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European and African Tradition on the Rio Real

  • G. I. Jones
Extract

Those engaged in studying the history of West African coastal communities find themselves confronted with two different classes of material —historical sources, which are mainly written records produced by Europeans who visited or resided for short periods in the area; and anthropological sources, which are mainly local African oral tradition. There is a natural tendency for historians and for anthropologists each to confine themselves mainly to the class of material they understand best and to use the other, if they use it at all, uncritically and without regard to the interdependence of these two sources. The written sources were produced by people who knew little or nothing about the societies they were describing, and they can only become meaningful if seen against the ethnographic background. The African traditions on the other hand, if used alone, are no substitute for historical records. They are not concerned with an absolute time scale and can only be placed in the right historical perspective if they can be correlated with dated historical records. Neither class is capable of standing by itself; they have to be taken together and used to correct, check, and amplify each other. In addition, the written records have other faults of their own, notably the mesmerizing effect which can be achieved by an arresting statement once it has been recorded in print. The more frequently the statement is recorded the more authoritative it becomes. Captain Adams, for example, in his Sketches taken during ten voyages to Africa made a guess at the number of slaves exported annually from the Rio Real, and this figure of 20,000 was accepted uncritically and repeated by almost every subsequent writer on the slave trade in the Bight of Biafra. When it is possible to take them together, however, a great many of the apparent differences between these two classes of material disappear. The African traditions at times provide more accurate historical detail than the written sources, while some of the latter are shown to be more legendary in character than the African and subject to just the same processes of compression and the same dependence on ‘structural time’.

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1 Some anthropologists used both uncritically, e.g. Talbot, P. A., The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (London, 1962), 1, ‘Historical Notes’.

2 Capt. Adams, John, Sketches taken during ten voyages to Africa between the years 1786 and 1800 (London, n.d.), 38.

3 Evans-Pritchard, E. E., The Nuer (1940), chap. 3, ‘Time and Space’.

4 Dapper, O., Description de l'Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), 315;Barbot, John, A description of the coasts of North and South Guinea (London, 1746), 381;Barbot, James, ‘An abstract of a voyage to the New Calabar river and Rio Real in the year 1699’ (appendix to foregoing), 455–65.

5 DrMadden, R. R., ‘Report of Commissioner of Inquiry on the Western Coast of Africa’, Appendix 3 of Report from Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, Parl. Papers, 1842, xii, 34.

6 F.O. 84/1221, 15 Mar. 1864.

7 Kingsley, Mary H., Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), 6 and elsewhere.

8 E.g. ‘The instincts of piracy—a carry over from the slave trade—which characterized a majority of the palm oil merchants, defied the laws of an orderly community’— Dike, K. Onwuka, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830–1885 (Oxford, 1956), 89.

9 Smith, J., Trade and travels in the Gulf of Guinea (London, 1851), 196.

10 Additional Articles to the Commercial Treaty with Bonny, 23 Jan. 1854, Hertalet, , Treaties (London, 1895), x, 12.

11 Memoires of the late Captain Hugh Crow (London and Liverpool, 1830), 83–4;Capt. Owen, W. F. W., Owen, R.N.Narrative of Voyages to explore the shores of Africa, Arabia and Madagascar (London, 1833), II, 354;Capt. Thomas, Boteler R.N., Narrative of a voyage of discovery to Africa and Arabia (London, 1835), 447;James, Holman R.N., , F.R.S., Travels in Madeira, Sierra Leone, Teneriffe, St lago, Cape Coast, Fernando Po, Princes Island, etc. (London, 18341835), 378; Smith, Trade and Travels, 84.

12 Hutchinson, Thomas J., Impressions of Western Africa (London, 1958), 102; andTen Years' wandering among the Ethiopians (London, 1861), 46–7.

13 Underwood, Leon, Masks of West Africa (London, 1948), 48.

14 Smith, Trade and travels, 83.

15 E.g. Rev. Waddell, Hope Masterton, Twenty-nine years in the West Indies and Central Africa (London, 1863), 270–1.

16 Capt. Adams, John, Remarks on the country extending from Cape Palmas to the River Congo (London, 1823), 76.

17 Jackson, R. M., Journal of a voyage to the Bonny River on the West Coa.st of Africa in 1826 (Letchworth, 1934), 76.

18 (Burton, R. F.) Wanderings in West Africa from Liverpool to Fernando Po, by a F.R.G.S. (London, 1863), 282.

19 Boteler, Narrative, 436; Owen, Narrative, II, 345.

20 Crow, Memoires, 43.

21 Talbot, Peoples, I, 247.

22 The original site occupied by the Bonny people when they settled in the Delta.

23 The origin of the name ‘West India’ given to this group of houses is not known. It must be explained that a house (i.e. ward and lineage) in Kalabari and Bonny had both an African and a European name, which was usually that of the chief who founded or who reconstituted it. This particular group of houses derived from a house originally made up of the chiefs Orikadibia, Elebike, Eleru and Osiago, which was traditionally known as ‘Orikadibia’, and in historical records as ‘West India’. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century it had expanded into three houses whose chiefs were Datubo (West India), a son of Elebike; Dodo (Young West India), a son of Datubo; and Jongo (Jungo), a successor of Eleru. Orikadibia's house had disappeared, its surviving members having been incorporated within these other three houses. By the end of the century, Jongo's house had disappeared, Dodo and his sons had succeeded Datubo in Elebike's house, and Egede (West Braid), who derived from the former Orikadibia house, had succeeded Dodo in the Young Vest India house. Fubra (David West India), who succeeded Egede, changed the African name of this house to Orikadibia, in support of its claim to rank as the senior West India House.

24 Crow, Memoires, 141.

25 Jackson, Journal, 145–6.

26 Jaja, like Oko Jumbo, the head of the Manilla Pepple house, was an Ibo who began his career in the house as a ‘bought slave’.

27 Burton, Wanderings, 271.

28 Leonard, Arthur Glyn, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), 22.

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The Journal of African History
  • ISSN: 0021-8537
  • EISSN: 1469-5138
  • URL: /core/journals/journal-of-african-history
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