1 Wilson, Tom, Ulster: Conflict and Consent (Oxford, 1989), 64. A recent example is O’Neill, Michael, Devolution (London, 2004), 41.
2 See Walker, Graham, “Scotland and Northern Ireland: Constitutional Questions, Connections and Possibilities,” Government and Opposition 33, no. 1 (Winter 1998): 21–37.
3 See Bradbury, Jonathan, “Territory and Power Revisited: Theorising Territorial Politics in the United Kingdom after Devolution,” Political Studies 54, no. 3 (October 2006): 559–82.
4 The “Union” and “Unitary” State concepts derive from Rokkan, Stein and Urwin, Derek, “Introduction: Centre and Peripheries in Western Europe,” in The Politics of Territorial Identity: Studies in European Regionalism, ed. Rokkan, Stein and Urwin, Derek (London, 1982), 1–18. See the discussion in relation to Scotland in Mitchell, James, “Scotland in the Union, 1945–95: The Changing Nature of the Union State,” in Scotland in the 20th Century, ed. Devine, T. M. and Finlay, R. J. (Edinburgh, 1996), 85–101.
5 Of the literature on postwar Scottish politics and the Home Rule movement, see especially Levitt, Ian, “Britain, the Scottish Covenant Movement and Devolution, 1946–50,” Scottish Affairs, no. 22 (Winter 1998): 33–57.
6 Position paper prepared for the Permanent Secretary of the Scottish Office, n.d., The National Archives (TNA): Public Record Office (PRO), CJ 1/89: Comparisons between powers of Northern Ireland Parliament and powers proposed to be conferred on a Scottish Parliament. The paper was accompanied by a note dated 2 December 1949 and signed “WSM” (William Murrie of the Home Office). See also memo by G. C. Cunningham dated 14 December 1949.
7 In effect, Northern Ireland had moved by the Second World War from a “revenue-based” system of financing to an “expenditure-based” one which allowed Stormont to spend beyond its means to make up “leeway” in social services such as housing, education, and health. See the discussion in Bogdanor, Vernon, Devolution in the United Kingdom, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1999), chap. 3; and Green, Arthur, Devolution and Public Finance: Stormont from 1921 to 1972 (Glasgow, 1979). For a contemporary appraisal of the finances of devolution in Northern Ireland, see Wilson, Tom, “Devolution and Public Finance,” in Ulster under Home Rule, ed. Wilson, Tom (London, 1955), 115–36.
8 See Mitchell, James, “Undignified and Inefficient: Financial Relations between London and Stormont,” Contemporary British History 20, no. 1 (March 2006): 57–73.
9 Position paper to Permanent Secretary of Scottish Office, n.d., TNA: PRO, CJ 1/89.
10 See Wolfe, John N., “Problems of Federal Financial Arrangements,” in Government and Nationalism in Scotland, ed. Wolfe, John N. (Edinburgh, 1969), 97; McCrone, Gavin, Scotland's Future (Oxford, 1969), 93–99; and Lawrence, Reginald J., The Government of Northern Ireland (Oxford, 1965), 181.
11 Ross Kennedy, “Ulster Has Made It Pay,” Scottish Daily Express, 26 December 1947. See also 27 and 30 December 1947, respectively, in relation to the claim that Belfast-London relations were harmonious, and the Ulster government's efforts to attract new industries.
12 Editorial, “Fifty Years of Scotland,” Glasgow Bulletin, 31 December 1949.
13 “Free Ulster Is ‘Vetting’ Bills from London,” Glasgow Bulletin, 26 December 1949. For Treasury controls issue, see Newark, Francis N., “The Constitution of Northern Ireland,” in Devolution of Government: The Experiment in Northern Ireland, ed. Newark, Francis N. (London, 1953), 7–17.
14 See Cunningham, memo, 14 December 1949, TNA: PRO, CJ 1/89; Turner, Arthur, Scottish Home Rule (Oxford, 1952), 26; Mitchell, James, Strategies for Self-Government (Edinburgh, 1996), 148–49.
15 See documents in TNA: PRO, Prime Minister's Office (PREM) 8/658; also Weight, Richard, Patriots (London, 2003), 127ff.
16 Herbert Morrison to Josiah Westwood, 25 July 1947, TNA: PRO, PREM 8/658.
17 See Barton, Brian, “Relations between Westminster and Stormont during the Attlee Premiership,” Irish Political Studies 7 (1992): 1–20.
18 See Torrance, David, The Scottish Secretaries (Edinburgh, 2006), 199.
19 Arthur Woodburn to Hector McNeil, 14 November 1949, Acc. 7656 Box 1/1, National Library of Scotland (NLS).
20 Torrance, Scottish Secretaries, 208.
21 See comments in his diary by Ulster Premier Basil Brooke regarding the visit of Scottish Covenant representatives, 20 December 1949, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) D/3004/D/40.
22 See Walker, Graham, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party (Manchester, 2004), 104–6.
23 Cuttings 1947–53, W. F. McCoy Papers, PRONI D/3333/A/2. See especially article in the Unionist, January 1948, “Dominion Status for Northern Ireland.”
24 Basil Brooke, speech reported in the Derry Standard, 6 February 1948, PRONI D/3333/A/2.
25 Cuttings 1947–53, W. F. McCoy Papers, PRONI D/3333/A/2. For report of “constitutional usage” claim, see Belfast Telegraph, 20 February 1948.
26 Belfast News-Letter, 27 November 1947.
27 Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 104–7; Sayers, John E., “The Political Parties and the Social Background,” in Wilson, Ulster under Home Rule, 55–78.
28 See Jackson, Alvin, Home Rule: An Irish History (London, 2003), 254–55; McCabe, Ian, A Diplomatic History of Ireland, 1948–49 (Dublin, 1991), chap. 9.
29 See the discussion in Calvert, Harry, Constitutional Law in Northern Ireland (London and Belfast, 1968), chap. 1; also McLean, Iain and MacMillan, Alistair, State of the Union (Oxford, 2005), 149–50, regarding the difficulties of interpreting the Act.
30 See Mitchell, “Undignified and Inefficient.”
31 Bulpitt, James, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom: An Interpretation (Manchester, 1983); see the discussion in Bradbury, “Territory and Power Revisited.”
32 See the discussion of Bulpitt's “Dual Politics” concept in Norton, Philip, “Conservative Politics and the Abolition of Stormont,” in The Northern Ireland Question in British Politics, ed. Catterall, Peter and McDougall, Sean (Basingstoke, 1996), 129–42; also see Mitchell, “Undignified and Inefficient,” and his qualification of the Bulpitt argument regarding the substantial amount of civil service interaction between London and Belfast.
33 Belfast News-Letter and Irish Times, 1 September 1951.
34 Belfast News-Letter, 3 September 1951. For Scottish critics, see Levitt, “Britain.”
35 For Carter, see Northern Whig, 4 November 1952; for Duggan, “Northern Ireland—Success or Failure?” Irish Times, 19 April 1950.
36 “Northern Ireland—Success or Failure?” Irish Times, 3 May 1950.
37 Apart from the examples discussed here, there was also the favorable verdict of Amery, Louis S., Thoughts on the Constitution, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1953), 57–58.
38 Turner, Scottish Home Rule, 55–56.
39 Coupland, Reginald, Welsh and Scottish Nationalism: A Study (London, 1954), 327–28.
40 Newark, “The Constitution of Northern Ireland.” See also Tom Teevan, “Devolution: Success or Failure?” Irish Times, 1 July 1952. Teevan was a prominent Ulster Unionist.
41 Wilson, Ulster under Home Rule, 211.
42 See McEwen, Nicola, “State Welfare Nationalism: The Territorial Impact of Welfare State Development in Scotland,” Regional and Federal Studies 12, no. 1 (Spring 2002): 66–90.
43 Royal Commission on Scottish Affairs, 1952–1954, Cmnd. 9212 (London, 1954), 53 and 97.
44 See Rosen, Greg, “John P. Mackintosh: His Achievements and Legacy,” Political Quarterly 70, no. 2 (April–June 1999): 210–18.
45 See Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 126–28, 139–47.
46 See Lawrence, Government of Northern Ireland, 174.
47 See Mulholland, Mark, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads (London, 2000), 19.
48 See O’Neill, Terence, Ulster at the Crossroads (London, 1969), speeches in chap. 3 from earlier in his premiership.
49 Ibid., speech to North Belfast Unionist Association. For the subsidies point, see Patterson, Henry and Kaufmann, Eric, Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland since 1945 (Manchester, 2007), 80.
50 Mulholland, Northern Ireland, 26.
51 See Mitchell, James, “Scottish Nationalism and Demands for Devolution,” in The Labour Governments, 1964–70, ed. Dorey, Peter (Abingdon, 2006), 193–208.
52 See Tanner, Duncan, “Richard Crossman, Harold Wilson and Devolution, 1966–70,” Twentieth Century British History 17, no. 4 (2006): 545–78.
53 See Rosen, Greg, Old Labour into New (London, 2005), 360–67; Torrance, Scottish Secretaries, 248–69.
54 See Harvie, Chris and Jones, Peter, The Road to Home Rule (Edinburgh, 2000), 90; Tanner, “Richard Crossman.”
55 Bogdanor, Devolution, 168–70. In 1965 Harold Wilson had raised the issue of Ulster Unionist MPs at Westminster voting on matters that did not strictly relate to Northern Ireland; see note of meeting between Wilson and O’Neill, 19 May 1965, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/1663.
56 Drucker, Henry and Brown, Gordon, The Politics of Nationalism and Devolution (London, 1980), 39.
57 Mackintosh, John P., The Devolution of Power (Harmondsworth, 1968), 181–82.
58 Memo to the Prime Minister, 23 October 1968, TNA: PRO PREM 13/3259.
59 Memo to the Prime Minister, 28 October 1968, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
60 Brian Cubbon to Terence O’Neill, 11 November 1968, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
61 For which, see Kendle, John, Federal Britain (London, 1997).
62 Memo re meeting between Jeremy Thorpe and James Callaghan, 4 December 1968; Heath and Callaghan, 4 December 1968; and note of meeting re Crowther, 22 November 1968, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
63 O’Neill to Wilson, 6 December 1968, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
64 Cubbon to Peter Gregson, 20 December 1968, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
65 Peter Shore to Gerald Kaufman, 6 January 1970, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
66 Willie Ross to Wilson, 15 April 1970, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259; Scottish Office memo and Douglas-Home Committee Report, 18 March 1970, TNA: PRO, PREM 13/3259.
67 Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 192.
68 Gregson to Joseph Pilling (Home Office), 13 August 1971, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
69 Gregson memo, 19 August 1971, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
70 Memo dated 7 February 1972, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
71 Robert Armstrong to Robert Stevens, 27 September 1972, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
72 Paper dated 22 November 1972, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
73 Dennis Trevelyan to Philip Woodfield, 21 November 1972, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338. For the “clean bill of health” point, see comment by Oliver, John in his “The Stormont Administration, 1921–72,” contained in his book Aspects of Ulster (Antrim, 1994), 105–32. Oliver was a senior civil servant at Stormont during the 1960s and 1970s.
74 Note of meeting, 16 March 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
75 Gordon Campbell to Neave, 26 March 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
76 Scotsman, 24 March 1973.
77 “Background Notes” and “Notes for Supplementaries,” 4 April 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
79 Armstrong memo, 22 June 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
81 Armstrong memo, 16 July 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338; Woodfield memo, 3 October 1973, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
82 Report of the Royal Commission on the Constitution, Cmnd. 5460 (London, 1973), p. 175, par. 578.
83 Ibid., p. 8, pars. 24 and 25.
84 Ibid., Conclusion, par. 214. See the discussion in Daintith, Terence, “The Kilbrandon Report: Some Comments,” in Devolution, ed. Calvert, Harry (London, 1975), 23–40.
85 Ian Burns (NIO) memo on Kilbrandon, n.d., TNA: PRO, CJ 4/338.
87 “Ulster Should Have Still More MPs,” Daily Telegraph, 16 November 1973.
88 Such questions were to feature in the deliberations of the Scottish Constitutional Convention in the 1980s and 1990s.
89 Heath had actually proposed that Westminster take over security powers and leave Faulkner to carry on governing in other areas; however, Faulkner and his cabinet would not entertain this. See discussion in Jackson, Home Rule, chap. 10.
90 See Ulster Times, April, May, and June 1972; also the discussion in Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, 147–61; and in Miller, David W., Queen's Rebels (Dublin, 1978), introduction and epilogue.
91 Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 223.
92 McLean and MacMillan, State of the Union, 161–62.
93 See Kaufmann, Eric, The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History (Oxford, 2007), 94.
94 Rees, Merlyn, Northern Ireland: A Personal History (London, 1985), chaps. 8 and 10.
95 Bloomfield, Kenneth, A Tragedy of Errors (Liverpool, 2007), 51.
96 See Donoughue, Bernard, Downing Street Diary (London, 2006), 387.
97 Burns memo, 5 August 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/536.
98 Frank Cooper to John Hunt, 12 August 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/536.
99 Merlyn Rees to Lord Crowther-Hunt, 16 September 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/536.
100 See Donoughue, Diary (17 January 1975), 285.
101 Kenneth Bloomfield to Cooper, 14 October 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/536. Bloomfield was not to get his wish in relation to proposals for Scotland, although it might be said that there was more of a spirit of sharing between parties in the Welsh proposals. See Our Changing Democracy: Devolution to Scotland and Wales, Cmnd. 6348 (London, 1975), 38–39.
102 Bloomfield to Cooper, 14 October 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/536.
103 Burns memo, 28 February 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/747, and James (NIO) to John Garlick (Cabinet Office), 24 November 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/744; Papers on “UK Powers to Override the Action of Scottish and Welsh Assemblies” (24 January 1975), and Ian Burns memo (n.d.), TNA: PRO, CJ 4/747; “Devolution: UltraVires” memo (n.d.), TNA: PRO, CJ 4/747; Burns memo, 7 April 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/747; Burns memo, 7 April 1975, and Cook's reply, 11 April 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/747.
104 See Minutes of Cabinet Committee on Devolution, 11 June 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ4/981.
105 Rose, Richard, Northern Ireland: A Time of Choice (Washington, DC, 1976), 81.
106 Ibid., 129–32; see also the discussion in Jackson, Home Rule, 329–30, particularly in relation to the role of the future Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble.
107 See Rees's Report on Northern Ireland, 4 March 1976, TNA: PRO, CAB (Cabinet) 128/58.
108 Letter dated 12 January 1976, TNA: PRO, FC 87/554.
109 Memo dated 25 February 1976, TNA: PRO, FC 87/554.
110 Our Changing Democracy.
111 Note of meeting between the Secretary of State and West, 30 May 1974, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/784.
112 “Why Unionists Seek Renewal of Partnership in the UK,” The Times, 4 April 1974.
113 David McNarry, speech, 18 February 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/784.
114 Note on meeting between Secretary of State and Vanguard Unionist Party members, 25 November 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/1436.
115 Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 222–23; Heffer, Simon, Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell (London, 1999), 764–65.
116 “Call on the PM,” 30 October 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/784.
117 Enoch Powell, speech, dated 11 September 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/784.
118 “Call on the PM,” 30 October 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/784.
119 Burns to Trevelyan, 22 September 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/981.
121 Trevelyan memo, 7 October 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/981. See also Davenport memo, 25 September 1975; “Devolution to Scotland and Wales,” 2 October 1975; and Pickering memo, 7 October 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/981.
122 See A. J. Purkis's paper, “Draft Devolution Paper: Statements Which Might Compromise Policy towards Northern Ireland,” 3 October 1975; also Burns memo, 2 October 1975, TNA: PRO, CJ 4/745.
123 Our Changing Democracy, 2, par. 7. See also Democracy and Devolution: Proposals for Scotland and Wales, Cmnd. 5732 (London, 1974), 1, par. 3. Also Rees, Northern Ireland, 323.
124 For a clear account of these political developments, see Bogdanor, Devolution, chap. 6.
125 See Walker, Graham, “The ‘Scotland Is British’ Campaign,” Scottish Affairs, no. 61 (Autumn 2007): 74–100.
126 ABC of Devolution (n.d., probably 1978), pamphlet published by Labour “Vote No” Campaign.
127 Dalyell, Tam, The End of Britain? (London, 1977), 285.
128 Walker, “Scotland Is British.”
130 See Walker, Graham, Intimate Strangers: Political and Cultural Interaction between Scotland and Ulster (Edinburgh, 1995), 150–55; Kellas, James, The Scottish Political System (Cambridge, 1979), 140–41; Lapping, Brian, The Labour Government, 1964–70 (Harmondsworth, 1970), 199.
131 Dalyell, End of Britain? 293.
132 Kaufmann, Orange Order, 108.
133 Walker, Ulster Unionist Party, 225.
134 Walker, Intimate Strangers, 155–60.
135 Gallagher, Tom, Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace (Manchester, 1987), 327.
136 Rosie, Michael, The Sectarian Myth in Scotland (Basingstoke, 2004), 58–60.
137 Jackson, Home Rule, is authoritative on the Irish dimension but rarely relates it to the wider UK devolution debate.
138 See the discussion in Fielding, Steven, Labour and Cultural Change (Manchester, 2003), chap. 8.
