Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-jr42d Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T11:56:24.748Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Decline of Property Rights in Man in Thailand, 1800–1913

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2009

David Feeny
Affiliation:
Professor of Economics and Clinical Epidemiology and Biostatistics, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada L8S 4M4.

Extract

Like many land-abundant, labor-scarce economies, Thailand had a well-developed system of property rights in man. Over the nineteenth century corvée and slavery were abolished and replaced by military conscription, a head tax, and more precise property rights in land. Concomitant trends included extensive commercialization, the growth of international trade, imperialist threats to Thai sovereignty, and the growth of a centralized unitary state. Both domestic and international political motives influenced monarchs in the abolition of human-property rights. Economic change greatly facilitated these institutional changes.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Domar, Evsey, “The Causes of Slavery or Serfdom: A Hypothesis,” this Journal, 30 (03 1970), pp. 1832;Google ScholarEngerman, Stanley, “Some Considerations Relating to Property Rights in Man,” this Journal, 33 (03 1973), pp. 4365;Google ScholarNorth, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert Paul, The Rise of the Western World: An Economic History (London, 1973).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Fenoaltea, Stefano, “Authority, Efficiency and Agricultural Organization in Medieval England and Beyond: A Hypothesis,” thisJournal. 35 (12 1975), pp. 693718;Google ScholarFenoaltea, , “Slavery and Supervision in Comparative Perspective: A Model,” this Journal, 44 (09 1984), pp. 635–88.Google Scholar

3 Engerman, “Some Considerations”: North, Douglass C., “Institutions and Economic Growth: An Historical lntroducton,” paper presented to Conference on Knowledge and Institutional Change, University of Minnesota. Nov. 13–15, 1987.Google Scholar

4 See Feeny, David, “The Demand for and Supply of Institutional Arrangements,” in Ostrom, Vincent, Feeny, David, and Picht, Hartmut, eds., Rethinking Institutional Analysis and Development: Some Issues, Choices, and Alternatives (San Francisco, 1988). pp. 154209;Google ScholarFeeny, , “The Development of Property Rights in Land: A Comparative Study,” in Bates, Robert H., ed., Toward a Political Economy of Development: A Rationalist Perspective (Berkeley 1988). pp. 272–99;Google ScholarFeeny, , The Political Economy of Productivity: Thai Agricultural Development, 1880–1975 (Vancouver, 1982).Google Scholar

5 Important sources on nineteenth-century Thai economic history include Ingram, James C., “Thailand's Rice Trade and the Allocation of Resources,” in Cowan, C. D., ed., The Economic Development of Southeast Asia (London, 1964), pp. 102–26;Google ScholarIngram, , Economic Change in Thailand 1850–1970 (2nd edn., Stanford, 1971);Google ScholarHoman van der Heide, J., “The Economic Development of Siam During The Last Half Century,” The Journal of The Siam Society, 3 (1906), pp. 74101;Google ScholarLysa, Hong, Thailand in the Nineteenth Century: Evolution of the Economy and Society (Singapore. 1984):Google ScholarSkinner, G. W., Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History (Ithaca, 1957);Google Scholar and Feeny, Political Economy.Google Scholar

6 Feeny, Political Economy, pp. 32–33.Google Scholar

7 Ibid., pp. 17, 131.

8 Ibid., pp. 127–30, 132. For 1865 to 1914 real wages measured in white or grey shirting declined by 0.06 percent per year or appreciated by 0.09 percent per year. Given that rice, the main foodstuff, represented a much greater share of consumption expenditures than cloth, the real wage measured in rice is more representative.

9 Rabibhadana, Akin, “The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period, 1782–1873,” Cornell University Southeast Asia Program Data Paper No. 74(1969);Google ScholarPanananon, Chatchai, “Siamese ‘lavery’: The Institution and its Abolition” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1982);Google ScholarCruikshank, R. B., “Slavery in Nineteenth Century Siam,” Journal of The Siam Society, 63 (07 1975), pp. 315–33;Google ScholarFeeny, Political Economy, pp. 85–98:Google ScholarHanks, Lucien M., “Merit and Power in the Thai Social Order,” American Anthropologist, 64 (12. 1962), pp. 1247–61;Google ScholarHanks, , “The Corporation and the Entourage: A Comparison of Thai and American Social Organization,” CataLyst, 2 (Summer 1966), pp. 5563;Google ScholarTerwiel, B. J., A History of Modern Thailand, 1767–1942 (St. Lucia, 1983);Google ScholarTerwiel, , “Bondage and Slavery in Early Nineteenth Century Siam,” in Reid, Anthony, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia (St. Lucia, 1983), pp. 118–37;Google ScholarTurton, Andrew, “Thai Institutions of Slavery,” in Watson, James L., ed., Asian and African Systems of Slaven (Oxford, 1980), pp. 251–92, 317. 336–39;Google ScholarWyatt, David K., “Family Politics in Nineteenth Century Thailand,” Journal of Southeast Asian History, 9 (09. 1968), pp. 208–28;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWyatt, , The Politics of Reform in Thailand: Education in the Reign of King Chulalongkorn (New Haven, 1969);Google ScholarWyatt, . Thailand: A Short History (New Haven. 1984).Google Scholar

10 Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand:Google ScholarVella, Walter F., Siam Under Rama III: 1824–1851 (Locust Valley, NY, 1957).Google Scholar

11 Hanks, , “Merit and Power” Hanks, , “Corporation and Entourage” Jacobs, Norman, Modernization without Development: Thailand as an Asian Case Study (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

12 Pallegoix, Jean Baptiste, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam, 2 vols. (Paris, 1854), vol. 1, p. 235;Google ScholarTomosugi, Takashi, “The Land System in Central Thailand: A Methodological Inquiry Aimed at a Dynamic Grasp of Social Change in a Thai Village,” Developing Economies, 7 (09. 1969), p. 287, overestimates the slave population even more, putting it at one-third.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Nartsupha, Chatthip and Prasartset, Suthy, eds., Socio-Economic Insrirutions and Cultural Change in Siam, 1851–1910: A Documentary Survey (Singapore, 1977), p. 57.Google Scholar

14 Ibid., p. 65.

15 Chomchai, Prachoom, ed., Chulalongkorn the Great (Tokyo, 1965);Google ScholarChomchai, Prachoom, “Development of Human Rights in Thailand,” East Asian Cultural Studies, 12 (03. 1973), pp. 110;Google ScholarPramoj, M. R. Seni and Pramoj, M. R. Kukrit, King of Siam Speaks (undated); Chatthip and Suthy, Socio-Economic Institutions and Cultural Change.Google Scholar

16 Bradley, William L., Siam Then: The Foreign Colony in Bangkok Before and After Anna (Pasadena, 1981).Google Scholar

17 Thai National Archives, r. 5. ks. 9.2/25. Oct. 18, 1899.Google Scholar

18 Hanks, Lucien M., “Bang Chan and Bangkok: Five Perspectives on The Relation of Local to National Hstory,” Journal of Southeast Asian History, 8 (09 1967), pp.250–56;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHanks, , Rice and Man:Agricultural Ecology in Southeast Asia (Chicago, 1972);Google ScholarSharp, Lauriston and Hanks, Lucien M., Bang Chan: Social History of a Rural Community in Thailand (Ithaca, 1978).Google Scholar

19 A partial exception was the Rangsit area to the northeast of Bangkok; much of this land was owned by absentee landlords, Bangkok officials, who leased land to tenants. The scale of operation was still, however, small.Google Scholar