, C. Duncan, The Rise and Fall of Black Slavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975), p. 368Google Scholar.

54. See Miers, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade.

55. Toledano, Ehud R., The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression, 1840–1890 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

56. Jennings, Lawrence C., French Reaction to British Slave Emancipation (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), pp. 144–67Google Scholar.

57. DuBois, W. E. B., The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States of America, 1638–1870 (New York: Longmans, Green, 1896), p. 162Google Scholar.

58. See Miers, , Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade, p. 31Google Scholar. See also Temperley, British Antislavery.

59. Miers, , Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade, p. 31Google Scholar.

60. The efforts of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in France are described by Jennings in French Reaction to British Slave Emancipation; those in the United States are described by Fladeland, Betty in Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Antislavery Cooperation (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972)Google Scholar; and those in Brazil are briefly noted by Davis, in Slavery and Human Progress, pp. 291–98Google Scholar.

61. Davis, , Slavery and Human Progress, p. 304Google Scholar.

62. See Stewart, James Brewer, Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American Slavery (New York: Hill & Wang, 1976), pp. 1123Google Scholar.

63. See Fladeland, Men and Brothers.

64. For a discussion of the spread of abolitionist principles in France, see Seeber, Edward Derbyshire, Anti-Slavery Opinion in France During the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1937)Google Scholar; and McCoy, Shelby T., The Humanitarian Movement in Eighteenth-Century France (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), pp. 82128Google Scholar. For a general discussion, see Davis, David Brion, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966)Google Scholar.

65. Davis, , Slavery and Human Progress, p. 297Google Scholar.

66. See Scott, Rebecca J., Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. 1985), p. 38Google Scholar; and Toplin, Robert Brent, The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil (New York: Atheneum, 1972), pp. 4142Google Scholar.

67. See Toplin, , The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil, pp. 4243 and 65Google Scholar; and Corwin, Arthur F., Spain and the Abolition of Slavery in Cuba, 1817–1886 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

68. Joaquim Nabuco, cited in Davis, , Slavery and Human Progress, p. 297Google Scholar.

69. Kennion, R. L., “Abolition of Slavery in Nepal,” Nineteenth Century, vol. 98, 1925, pp. 381–89Google Scholar.

70. Toledano, , The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression, pp. 272–78Google Scholar.

71. See Sawyer, Roger, Slavery in the Twentieth Century (New York: Routledge & Regan Paul, 1986)Google Scholar; Sellin, J. Thorsten, Slavery and the Penal System (New York: Elsevier, 1976)Google Scholar; and Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

72. The same can be said of some legal institutions, such as marriage, which in its more traditional incarnations gave a man the legal authority to use force against his wife and children. Like slavery, such institutions provide the authority necessary to sustain an ongoing coercive relationship between private individuals.

73. Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary defines extradition as “the surrender of an alleged criminal [usually] under the provisions of a treaty or statute by one state or other authority to another having jurisdiction to try the charge.” Rendition is a more general term which refers here to both extradition and the surrender of fugitives in the absence of a treaty or statute.

74. See Shearer, I. A., Extradition in International Law (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, 1971), p. 5Google Scholar, citing Langdon, S. and Gardner, A. H., Journal of Egyptian Archeology, vol. 6, 1920, p. 179Google Scholar.

75. Hugo Grotius, De jure belli ac pads, book 2, chap. 21, paragraphs 3 and 4; cited in Shearer, , Extradition in International Law, p. 21Google Scholar.

76. Shearer, , Extradition in International Law, p. 7Google Scholar.

77. See Sarkar, Lotika, “The Proper Law of Crime in International Law,” International and Comparative Law Quarterly, vol. 11, 1962, p. 446CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in Mueller and Wise, eds., International Criminal Law, p. 50.

78. Shearer, , Extradition in International Law, pp. 910Google Scholar.

79. See, for example, O'Higgins, Paul, “The History of Extradition in British Practice, 1174–1794,” Indian Yearbook of International Affairs, vol. 13, 1964, pp. 78115Google Scholar.

80. Thomas Jefferson, domestic letters, vol. 5, pp. 272–75; cited in Moore, John Bassett, A Treatise on Extradition and Interstate Rendition, vol. 1 (Boston: Boston Book Co., 1891), pp. 2829Google Scholar.

81. On the meaning and development of humanitarianism, see Brinton, Crane, “Humanitarianism,” Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 7, 1932, pp. 544–49Google Scholar.

82. See Maestro, Marcello, Cesare Beccaria and the Origins of Penal Reform (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1973), pp. 125–43Google Scholar; Radzinowicz, Leon, A History of the English Criminal Law and Its Administration from 1750, vol. 1 (London: Stevens & Sons, 1948), pp. 277300Google Scholar; Wright, Gordon, Between the Guillotine and Liberty: Two Centuries of the Crime Problem in France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 1023Google Scholar; Walker, Samuel, Popular Justice: A History of American Criminal Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 3740Google Scholar; and the collection of essays in Atti del convegno Internationale su Cesare Beccaria promosso dall'Accademia delle Scienze di Torino nel secondo centenario deU'opera “Dei deiitti e delle pene” (Turin, Italy: Academy of Science, 1966)Google Scholar.

83. Brinton, Crane, A History of Western Morals (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1959), p. 324Google Scholar.

84. For a discussion of this development, see Nadelmann, Ethan A., “Cops Across Borders Transnational Crime and International Law Enforcement,” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University 1987, pp. 7187Google Scholar.

85. See Nadelmann, Ethan A., “The Role of the United States in the International Enforcemen of Criminal Law,” Harvard International Law Journal 31 (Winter 1990), pp. 3776Google Scholar.

86. For a dated but thorough discussion of this issue, see Rafuse, Robert W., The Extraditio of Nationals (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1939)Google Scholar.

87. Personal interviews with U.S. and foreign government officials responsible for extradition relations, Washington, D.C., and European capitals, 1985–1990.

88. Nadelmann, Ethan A., “The DEA in Latin America: Dealing with Institutionalized Corruption,” Journal of lnteramerican Studies and World Affairs 29 (Winter 19871988), pp. 139CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89. See Nadelmann, , “The Role of the United States in the Internationial Enforcement of Criminal Law,” pp. 6769Google Scholar.

90. See Weil, Andrew, The Natural Mind (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972), pp. 1738Google Scholar. One possible historical exception to this statement should be noted: the Eskimos, whose environment greatly limited their capacity to grow anything, are not known to have used psychoactive substances prior to their contact with Western civilizations.

91. See Abel, Ernest, Marijuana: The First Twelve Thousand Years (New York: Plenum Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Terry, Charles E. and Pellens, Mildred, The Opium Problem (New York: Bureau of Social Hygiene, 1928), pp. 5361Google Scholar; Kennedy, Joseph, Coca Exotica (New York: Cornwall Books, 1985)Google Scholar; Fairholt, F. W., Tobacco: Its History and Associations (London: Chapman & Hall, 1859)Google Scholar; and Lewin, Louis, Phantastica: Narcotic and Stimulating Drugs, 2d ed., trans. Wirth, P. H. A. (London: Kegan Paul, 1931)Google Scholar.

92. See Fairbank, John King, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953)Google Scholar; Fay, P. W., The Opium War, 1840–1842 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975)Google Scholar; and Inglis, Brian, The Opium War (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1976)Google Scholar.

93. See Johnson, Bruce D., “Righteousness Before Revenue: The Forgotten Moral Crusade Against the Indo-Chinese Opium Trade,” Journal of Drug Issues 5 (Fall 1975), pp. 304–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lowes, Peter D., The Genesis of International Narcotics Control (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1966), pp. 5884Google Scholar; and Harding, Geoffrey, Opiate Addiction, Morality and Medicine (London: Macmillan, 1988), pp. 3846CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94. See Brown, J. B., “Politics of the Poppy: The Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, 1874–1916,” Journal of Contemporary History 8 (07 1973), pp. 97111CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. See also Berridge, Virginia and Edwards, Griffith, Opium and the People: Opiate Use in Nineteenth-Century England (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987), pp. 173–94Google Scholar.

95. Berridge, and Edwards, , Opium and the People, p. 198Google Scholar.

96. Johnson, “Righteousness Before Revenue.”

97. Taylor, Arnold H., American Diplomacy and the Narcotics Traffic, 1900–1939: A Study in International Humanitarian Reform (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1969), p. 29Google Scholar.

98. See Berridge, and Edwards, , Opium and the People, pp. 135–49Google Scholar; Morgan, H. Wayne, Drugs in America: A Social History, 1800–1980 (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1980), pp. 2228Google Scholar; and Jones, N. H., “A Critical Study of the Origins and Early Development of the Hypodermic Syringe,” Journal of the History of Medicine, vol. 2, 1947, pp. 201–49Google Scholar.

99. Latimer, Dean and Goldberg, Jeff, Flowers in the Blood: The Story of Opium (New York: Franklin Watts, 1981), pp. 179200Google Scholar.

100. See Grinspoon, Lester and Bakalar, James B., Cocaine: A Drug and Its Social Evolution, rev. ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1985)Google Scholar; and Kennedy, Coca Exotica.

101. See Ashley, Richard, Cocaine: Its History, Uses and Effects (New York: Warner Books, 1975), pp. 5068Google Scholar; Phillips, Joel L. and Wynne, Ronald D., Cocaine: The Mystique and the Reality (New York: Avon Books, 1980), pp. 2770Google Scholar; and Kennedy, Coca Exotica.

102. See Young, James Harvey, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America Before Federal Regulation (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1961)Google Scholar.

103. See Berridge, and Edwards, , Opium and the People, pp. 113–70Google Scholar; and Erickson, Patricia G. et al. , The Steel Drug: Cocaine in Perspective (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1978), pp. 1119Google Scholar.

104. See Musto, David F., The American Disease: Origins of Narcotic Control (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973)Google Scholar. The International Reform Bureau was, in the words of Crafts, Wilbur, “a bureau of lectures and literature, for enactment and enforcement of laws against all moral evils, especially the big five: intoxicants, sex abuses, gambling, pugilism, and commercialization of Sunday.” Cited in Cherrington, Ernest H., ed., Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Congress Against Alcoholism, Washington, D.C., 1921, p. 429Google Scholar.

105. Gusfield, Joseph R., Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1963), pp. 5157Google Scholar.

106. Courtwright, David, Dark Paradise: Opiate Addiction in America Before 1940 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 3561Google Scholar.

107. Brecher, Edward M. et al. , Licit and Illicit Drugs (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), pp. 4243Google Scholar.

108. Musto, , The American Disease, p. 6Google Scholar.

109. See Williams, Edward H., “The Drug Menace in the South,” Medical Record, vol. 85, 1914, pp. 247–49Google Scholar; Phillips, and Wynne, , Cocaine, pp. 6470Google Scholar; and Morgan, , Drugs in America, pp. 9293Google Scholar.

110. See Himmelstein, Jerome L., The Strange Career of Marihuana: Politics and Ideology of Drug Control in America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983)Google Scholar; and Musto, , The American Disease, pp. 210–29Google Scholar.

111. See Musto, , The American Disease, p. 31Google Scholar. See also Taylor, , American Diplomacy and the Narcotics Traffic, p. 30Google Scholar.

112. Musto, , The American Dream, pp. 6667 and 190–93Google Scholar.

113. Ibid.

114. McWilliams, John C., The Protectors: Harry J. Anslinger and the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, 1930–1962 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

115. See Kinder, Douglas Clark and Walker, William O. III, “Stable Force in a Storm: Harry J. Anslinger and United States Narcotic Foreign Policy, 1930–1962,” Journal of American History 72 (03 1986), pp. 908–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bruun, Kettil, Pan, Lynn, and Rexed, Ingemar, The Gentlemen's Club: International Control of Drugs and Alcohol (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. 137–43Google Scholar.

116. In 1971, President Nixon declared that “drug traffic is public enemy number one domestically in the United States and we must wage a total offensive, worldwide, nationwide, government-wide, and, if I might say so, media-wide.” The heroin traffickers, he added, “are literally the slave traders of our time.… They are traffickers in Living Death [and] they must be hunted to the ends of the earth.” Cited in Epstein, Edward Jay, Agency of Fear: Opiates and Political Power in America (New York: Putnam, 1977), pp. 174 and 178Google Scholar.

117. See Bruun, , Pan, , and Rexed, , The Gentlemen's Club, pp. 113–31Google Scholar.

118. See Westermeyer, Joseph, “The Pro-Heroin Effects of Anti-Opium Laws in Asia,” Archives of General Psychiatry 33 (09 1976), pp. 1135–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lindesmith, Alfred R., The Addict and the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965), pp. 189221Google Scholar.

119. See Kennedy, Coca Exotica; Mortimer, W. Golden, History of Coca: “The Divine Plant” of the Incas (San Francisco: And/Or Press, 1974)Google Scholar; Walker, William O. III, Drug Control in the Americas (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1981)Google Scholar; and Strug, David L., “The Foreign Politics of Cocaine: Comments on a Plan to Eradicate the Coca Leaf in Peru,” in Pacini, Deborah and Franquemont, Christine, eds., Coca and Cocaine: Effects on People and Policy in Latin America (Cambridge, Mass.: Cultural Survival, 1985), pp. 7388Google Scholar.

120. U.S. officials played a crucial role in the decision to prohibit cannabis in the 1961 Single Convention, having earlier lobbied successfully for resolutions urging countries to stop using cannabis for medical reasons and identifying cannabis as a dangerous drug. For a description of the U.S. efforts, see Bruun, Pan, and Rexed, , The Gentlemen's Club, pp. 181203Google Scholar. For a discussion of the scientific evidence regarding marijuana, see Grinspoon, Lester, Marihuana Reconsidered, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Lasagna, Louis and Lindzey, Gardner, “Marijuana Policy and Drug Mythology,” Society 20 (0102 1983), pp. 6780CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; National Commission on Marijuana, and Abuse, Drug, Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding (New York: Signet, 1972)Google Scholar; and Institute of Medicine, , Marijuana and Health (Washington, D.C.: Institute of Medicine, 1983)Google Scholar.

121. See British Home Office, Tackling Drug Misuse: A Summary of the Government's Strategy (London: Home Office, 1988)Google Scholar; Trebach, The Heroin Solution; Wijngaart, Govert F. van de, ”A Social History of Drug Use in the Netherlands: Policy Outcomes and Implications,” Journal of Drug Issues 18 (Summer 1988), pp. 481–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kaplan, Charles D., “The Uneasy Consensus: Prohibitionist and Experimentalist Expectancies Behind the International Narcotics Control System,” Tijdschrift voor Criminologie 26 (0102 1984), pp. 98109Google Scholar. Additional information was obtained from personal interviews with Dutch and British drug authorities in Amsterdam, The Hague, London, and Washington, D.C., 1987–1990.

122. Nadelmann, , “Cops Across Borders,” pp. 229–96Google Scholar.

123. Bruun, , Pan, , and Rexed, , The Gentlemen's Club, pp. 165–80Google Scholar.

124. Iceland banned all wines and spirits from 1908 to 1934, Russia from 1914 to 1924, Norway from 1916 to 1927, and Finland from 1919 to 1932. Absinthe, the liqueur made from wormwood and various herbs, was banned after the turn of the century in a number of countries, including Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, France, and the United States. See Conrad, Barbaby III, Absinthe: History in a Bottle (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1988)Google Scholar. For a discussion of antialcohol sentiment, see Gordon, Ernest, The Anti-Alcohol Movement in Europe (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1913)Google Scholar; and reports of the annual proceedings of the International Congress Against Alcoholism.

125. See Wuorinen, John H., The Prohibition Experiment in Finland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), pp. 211–23Google Scholar; Kottman, Richard N., “Volstead Violated: Prohibition as a Factor in Canadian-American Relations,” Canadian Historical Review 43 (06 1962), pp. 106–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pan, Lynn, Alcohol in Colonial Africa (Helsinki: Finnish Foundation for Alcohol Studies, 1975)Google Scholar.

126. Aldrich, Michael R. and Barker, Robert W., “Historical Aspects of Cocaine Use and Abuse,” in Mulé, S. J. ed., Cocaine: Chemical, Biological, Clinical, Social and Treatment Aspects (Cleveland, Ohio: CRC Press, 1976), pp. 112Google Scholar.

127. See, for example, Rubin, Vera and Comitas, Lambros, Ganja in Jamaica (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), pp. 2035Google Scholar; Fisher, James, “Cannabis in Nepal: An Overview,” in Rubin, Vera, Cannabis and Culture (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), pp. 247–55Google Scholar; and Kruse, Sysette Vinding, ”Drug Criminality from a Legal Point of View,” in Stangeland, Per, ed., Drugs and Drug Control (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1987), pp. 3452Google Scholar.

128. See Brecher, et al. , Licit and Illicit Drugs, pp. 195–98Google Scholar; Troyer, Ronald J. and Markle, Gerald E., Cigarettes: The Battle over Smoking (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1983), p. 34Google Scholar; and Rorabaugh, W. J., The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 100101Google Scholar.

129. See Allen, Catherine J., “Coca and Cultural Identity in Andean Communities,” in Pacini, and Franquemont, , Coca and Cocaine, pp. 3548Google Scholar.

130. See Westermeyer, , “The Pro-Heroin Effects of Anti-Opium Laws in Asia”; and Lindesmith, Alfred R., The Addict and the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965), pp. 189221Google Scholar.

131. Kaplan, John, The Hardest Drug: Heroin and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 142Google Scholar.

132. For analyses suggesting that the global drug control regime should develop in this direction, see the following articles by Nadelmann, Ethan A.: “Drug Prohibition in the United States: Costs, Consequences and Alternatives,” Science 245 (09 1989), pp. 939–47CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; U.S. Drug Policy: A Bad Export,” Foreign Policy 70 (Spring 1988), pp. 83108Google Scholar; and The Case for Legalization,” The Public Interest 92 (Summer 1988), pp. 331Google Scholar.

133. For a discussion of the origins of the term “white slavery,” see Bristow, Edward J., Prostitution and Prejudice: The Jewish Fight Against White Slavery, 1870–1939 (New York: Schocken Books, 1982), pp. 3538Google Scholar; and Bullough, Vern and Bullough, Bonnie, Women and Prostitution: A Social History (Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1987), p. 265Google Scholar.

134. Bullough, and Bullough, , Women and Prostitution, pp. 263–64Google Scholar.

135. See Bristow, , Prostitution and Prejudice, pp. 3637Google Scholar; and Bristow, Edward J., Vice and Vigilance (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1977)Google Scholar.

136. Bullough, and Bullough, , Women and Prostitution, p. 263Google Scholar.

137. See Petrie, Glen, A Singular Iniquity: The Campaigns of Josephine Butler (New York: Viking Press, 1971)Google Scholar. For discussions of Butler's travels to Italy and France, see Gibson, Mary, Prostitution and the State in Italy, 1860–1915 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1986), pp. 41–48Google Scholar ; and Harsin, Jill, Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century Paris (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 324–25Google Scholar.

138. See McHugh, Paul, Prostitution and Victorian Social Reform (London: Croom Helm, 1980), pp. 104–6Google Scholar.

139. Rosen argues that the leading study of prostitution during the mid-nineteenth century, William Sanger's History of Prostitution: Its Extent, Causes, and Effects Throughout the World, “supported growing xenophobic attitudes [in following decades] by underscoring that most prostitutes were recent immigrants.” See Rosen, Ruth, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900–1918 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), p. 10Google Scholar. Anti-Semites made much of the Jewish involvement in the white slave trade, depicting Jews as the principal organizers of the traffic. See Bristow, Prostitution and Prejudice.

140. Hobson, Barbara Meil, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1987), p. 142Google Scholar.

141. See Winnick, Charles and Kinsie, Paul M., The Lively Commerce: Prostitution in the United States (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), pp. 269–80Google Scholar; and Bristow, , Vice and Vigilance, pp. 175–99Google Scholar.

142. Pheterson, Gail, ed., A Vindication of the Rights of Whores (Seattle: Seal Press, 1989), p. 12Google Scholar.

143. Ibid.

144. Bristow, , Prostitution and Prejudice, p. 320Google Scholar.

145. Japanese organized criminals known as the Yakuza are active in importing women into Japan for employment as prostitutes. In other East Asian countries, notably Taiwan, Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines, women are recruited from the countryside to work in urban brothels, where they entertain men from Japan and elsewhere who are visiting their countries on “sex tours.” See Kaplan, David E. and Dubro, Alec, Yakuza: The Explosive Account of Japan's Criminal Underworld (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1986), pp. 200208Google Scholar.

146. Bullough, and Bullough, , Women and Prostitution, pp. 290301Google Scholar.

147. Ibid., p. 301.

148. For a history of whaling regulation, see Scarff, James E., “The International Management of Whales, Dolphins, and Porpoises: An Interdisciplinary Assessment,” Ecology Law Quarterly, vol. 6, no. 2, 1977, pp. 343–72Google Scholar; and Larson, Scott T., “United States Whale Policy: The Judiciary Casts Its Vote in Favor of a Moderate Approach,” Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 20 (01 1987), pp. 125–31Google Scholar.

149. Dean Acheson, cited in M'Gonigle, R. Michael, “The ‘Economizing’ of Ecology: Why Big, Rare Whales Still Die,” Ecology Law Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 1, 1980, p. 132Google Scholar.

150. See McNally, Robert, So Remorseless a Havoc (Boston: Little, Brown, 1981), pp. 369Google Scholar.

151. Scarff, , “The International Management of Whales, Dolphins, and Porpoises,” p. 384Google Scholar.

152. For a highly sympathetic account of Greenpeace, see Day, David, The Whale War (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1987)Google Scholar.

153. Ibid. See also Sutter, Keith D., “The International Politics of Saving the Whale,” Australian Outlook 35 (12 1981), pp. 283–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

154. Larson, , “United States Whale Policy,” pp. 131–35Google Scholar.

155. Day, , The Whale War, pp. 1519Google Scholar.

156. Ibid. For a provocative analysis suggesting that transnational organizations such as Greenpeace may be more effective in achieving environmentalist objectives than the more traditional intergovernmental negotiations, see Mandel, Robert, “Transnational Resource Conflict: The Politics of Whaling,” International Studies Quarterly 24 (03 1980), pp. 99127CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

157. See Birnie, Patricia, “The Role of Developing Countries in Nudging the International Whaling Commission from Regulating Whaling to Encouraging Nonconsumptive Uses of Whales,” Ecology Law Quarterly, vol. 12, no. 4, 1985, pp. 966–67Google Scholar. During the 1960s, whale meat replaced baleen (whalebone) and oil as the primary consumptive use of baleen whales; the principal market is Japan. The oil of the sperm whale, once valued as a fuel before petroleum became readily available in the 1860s, is now used mainly as a high-grade machine lubricant. See Scarff, , ”The International Management of Whales, Dolphins, and Porpoises,” pp. 341–42Google Scholar. Whale oil is also converted into soaps and fatty acids, which are used in cosmetics and detergents.

158. See Wiirsig, Bernd, “Cetaceans,” Science 244 (06 1989), pp. 1550–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Simons, Marlise, “Fish Nets Trap Dolphins in the Mediterranean, Too,” The New York Times, 6 09 1989, p. AlGoogle Scholar.

159. See, however, Shabecoff, Philip, “Three Companies to Stop Selling Tuna Caught with Dolphins,” The New York Times, 13 04 1990, p. AlGoogle Scholar.

160. Perlez, Jane, “Can He Save the Elephants?” The New York Times Magazine, 7 01 1990, p. 28Google Scholar.

161. For a general discussion, see Glennon, Michael J., “Has International Law Failed the Elephant?American Journal of International Law 84 (01 1990), pp. 143CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a debate of the issue, see Simmons, Randy and Kreuter, Urs, “Save an Elephant–Buy Ivory,” The Washington Post, 1 10 1989, p. D3Google Scholar; and Sutton, Michael, “Don't Let Them Buy Ivory,” The Washington Post, 9 10 1989, p. A2IGoogle Scholar.

162. See Parker, Ian and Amin, Mohamed, Ivory Crisis (London: Hogarth Press, 1983), p. 8Google Scholar.

163. Ibid.

164. Cherfas, Jeremy, “Decision Time on African Ivory Trade,” Science 246 (10 1989), p. 26CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

165. Nuttall, Nick, “Artificial Ivory Promised Soon,” London Times, 25 08 1989Google Scholar.

166. Perlez, Jane, “Devaluing the Tusk,” The New York Times Magazine, 7 01 1990, p. 30Google Scholar.

167. Parker, and Amin, , Ivory Crisis, pp. 79 and 149Google Scholar.

168. Perlez, Jane, “Kenya, in Gesture, Burns Ivory Tusks,” The New York Times, 19 07 1989, p. A5Google Scholar.

169. Glennon, , “Has International Law Failed the Elephant?” pp. 208–9Google Scholar.

170. See, for example, Moore, W. John, “Global Reach,” National Journal, 11 02 1989, pp. 326–31Google Scholar; Nadelmann, Ethan A., “Unlaundering Dirty Money Abroad: U.S. Foreign Policy and Financial Secrecy Jurisdictions,” Inter-American Law Review 18 (Fall 1986), pp. 3382Google Scholar; and Moessle, Klaus P., “The Basic Structure of United States Securities Law Enforcement in International Cases,” California Western International Law Journal, vol. 16, no. 1, 1986, pp. 151Google Scholar.

171. See Muller-Rappard, Ekkehart, “Judicial Assistance and Mutual Cooperation in Penal Matters: The European System,” in Bassiouni, , International Criminal Law, vol. 2, pp. 93115Google Scholar.

172. See the following works of Young, Oran R.: “The Politics of International Regime Formation: Managing Resources and the Environment,” International Organization 43 (Summer 1989), pp. 349–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Resource Regimes: Natural Resources and Social Institutions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982)Google Scholar; and International Cooperation. See also McCaffrey, Stephen C., “Crimes Against the Environment,” in Bassiouni, , International Criminal Law, vol. 1, pp. 541–61Google Scholar.

173. See Taylor, Peter, The Smoke Ring: Tobacco, Money and Multinational Politics (New York: Mentor, 1985)Google Scholar.

174. See Nath, Uma Ram, Smoking: Third World Alert (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

175. Packer, Herbert L., The Limits of the Criminal Sanction (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1968)Google Scholar.