¹ “Informations against Robert Goldesborowe,” Public Record Office (PRO), State Papers Domestic (SP Dom.) 12/228/39, November 1589.

² See Raine, J., ed., Depositions and Other Ecclesiastical Proceedings from the Courts of Durham, Surtees Society no. 21 (London, 1845), p. 133Google Scholar, though note the reluctance of some of those involved to burn and deface the Bible: pp. 185–86, 188. Purvis, J. S., Tudor Parish Documents of the Diocese of York (Cambridge, 1948), p. 206Google Scholar. Such incidents echo one of the revelations made to Elizabeth Barton, the Maid of Kent, in the reign of Henry VIII: according to one account, an angel commanded her to go to a monk and “byd hym burne the New Testament that he had in Inglyssh.” See Wright, Thomas, ed., Three Chapters of Letters Relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries, Camden Society, OS 26 (London, 1843), p. 16Google Scholar.

³ Luther, Martin, Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, in Luther's Primary Works, ed. Wace, Henry and Bucheim, C. A. (London, 1896), pp. 169–71Google Scholar.

⁴ Bulkeley, Edward, An Answere to Ten Frivolous and Foolish Reasons, Set Downe by the Rhemish Jesuits and Papists (London, 1588), sig. A3rGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Sandys, Edwin, The Sermons of Edwin Sandys, D.D., ed. Ayre, John, Parker Society (Cambridge, 1842), p. 17Google Scholar.

⁶ Dering, Edward, A Sparing Restraint, of Many Lavishe Untruths, Which M. Doctor Harding Dothe Chalenge (London, 1568), p. 6Google Scholar.

⁷ Cartwright, Thomas, The Answere to the Preface of the Rhemish Testament (Edinburgh, 1602), p. 113Google Scholar.

⁸ Jewel, John, The Works of John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, ed. Ayre, John, 4 vols., Parker Society (Cambridge, 1845–50), 4:763Google Scholar; Bulkeley, Answere, sig. A3v.

⁹ Foxe, John, Acts and Monuments, ed. Cattley, S. R., 8 vols. (London, 1853–59), 3:718–22Google Scholar.

¹⁰ The New Testament of Jesus Christ, Translated Faithfully into English, Out of the Authentical Latin (Rheims, 1582)Google Scholar; and The Holie Bible Faithfully Translated into English, Out of the Authentical Latin (Douai, 1609–10)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Cited in Croft, Pauline, “Libels, Popular Literacy and Public Opinion in Early Modern England,” Historical Research 68 (1995): 266–85, 281CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² For typical surveys, see Thompson, Craig R., The Bible in English, 1525–1611 (Charlottesville, Va., 1958)Google Scholar; Bruce, F. F., The English Bible: A History of Translation (London, 1961)Google Scholar; Partridge, A. C., English Biblical Translation (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Hammond, Gerald, The Making of the English Bible (Manchester, 1982)Google Scholar; Robertson, Edwin, Makers of the English Bible (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

¹³ Jones, R. F., The Triumph of the English Language (London, 1953)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Heylyn, Peter, The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified (London, 1657), p. 70Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See, on this point, Eisenstein, Elizabeth, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 359, 702Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Cotton, Henry, Rhemes and Doway: An Attempt to Show What Has Been Done by Roman Catholics for the Diffusion of the Holy Scriptures in English (Oxford, 1855), p. 9Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Carleton, James G., The Part of Rheims in the Making of the English Bible (Oxford, 1902)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Hammond, Making, p. 158.

¹⁹ Lawton, David, Faith, Text and History: The Bible in English (Hemel Hempstead, 1990), p. 55Google Scholar; Hammond, Making, p. 161.

²⁰ New Testament, preface, sig. c3v, and see also sig. b2r.

²¹ For a survey of the controversy, see Milward, Peter, Religious Controversies of the Elizabethan Age: A Survey of Printed Sources (London, 1978), pp. 46–50Google Scholar. Fulke, William, The Text of the New Testament of Jesus Christ, Translated Out of the Vulgar Latine by the Papists of the Traiterous Seminarie at Rhemes (London, 1589)Google Scholar; Rainolds, John, Six Conclusions Touching the Holy Scripture and the Church (London, 1584)Google Scholar; Whitaker, William, Ad Nicolai Sanderi Demonstrationes Quadraginta (London, 1583)Google Scholar, and An Answere to a Certeine Booke, Written by M. William Rainolds (Cambridge, 1585)Google Scholar. For Cartwright, see Sir Francis Walsingham to Thomas Cartwright, PRO, SP Dom. 12/154/48, 5 July 1582. His Answere to the Preface of the Rhemish Testament appeared a year before his death in 1603, but the more comprehensive A Confutation of the Rhemists Translations, Glosses and Annotations was only published in Leiden in 1618.

²² Quotation from Cartwright, Answere, p. 108. This was the main theme of Bulkeley's Answere.

²³ Bulkeley, Answere, sig. A3v; Bernard, Richard, Rhemes against Rome (London, 1626), p. 47Google Scholar.

²⁴ Wither, George, A View of the Marginal Notes of the Popish Testament (London, [1588])Google Scholar, sig. A3r. See also the allegations made in the preface to the Authorized Version of 1611: in Records of the English Bible, ed. Pollard, Alfred W. (Oxford, 1911), pp. 375–76Google Scholar.

²⁵ Cartwright, Confutation, sig. A4r; Fulke, Text, sig. A2r; Bilson, Thomas, The True Difference between Christian Subjection and Unchristian Rebellion (London, 1585), p. 394Google Scholar.

²⁶ Cartwright, Answere, pp. 189, 139, respectively; Bernard, Rhemes against Rome, sig. a1r.

²⁷ See esp. the discussion in McGrath, Alister, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation (Oxford, 1987), chap. 4Google Scholar; and Gilmont, Jean-François, “Conclusion,” in The Reformation and the Book, ed. Gilmont, Jean-François, trans. Karin Maag (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 470–76Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Deanesly, Margaret, The Lollard Bible and Other Medieval Biblical Versions (Cambridge, 1920), pp. 36, 84, 124, 103Google Scholar, respectively.

²⁹ See Boyle, Leonard E., “Innocent III and Vernacular Versions of Scripture,” in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, Katherine and Wood, Diana, Studies in Church History Subsidia, no. 4 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 97–107Google Scholar.

³⁰ Deanesly, Lollard Bible, chap. 3, esp. pp. 68–88, quotation at p. 74.

³¹ Erasmus's famous call to universal Bible reading can be found in his Paraclesis (1516), which was translated into English as An Exhortation to the Diligent Studye of Scripture in 1529, and reprinted in editions of William Tyndale's Newe Testament. On humanism, see Bentley, Jerry H., Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J., 1983)Google Scholar. For Lefèvre D'Etaples, see Febvre, Lucien and Martin, Henri-Jean, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450–1800, trans. Gerard, David (1976; reprint, London, 1997), p. 295Google Scholar; originally published as L'apparition du livre (Paris, 1958)Google Scholar.

³² See Febvre and Martin, The Coming of the Book, p. 250; Daniell, David, William Tyndale: A Biography (New Haven, Conn., 1994), pp. 92–93Google Scholar. The figure for Germany is noted by Scribner, Bob in “Heterodoxy, Literacy and Print in the Early German Reformation,” in Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1530, ed. Biller, Peter and Hudson, Anne (Cambridge, 1994), p. 271Google Scholar.

³³ Cited in Jones, Martin D. W., The Counter Reformation: Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1995), p. 32Google Scholar.

³⁴ On Trent, see Jedin, Hubert, A History of the Council of Trent, trans. Graf, Ernest, 2 vols. (London, 1957), 2:67–73, 83Google Scholar; McNally, Robert E., “The Council of Trent and Vernacular Bibles,” Theological Studies 27 (1966): 204–27, quotation at 221CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bedouelle, Guy, “La débat catholique sur la traduction de la Bible en langue vulgaire,” in Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse, ed. Backus, Irena and Higman, Francis (Geneva, 1990), pp. 39–59Google Scholar.

³⁵ See Hudson, Anne, “Laicus Litteratus: The Paradox of Lollardy,” in Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1500, ed. Biller, Peter and Hudson, Anne (Cambridge, 1994), p. 235Google Scholar; Aston, Margaret, “Lollards and Literacy,” in her Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion (London, 1984), pp. 193–217Google Scholar; Patrouch, Joseph F., Reginald Pecock (New York, 1970), pp. 84, 89, 94Google Scholar.

³⁶ Hudson, Anne, “The Debate on Bible Translation, Oxford 1401,” in her Lollards and Their Books (London, 1985), pp. 67–84Google Scholar. See also Hudson, Anne, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford, 1988), chap. 5Google Scholar. The 1408 Constitution is printed in Records, ed. Pollard, pp. 79–81.

³⁷ Rex, Richard, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (Basingstoke, 1993), p. 107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Daniell, Tyndale, pp. 83–84.

³⁹ The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, 12 vols. in 18 pts. (New Haven, Conn., 1963–90), 9:12Google Scholar. On the debate between More and Tyndale, see Ginsberg, David, “Ploughboys versus Prelates: Tyndale and More and the Politics of Biblical Translation,” Sixteenth Century Journal 19 (1988): 45–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ See Rex, Henry VIII, chap. 4; 34 and 35 Henry VIII c. 1. In its first draft, the bill would apparently have banned the Bible to the laity in general, as mentioned in a narrative poem (“The disclosinge of the practyse of Stephen Gardyner byschope of Wynchester in the tyme of the moste redoughtyde and excellente prynce Kynge Henry the Eight”) written by William Palmer, gentleman-pensioner to the king, in 1547: Trinity College, Cambridge, MS R3.33, fol. 140r. I owe this reference to Alec Ryrie. See also the earlier proclamation of 22 June 1530, in Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 1, 1485–1553, ed. Hughes, Paul L. and Larkin, James F. (New Haven, Conn., 1964), pp. 193–97Google Scholar. The issue is discussed in Wabuda, Susan, “The Woman and the Rock: The Controversy on Women and Bible Reading,” in Belief and Practice in Reformation England, ed. Wabuda, Susan and Litzenberger, Caroline (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 40–59Google Scholar.

⁴¹ For the legatine synod, see Wilkins, D., Concilia, 4 vols. (London, 1737), 4:132Google Scholar. On Pole's views, see Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials, Relating Chiefly to Religion, 6 vols. in 3 (Oxford, 1822), 3:503–5Google Scholar; Fenlon, Dermot, Heresy and Obedience in Tridentine Italy: Cardinal Pole and the Counter Reformation (Cambridge, 1972), esp. pp. 254–55Google Scholar; and Mayer, Thomas F., Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 246–48Google Scholar.

⁴² Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400–1580 (New Haven, Conn. 1992), p. 80Google Scholar. See also the argument of Gasquet, F. A. in “The Pre-Reformation English Bible,” in his The Old English Bible and Other Essays (London, 1897). pp. 102–78Google Scholar.

⁴³ Wooding, Lucy E. C., Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford, 2000), esp. pp. 183–86, 254–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Todd, Margo, Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 206–14Google Scholar. See also Rex, Henry VIII, pp. 130–31; Julia, Dominique, “Reading and the Counter Reformation,” in A History of Reading in the West, ed. Cavallo, Guglielmo and Chartier, Roger, trans. Lydia Cochrane (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 238–50Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, ed. and trans. Schroeder, H. J. (Rockford, Ill., 1978), pp. 17–20, 274Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Staphylus, Fridericus, The Apologie of Fridericus Staphylus…Intreating of the True and Right Understanding of Holy Scripture. Of the T[r]anslation of the Bible in to the Vulgar Tongue. Of Disagrement in Doctrine amonge the Protestants, trans. Stapleton, Thomas (Antwerp, 1565)Google Scholar; Hosius, Stanislaus, Of the Expresse Worde of God, trans. Stapleton, Thomas (Louvain, 1567)Google Scholar. Harding's debate with Jewel can be found in Jewel, Works, ed. Ayre, pp. 669–96.

⁴⁷ Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism, pp. 179, 227, and see references in n. 43. A somewhat similar line of argument to that presented here is pursued in MacKenzie, Cameron A., The Battle for the Bible in England, 1557–1582 (New York, 2002), chap. 7Google Scholar, which appeared while this article was in press. However, as will become apparent, I cannot endorse his suggestion that the English Catholic leaders adopted a “Protestant-like attitude” toward the vernacular Bible (p. 3). See also pp. 162, 179, 183.

⁴⁸ New Testament, preface, sig. a2r–v.

⁴⁹ See the crucial letter to Cardinal Sirleto in Rome printed from the Vatican Archives, in Pollen, J. H., “Translating the Bible into English at Rheims,” The Month 140 (1922): 146–48Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Letter from the Vatican Archives printed in app. 12 of Meyer, A. O., England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth, trans. McKee, J. R. (London, 1967), pp. 475–78Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Jones, Counter Reformation, p. 55.

⁵² For Dietenberger, see Aston, Margaret, “The Bishops' Bible Illustrations,” in The Church and the Arts, ed. Wood, Diana, Studies in Church History no. 28 (Oxford, 1992), p. 275Google Scholar. For Benoist, see Ingram, Elizabeth, “Dressed in Borrowed Robes: The Making and Marketing of the Louvain Bible (1578),” in The Church and the Book, ed. Swanson, R. N., Studies in Church History no. 38 (Woodbridge, in press)Google Scholar.

⁵³ Letter of Cardinal Allen to Dr. Vendeville dated 16 September 1578, trans. in The First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay (hereafter cited as Douay Diaries), ed. Knox, T. F. (London, 1878), p. xliGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ Martin, Gregory, A Discoverie of the Manifold Corruptions of the Holy Scriptures by the Heretikes of our Daies (Rheims, 1582)Google Scholar. Quotation from Rainolds, William, A Refutation of Sundry Reprehensions, Cavils and False Sleightes, by which M. Whitaker Laboureth to Deface the Late English Translation (Paris, 1583), p. 292Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ New Testament, preface, sig. b2r.

⁵⁶ See Southern, A. C., English Recusant Prose, 1559–1582 (London, 1950), p. 235Google Scholar. In June 1581, Cardinal Allen reported to Agazzari that Persons thought that at least four thousand copies were needed: “Expetit P. Rubertus tria vel quatuor millia aut etiam plura ex Testamentis Anglicis, cum illa a multis desiderentur.” Before 1635, the standard size of an edition was around fifteen hundred copies.

⁵⁷ Douay Diaries, p. lxx; PRO, SP Dom. 12/168/31.

⁵⁸ Foley, Henry, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, 7 vols. in 8 (London, 1877–83), 4:603Google Scholar; Unpublished Documents Relating to the English Martyrs, vol. 1, 1584–1603, ed. Pollen, J. H., Catholic Record Society no. 5 (London, 1908), p. 36Google Scholar; Mush, John, “A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mrs Margaret Clitherow,” in The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves, ed. Morris, John, 3 vols. (London, 1872–77), 3:393–94Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Douay Diaries, pp. xl–xli. In the same letter Cardinal Allen describes the importance attached to reading and disputing the Scriptures in the training of the missionaries.

⁶⁰ Cotton, Doway and Rhemes, p. 15; Martin, Gregory, Roma Sancta (1581), ed. Parks, George Bruner (Rome, 1969), pp. 115–17Google Scholar. I owe the latter reference to an anonymous reader for this journal.

⁶¹ On the 1382 Lollard translation, see Lambert, Malcolm, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford, 1992), pp. 239–40Google Scholar.

⁶² New Testament, preface, sig. a3r. There were related debates between Catholics and Protestants about the use of the vernacular in the liturgy. Space does not permit a full consideration of these debates here.

⁶³ Hosius, Of the Expresse Worde of God, fol. 103r–v; Staphylus, Apologie, fols. 4r, 64v. The allusion was implicit rather than explicit in the preface to the New Testament.

⁶⁴ Foley, Records of the English Province, 7 (2):1105.

⁶⁵ Staphylus, Apologie, fol. 65v. This commonplace can be found in earlier discussions: e.g., More, Thomas, The Dialogue concerning Tyndale, in The English Works of Sir Thomas More, ed. Campbell, W. E., 2 vols. (London, 1931), 2:246Google Scholar; and Standish, John, A Discourse Wherin Is Debated Whether It Be Expedient That the Scripture Should Be in English for Al Men to Reade That Wyll (London, 1554), sig. A7r–vGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ On such beliefs, see Margaret Aston, “Devotional Literacy,” in her Lollards and Reformers, pp. 106–13.

⁶⁷ New Testament, sig. a4r.

⁶⁸ Ibid., p. 477.

⁶⁹ Foxe, Acts and Monuments, 7:449–50.

⁷⁰ Staphylus, Apologie, fol. 76r. See also Thomas Harding, as refuted by John Jewel, Works, 2:674.

⁷¹ New Testament, preface, sig. A4r.

⁷² Ibid., sigs. a3v–4r; More, Dialogue concerning Tyndale, p. 244.

⁷³ Standish, Discourse, sig. A5v. For Geiler von Kayersberg, see Deanesly, Lollard Bible, p. 107.

⁷⁴ New Testament, preface, sig. a4r. This, too, was a theme of Geiler von Kayserberg's preaching: see Deanesly, Lollard Bible, p. 107.

⁷⁵ Becanus, Martinus, A Treatise of the Judge of Controversies, trans. W[right], W. ([St. Omer], 1619), pp. 61–62Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Staphylus, Apologie, fols. 65v–66r.

⁷⁷ Standish, Discourse, sig. H3r.

⁷⁸ New Testament, preface, sig. b2r–v.

⁷⁹ Crehan, F. J., “The Bible in the Roman Catholic Church from Trent to the Present Day,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. Greenslade, S. L. (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 222–23Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ On Scripture and tradition, see Tavard, George H., Holy Writ or Holy Church: The Crisis of the Protestant Reformation (London, 1959)Google Scholar; Congar, Yves M-J., Tradition and Traditions: An Historical and Theological Essay (London, 1966), esp. chaps. 3–5Google Scholar; McGrath, Intellectual Origins, chap. 5. For the Trent decree of 1546, see Canons and Decrees, p. 17. It should be noted that the wording of the decree drew back from insisting on two independent sources of revelation, but this tendency later became more pronounced.

⁸¹ See New Testament, pp. 559–60 (annotation to 2 Thess. 2:15). See also pp. 413–14 (annotation to Rom. 12:6); p. 454 (annotation to 1 Cor. 11:34); p. 653 (annotation to James 5:17); p. 695 (annotation to Jude 5:9).

⁸² This was a key issue in the “great controversy” between John Jewel and Thomas Harding in the 1560s: see Jewel, Works, esp. 4:758–59. On the theme of Scripture as a wax nose, see Porter, H. C., “The Nose of Wax: Scripture and the Spirit from Erasmus to Milton,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., no. 14 (1964): 155–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ Thomas Pownde, Sixe Reasons Set Downe to Shew, That It Is No Orderly Way in Controversies of Faith, to Appeale to Be Tryed Onely by Scriptures, reproduced for refutation in Crowley, Robert, An Aunswer to Sixe Reasons (London, 1581), sig. A4vGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁴ See Preus, Robert, The Inspiration of Scripture: A Study of the Theology of the Seventeenth Century Lutheran Dogmatists (Edinburgh, 1955), esp. pp. 39–73Google Scholar. Harding, in Jewel, Works, 3:240; More, Complete Works, 9:25. See also New Testament, pp. 476–77 (annotation to 2 Cor. 3:3).

⁸⁵ See Heigham, John, The Gagge of the Reformed Gospell ([St. Omer?], 1623), p. 26Google Scholar. For their part, Protestants were obliged to agree; see Perkins, William, A Reformed Catholike (Cambridge, 1604), pp. 127–28Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ New Testament, preface, sig. a4r.

⁸⁷ Ong, Walter J., The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (New Haven, Conn., 1967), esp. chaps. 4–5Google Scholar. See also the thoughtful discussions in Eisenstein, Printing Press, chap. 4; Furet, François and Ozouf, Jacques, Reading and Writing: Literacy in France from Calvin to Jules Ferry (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 59–60, 305–11Google Scholar; and Bossy, John, Christianity in the West, 1400–1700 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 97–103Google Scholar. For revisionist assessments of the efficiency of medieval manuscript production, see Rouse, Richard H., “Backgrounds to Print: Aspects of the Manuscript Book in Northern Europe of the Fifteenth Century,” in Rouse, Richard H. and Rouse, Mary A., Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Notre Dame, Ind., 1991), pp. 449–66Google Scholar; Saenger, Paul, “Colard Mansion and the Evolution of the Printed Book,” Library Quarterly 45 (1975): 405–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reiter, Eric H., “The Reader as Author of the User-Produced Manuscript: Reading and Rewriting Popular Latin Theology in the Late Middle Ages,” Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies 27 (1996): 151–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁸ New Testament, sig. a3r.

⁸⁹ Collinson, Patrick, “The Coherence of the Text: How It Hangeth Together: The Bible in Reformation England,” in The Bible, the Reformation and the Church, ed. Stephens, W. P., Journal for the Study of the New Testament, suppl. ser. no. 105 (Sheffield, 1995), pp. 84–108, p. 98Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Eisenstein, Printing Press, pp. 316, 373.

⁹¹ See Rex, Henry VIII, chap. 4, esp. p. 131; and the discussion in Brennan, Gillian, “Patriotism, Language and Power: English Translations of the Bible, 1520–1580,” History Workshop Journal 27 (1989): 18–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The possibility that printed Bibles might even render the priesthood redundant had been recognized as early as 1550 in A Godly Dyalogue and Dysputacyon betwene Pyers Plowman and a Popysh Preest in which the latter was made to lament “if these hobbes and rusticals be suffred to be thus busy in readynge of Englysh heresy and to dyspute after this maner wyth us, which are sperytual men, we shalbe fayne to learne some other occupacion or els we are lyke to have but a colde broth” (sig. A8r).

⁹² See Walsham, Alexandra, “‘Domme Preachers’? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print,” Past and Present, no. 168 (2000): 72–123CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Bagchi, David V. N., Luther's Earliest Opponents: Catholic Controversialists, 1518–1525 (Minneapolis, 1991), p. 1Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See Walsham, Alexandra, “Preaching without Speaking: Script, Print, and Religious Dissent,” in The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–1700, ed. Crick, Julia and Walsham, Alexandra (Cambridge, in press)Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ See Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, esp. chap. 2.

⁹⁶ Lawton, Faith, Text and History, p. 58.

⁹⁷ Cited in Scribner, “Heterdoxy, Literacy and Print,” p. 272.

⁹⁸ Staphylus, Apologie, fols. 76v–77r.

⁹⁹ See A Manuall of Praiers (Calais [English secret press], 1599)Google Scholar and subsequent editions. See Pollard, A. W. and Redgrave, G. R., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475–1640, 2d ed., rev. and enlarged by W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson, and Katharine F. Pantzer, 3 vols. (1976–91), entries 17266 ff.)Google Scholar. See also Blom, J. M., The Post-Tridentine English Primer, Catholic Record Society Publications no. 3 (London, 1982), pp. 15–16Google Scholar. In translating scriptural passages, the translator declared that “the direct sense (as it is most requisite) has more bin sought to be observed then any phrases in our language more affected and pleasing.”

¹⁰⁰ The New Testament.…with Annotations, and Other Helpes (Antwerp, 1621)Google Scholar; The New Testament.…the Fourth Edition, Enriched with Pictures ([Rouen?], 1633)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ See Henderson, George, “Bible Illustration in the Age of Laud,” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 8 (1982): 173–85Google Scholar. The Root and Branch Petition (December 1640) complained of “the frequent venting of…popish pictures…and the placing of such in Bibles”: The Stuart Constitution: Documents and Commentary, ed. Kenyon, J. P. (Cambridge, 1986), p. 155Google Scholar. In A Second Beacon Fire by Scintilla (London, 1652)Google Scholar, Michael Sparke recalled the brisk trade among Catholics in illustrated English Bibles in the mid-1620s: p. 184.

¹⁰² Compare the remarks of Bossy, Christianity, p. 101.

¹⁰³ Parr, Richard, The Life of…James Usher, Late Arch-Bishop of Armagh (London, 1686), p. 2Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ See, e.g., King, John, Lectures upon Jonas, Delivered at Yorke (Oxford, 1599)Google Scholar, sig. *4r. On this subject, see also Hunt, Arnold, “The Art of Hearing: Preachers and Their Audiences, 1590–1640” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ See Gawthrop, Richard and Strauss, Gerald, “Protestantism and Literacy in Early Modern Germany,” Past and Present, no. 104 (1984): 31–55, esp. 32–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Strauss, Gerald, “Lutheranism and Literacy: A Reassessment,” in Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe, ed. von Greyerz, Kaspar (London, 1984), pp. 109–20Google Scholar. Huberinus is quoted from Strauss, Gerald, Luther's House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, 1978), p. 172Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Quoted in Gilmont, “Conclusion,” p. 475, and see pp. 474–76. See also Gilmont, Jean François, “Protestant Reformations and Reading,” in Cavallo, and Chartier, , eds., History of Reading, pp. 213–37Google Scholar. Ruth Bottigheimer has argued, however, that the Reformed wing of Protestantism was more inclined than Lutheranism to allow the young to read the Bible in full: “Bible Reading, ‘Bibles’ and the Bible for Children in Early Modern England,” Past and Present, no. 139 (1993): 66–89Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Scribner, “Heterodoxy, Literacy and Print.” Mediation of the Bible through clerical hands appears to have been part of early Henrician policy. See the illustrated title page of the 1539 Great Bible, which shows Henry VIII passing down the Bible, verbum dei, to the acclaiming people below via Cromwell and Cranmer.

¹⁰⁸ See Collinson, Patrick, The Birthpangs of Protestant England (New York, 1988), p. 107Google Scholar. Barlow, John, Hierons Last Fare-Well (London, 1618), sig. A4rGoogle Scholar; Bernard, Rhemes against Rome, p. 43.

¹⁰⁹ Staphylus, Apologie, fol. 44v.

¹¹⁰ The Works of Joseph Hall, D.D., Successively Bishop of Exeter and Norwich, ed. Hall, P., 12 vols. (Oxford, 1837–39), 8:90–92, 102Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Marvell, Andrew, The Rehearsal Transpros'd and the Rehearsal Transpros'd, the Second Part, ed. Smith, D. I. B. (1672; reprint, Oxford, 1971), pp. 4–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹² Bossy, Christianity, p. 101.