1 Krom, Nicolaas J., Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis (‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1931), p. 78Google Scholar.

2 Especially Indigofera sp. though many other plants also bear the name tarum, yielding a deep-blue dye (indigo; Sund. nila). See Hardjadibrata, R. Rabindranat, Sundanese English dictionary (Jakarta: Dunia Pustaka Jaya, 2003), p. 801Google Scholar; and Coolsma, Sierk, Soendaneesch-Hollandsch Woordenboek (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1911), p. 245Google Scholar. The Sundanese are the indigenous people of West Java.

3 Holm, David, Killing a buffalo for the ancestors: A Zhuang cosmological text from Southwest China (DeKalb: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University, 2003), pp. 90–3Google Scholar.

4 Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche, p. 78; Rosidi, Ajip, Édi S. Ékadjati, Dodong Djiwaprada, Embas Suhérman, Ayatrohaédi, Abdurrachman, Nano S., Atik Soepandi, and Komaruddin Sastradipoera, ‘Citarum’, in Ensiklopedi Sunda: Alam, Manusia, dan Budaya termasuk Budaya Cirebon dan Betawi, ed. Rosidi, Ajip et al. (Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya, 2000), p. 168Google Scholar.

5 Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche, pp. 78–9.

6 Dr Thomaz (personal communication, 11 Nov. 2009) suggests Manila in the Philippines as an example. However, it was a small Muslim trading port rather than a state or a capital city; see http://www.philippines.hvu.nl/Luzon4.htm and http://www.aenet.org/philip/manila.htm (both last accessed 13 April 2010).

7 Knappert, Jan, Myths and legends of Indonesia (Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1977), p. 29Google Scholar.

8 Sri Margana, ‘Java's last frontier: The struggle for hegemony of Blambangan, c. 1763–1813' (Ph.D. diss., Leiden University, 2007), p. 27; Sri Adi Oetomo, Kisah Perjuangan Menegakkan Kerajaan Blambangan (Surabaya: Sinar Wijaya, n.d.), pp. 40–2.

9 Fruin-Mees, Willemine, Geschiedenis van Java. Vol. 1: Het Hindoetijdperk (Weltevreden: Commissie voor de Volkslectuur, 1922), p. 15Google Scholar; de Graaf, Hermanus J., Geschiedenis van Indonesië (‘s-Gravenhage/Bandung: W. van Hoeve, 1949), p. 35Google Scholar.

10 See, for example, the Indonesian novelist Permana, Aan M., Perang Bubat: Tragedi di Balik Kisah Cinta Gajah Mada dan Dyah Pitaloka (Bandung: Quanita, 2009), p. 51Google Scholar; and http://www.Britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/484111/Purnavarman (last accessed 7 Oct. 2009).

11 Groeneveldt, Willem P., ‘Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, compiled from Chinese sources’, in Miscellaneous papers relating to Indo-China and the Indian Archipelago, 2nd series, vol. 1 (London: Trübner and Co., 1887 [1880]), pp. 135, 139, 141, 142 and 173 [Trübner Oriental Series]Google Scholar; Kern, Hendrik, ‘Over den Invloed der Indische, Arabische en Europese Beschaving op de Volken van den Indischen Archipel’, in Verspreide Geschriften, vol. 6, ed. Kern, H. (‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1917), pp. 17–18Google Scholar. Dr Thomaz does not see this as excluding the possibility that it might have given rise to a toponym, however (personal communication, 11 Nov. 2009).

12 Raffles, Thomas S., The history of Java, vol. 1 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1978 [1817]), p. 132Google Scholar; Veth, Pieter J., Java, Geographisch, Ethnologisch, Historisch, vol. 1 (Haarlem: Erven F. Bohn, 1875), pp. 542–3Google Scholar.

13 For instance, Kern, ‘Over den Invloed’, p. 16; J.L. Moens, ‘Was Pūrnavarman van Tārumā Saura?’, een, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 80 (1940): 78–109Google Scholar. Elsewhere, however, Kern, Hendrik, ‘De Invloed der Indische Beschaving op Java en Omliggende Eilanden’, in Verspreide Geschriften, vol. 15, ed. Kern, H. (‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1928), p. 187Google Scholar, writes that there was no proof whatsoever of an Indian conquest, pointing instead to a lively trade. Jan Wisseman Christie further notes that it is probable that the population and its leaders were local people, perhaps under the tutelage of imported Brahmins. See Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘State formation in early maritime Southeast Asia: A consideration of the theories and the data’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 151(1995): 258Google Scholar. This would, as Miksic, John N., ‘The classical cultures of Indonesia’, in Southeast Asia from prehistory to history, ed. Glover, Ian and Bellwood, Peter (London: Routledge Curzon, 2004), p. 237Google Scholar, observes, make the adoption of cultural elements from South Asia a ‘conscious intellectual exercise’ by Indonesian elites.

14 Hultzsch, Eugen, South-Indian inscriptions, vol. 3: Miscellaneous inscriptions from the Tamil country, parts I and II (Madras: Government of India, Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1929), p. 159Google Scholar; Chhabra, B.Ch., Expansion of Indo-Aryan culture during Pallava rule (as evidenced by inscriptions) (New Delhi: Munshi Ram Manohar Lal, 1965)Google Scholar.

15 Wheatley, Paul, Nāgara and commandery: Origins of Southeast Asian urban traditions (Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1983), p. 250, note 13Google Scholar. Nothing more is said about the Cape Comorin location and the two places might be identical, as Schnitger, Frederic M., ‘Tārumanāgara’, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 74 (1934): 187Google Scholar, writes that the village Tarumapura is located about 10 miles north of Cape Comorin. This place, however, dates to the eleventh century CE (Stutterheim, Willem Frederik, ‘Note on the cultural relations between South-India and Java’, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 79 (1939): 82Google Scholar; Dr Yellava Subbarayalu, personal communication, 11 Nov. 2009). Given this date and the rarity of the occurrence of the name, Dr Subbarayalu is not convinced that the name Tarumanagara was chosen using Tarumapuram as a model.

16 Moens, ‘Was Pūrnavarman’, pp. 86–7.

17 Tim Penyunting Terpadu Sejarah Kerajaan Tarumanagara, , Tarumanagara: Latar Sejarah dan Peninggalannya (Jakarta: Penerbitan Universitas Tarumanagara, 1991), p. 2Google Scholar.

18 Wheatley, Nāgara, p. 250, note 13.

19 Guillot, Claude, Banten: Sejarah dan Peradaban Abad X-XVII (Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia; École Française d'Extrême-Orient; Forum Jakarta-Paris; Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Arkeologi Nasional, 2008), p. 243Google Scholar.

20 Ibid., p. 242; Harrison, Brian, South-east Asia. A short history (London: Macmillan, 1967), p. 24, note 10Google Scholar. Harrison states that the kingdom disappeared in the mid-seventh century though Vlekke, Bernard H.M., Geschiedenis van den Indischen Archipel van het Begin der Beschaving tot het Doorbreken der Nationale Revolutie (Roermond-Maaseik: J.J. Romen en Zonen, 1947), p. 25Google Scholar, is of the opinion that it continued to exist.

21 Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 74 considers the script used in these inscriptions ‘so closely related to that of the Pallava charters of the fourth and fifth centuries, that one could assume a direct connection’, although, as Sarkar, Himansu B., ‘South-India in Old-Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 125, 2 (1969): 193CrossRefGoogle Scholar, notes, the script was not necessarily introduced by the Pallavas. Indeed, it has not been shown that the Pallava empire extended into West Java; see Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 82.

22 Also written Fahien or Fahsien. Lombard, Denys, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, vol. 3: Warisan Kerajaan-kerajaan Konsentris (Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama; Forum Jakarta-Paris, École Française d'Extrême-Orient, 2008), p. 13Google Scholar; Groeneveldt, ‘Notes’, p. 131.

23 See Guillot, Banten, p. 242; Hall, D.G., A history of South-east Asia (London: Macmillan, 1964), p. 37Google Scholar.

24 Chhabra, Expansion, p. 40; Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation’, p. 257. See the maps in Noorduyn, Jacobus and Verstappen, Herman Th., ‘Pūrnavarman's river-works near Tugu’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 128, 2 and 3 (1972): 301, 303CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche, p. 78.

26 Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 83.

27 Hall, Kenneth R., ‘Indonesia's evolving international relationships in the ninth to early eleventh centuries: Evidence from contemporary shipwrecks and epigraphy’, Indonesia, 90, Oct. (2010): 16Google Scholar.

28 Along the River Cakung, at the village Tuga, the location where a canal was dug to divert some of the Cakung's water.

29 Tim Penyunting, Tarumanagara, p. 2. By sea the distance between the mouth of the Citarum and Tanjung Priok is about 15 kilometres. These estimates are based on measurements made on page 20 (West Java) of the Atlas van Tropisch Nederland.

30 The footprints symbolise ‘the three conquering and victorious footprints of Vishnu’; see Hall, Kenneth R., Maritime trade and state development in early Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1985), p. 104Google Scholar. Vishnu, a minor deity in Vedic times, was said to stride through the universe in three steps; see Dowson, John, A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion, geography, history, and literature (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972), p. 360Google Scholar; and Stutley, Margaret and Stutley, James, Harper's dictionary of Hinduism: Its mythology, folklore, philosophy, literature, and history (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1984), p. 336Google Scholar.

31 Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation', p. 257. For the texts of the various inscriptions, see Chhabra, Expansion, pp. 93–7; Sumadio, Bambang, Sejarah Nasional Indonesia II, Jaman Kuno (N.P.: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1975), pp. 39–43Google Scholar; Kern, ‘De Invloed’, pp. 183–4; Vogel, Jean Ph., ‘The earliest Sanskrit inscriptions of Java’, in Publicaties van den Oudheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië – 1 (Batavia: Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 1925), pp. 15–35Google Scholar.

32 Chhabra, Expansion, p. 94. The other inscriptions in the interior are shorter, referring primarily to Purnavarman's footprints.

33 Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation’, p. 259. See also Ekadjati, Edi S., ‘Sejarah Sunda’, in Masyarakat Sunda dan Kebudayaannya, ed. Ekadjati, E.S. (Jakarta: PT Girimukti Pasaka, 1984), p. 81Google Scholar; Lombard, Nusa Jawa, p. 13; Kern, ‘Over den Invloed’, p. 16.

34 Vogel, ‘The earliest’, p. 22; de Casparis, J.G. and Mabbett, Ian W., ‘Religion and popular beliefs of Southeast Asia before c. 1500’, in The Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, vol. 1, part 1: From early times to c. 1500, ed. Tarling, Nicholas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 306Google Scholar note that the worship of footprints, especially Vishnu's, is found in India and Sri Lanka but that human and animal footprints are not worshipped there. The latter does exist in Indonesia, they continue, making it therefore likely that the emphasis on footprints in Pūrnavarman's inscriptions is the continuation of a traditional Austronesian practice. It is not clear, however, what the basis is for their statement that the footprints mentioned in the inscriptions were worshipped in Tarumanagara.

35 Moens, ‘Was Pūrnavarman’, p. 85.

36 Gonda, Jan, The dual deities in the religion of the Veda (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1974)Google Scholar [Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks 81].

37 Heine-Geldern, Robert, ‘Conceptions of state and kingship in Southeast Asia’, Far Eastern Quarterly, 2 (1942): 15–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 Dowson, A classical dictionary, pp. 125, 208.

39 Heine-Geldern, Robert, ‘Weltbild und Bauform in Südostasien’, Wiener Beiträge zur Kunst- und Kuturgeschichte Asiens, 4 (1930): 58Google Scholar.

40 Timothy E. Behrend, ‘Kraton and cosmos in traditional Java’ (M.A. Thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1982), pp. 11, 177; Zoetmulder, Petrus J., Old Javanese-English dictionary, vol. 1 (‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1982), p. 683Google Scholar.

41 Dowson, A classical dictionary, p. 124.

42 Moertono, Soemarsaid, State and statecraft in Old Java: A study of the Later Mataram Period, 16th to 19th century (Ithaca: Cornell University, Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, 1974), pp. 3–4Google Scholar [Monograph Series 43].

43 Wessing, Robert, ‘A princess from Sunda: Some aspects of Nyai Roro Kidul’, Asian Folklore Studies, 56, 2 (1997): 331–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roxas-Lim, Aurora, ‘Caves and bathing places in Java as evidence of cultural accommodation’, Asian Studies, 21 (1983): 132Google Scholar; Berg, Cornelis C., ‘Javaansche Geschiedschrijving’, in Geschiedenis van Nederlandsch-Indië, vol. 2, ed. Stapel, Frederik W. (Amsterdam: Joost van den Vondel, 1938), p. 106Google Scholar.

44 Eleven kilometers (Tim Penyunting, Tarumanagara, p. 2). This claim is part of a larger Indonesian tradition in which rulers and holy-men cause canals and waterworks to miraculously come into existence (Bosch, Frederik D.K., ‘Guru, trident and spring’, in Selected Studies in Indonesian Archaeology, ed. Bosch, F.D.K. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1961), pp. 153–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar [Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Translation Series 5]. Actually digging 11 kilometers of canal in only 21 days would be an incredible feat of engineering, and some have speculated whether this was actually done (see Noorduyn and Verstappen, ‘Pūrnavarman's river-works’, p. 299). It is possible that the ruler ceremonially traced out the course of the canal, which was then to be completed at a later time.

45 Chhabra, Expansion, pp. 96–7.

46 See Kulke, Hermann, ‘Epigraphical references to the “city” and the “state” in early Indonesia’, Indonesia, 52 (1991): 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation’, p. 258.

47 Wessing, Robert, ‘The Kraton-city and the realm: Sources and movement of power in Java’, in Framing Indonesian realities: Essays in symbolic anthropology in honour of Reimar Schefold, ed. Nas, Peter, Persoon, Gerard and Jaffe, Rivke (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2003), pp. 209–11Google Scholar [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 209].

48 Stutley and Stutley, Harper's dictionary, p. 93.

49 See Kinsley, David, Hindu goddesses; Visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu religious tradition (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1987), p. 191Google Scholar; Zimmer, Heinrich, Myths and symbols in Indian art and civilization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. 109Google Scholar [Bollingen Series 6]; Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 79.

50 Similarly, the river Cipakancilan, ‘flowed through the length of the royal residence’ of Pakuan Pajajaran (Jacobus Noorduyn, ‘Bujangga Manik's journeys through Java: Topographical data from an Old Sundanese source’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 138, 4 (1982): 419–20)Google Scholar.

51 Wessing, Robert, ‘The shape of home: Spatial ordering in Sundanese kampung’, in Indonesian houses: Tradition and transformation in vernacular architecture, ed. Schefold, Reimar, Domenig, Gaudenz and Nas, Peter (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2003), pp. 447–8Google Scholar [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 207].

52 Christie, Jan W., ‘Water from the ancestors: Irrigation in early Java and Bali’, in The gift of water: Water management, cosmology and the state in Southeast Asia, ed. Rigg, Jonathan (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1992), p. 22Google Scholar.

53 Wessing, ‘The Kraton-city and the realm’, p. 209.

54 Wessing, ‘The shape of home’, p. 445, note 38.

55 D.G. Hall, A history, p. 37; K.R. Hall, Maritime, p. 105; Noorduyn and Verstappen, ‘Pūrnavarman's river works’, p. 305. K.R. Hall, ‘Indonesia's evolving’, p. 16 claims that Purnavarman was concerned with developing local agriculture and improving his port, without, however, building up a naval force to protect it.

56 Noorduyn and Verstappen, ‘Pūrnavarman's river works’, p. 299 cite Vlekke as speculating that the canal's water may have stood for separation, though it is not made clear what things were separated from each other.

57 Chhabra, Expansion, p. 42; Wheatley, Nāgara, p. 250, note 13.

58 Vogel, ‘The earliest’, p. 29.

59 Vogel further wonders why immigrants from South India would use the names of North Indian rivers, but since these same names are also found in South India and Sri Langka, this ceases to be a problem.

60 Similarly, Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 79, 81 discusses the symbolic use of the name Gangā in Java in an effort to create ‘a replica of the Holy Land of India’, which did not need to be 100 per cent correct geographically but did establish a supernatural connection.

61 The others are the Satlej (Sutudri), the Parushni, the Marud-vridhā and the Ārjikīyā (Dowson, A classical dictionary, p. 281).

62 See http://vedabase.net/sb/5/19/17-18 (last accessed 7 Oct. 2009).

63 See http://www.koausa.org/Purana/Verses101-200.html (last accessed 7 Oct. 2009).

64 See http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/238160/Gomati-River and http://www.india9.com/i9show/-Uttar-Pradesh/Gomati-River-49577.htm (both last accessed 7 Oct. 2009).

65 See http://suggestbabynames.com/meaning_of_hindu_girlname_gomati.html (last accessed 7 Oct. 2009).

66 Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation’, p. 257.

67 Such borrowing of symbolically charged names, especially those of the Ganges and the Yumna, occurred elsewhere in Java as well (Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 80).

68 Stutley and Stutley, Harper's dictionary, p. 76.

69 Continuing well into the seventeenth century (Guillot, Banten, pp. 54, 221, 224; see Andaya, Leonard Y., ‘Interactions with the outside world and adaptation in Southeast Asian society, 1500–1800’, in The Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, vol. 1, part 2: From c. 1500 to c. 1800, ed. Tarling, Nicholas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 8Google Scholar.

70 Basham, Arthur L., The wonder that was India (New York: Hawthorn, 1963), pp. 63–4, 228–9Google Scholar; Groeneveldt, ‘Notes’, p. 127; Hall, A history, p. 23.

71 Kern, ‘De Invloed’, p. 187.

72 Javadvipa (see Wessing, ‘The Kraton-city and the realm’, p. 210). Prakrt or prakrit means vernacular non-Sanskrit Indic language; http://www.yourdictionary.com/prakrit (last accessed 7 Oct. 2009). Kern was referring here to usage among common folk such as sailors and traders rather than among those learned in Sanskrit who used the name Yavadvipa in e.g. the Ramayana, as Dr Thomaz points out (personal communication, 11 Nov. 2009).

73 Kenneth R. Hall, ‘Economic history of early Southeast Asia’, in Tarling, The Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, vol. 1, part 1, pp. 185–6, 194–5; K.W. Taylor, ‘The early kingdoms’, in Tarling, The Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, vol. 1, part 1, p. 173.

74 Personal communication, 21 Oct. 2009.

75 See Guillot, Banten, pp. 124, 221, 242–3. These connections were not restricted to West Java. In the eleventh century CE, Tamils seem to have either settled in Sumatra or to have worked with the local people, while a thirteenth-century CE Tamil inscription from Burma documents the presence of a Vaisnava temple there (Sastri Nilakanta, K.A., ‘A Tamil merchant-guild in Sumatra’, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 72 (1932): 314, 325Google Scholar; compare Oudheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië, Oudheidkundig Verslag 1912 ('s-Gravenhage, Martinus Nijhoff, 1912), p. 46 [Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen]; Suhadi, Machi, ‘Silsilah Adityawarman’, Kalpataru Majalah Arkeologi, 9 (1990): 227–8)Google Scholar.

76 Sarkar, ‘South-India’, p. 201.

77 Wisseman Christie, ‘State formation’, p. 255.

78 The Tamil is த௫மம் which is pronounced tarumam. Lifco, , The Lifco dictionary: Tamil-Tamil and English (Madras: Nagaraj and Co., 1966), p. 335Google Scholar glosses tarumam with law, sacred law, usage, practice and justice, which is also the meaning of the Sanskrit dharma: ‘that which is established or firm, law, usage, customary observance, duty, right, justice, virtue, morality, religion, good works’ etc (Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English dictionary, p. 367). I must here note Dr Subbarayalu's reservation that the word tarumam as a gloss for the Sanskrit dharma ‘is met with only rarely either in Tamil literature or inscriptions at such an early date as the 4th or 5th century CE’ (personal communication, 11 Nov. 2009).

79 Personal communication, 2009.

80 Frasca, Richard A., ‘The dice game and the disrobing (Pakatai Tuyil): A Terukkuttu performance’, Asian Theatre Journal, 15, 1 (1998): 43, note 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 Stutterheim, ‘Note’, p. 83.

82 Noorduyn, Jacobus and Teeuw, Andries, ‘A panorama of the world from Sundanese perspective’, Archipel, 57 (1999): 212CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Rosidi, Édi S. Ékadjati, Dodong Djiwaprada, Embas Suhérman, Ayatrohaédi, Abdurrachman, Nano S., Atik Soepandi, and Komaruddin Sastradipoera, ‘Citarum’, p. 168.

84 This name of the plant is in any case not Tamil or Sanskrit where the words for the indigo plant are averi and vishashodami, respectively (Encyclopædie van Nederlandsch-Indië, vol. 2, ed. Graaff, Simon de and Stibbe, David G. (‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1918), p. 138Google Scholar; Gonda, Jan, Sanskrit in Indonesia (Nagpur: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1952), p. 206)Google Scholar.

85 Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche, p. 78; Rosidi, Édi S. Ékadjati, Dodong Djiwaprada, Embas Suhérman, Ayatrohaédi, Abdurrachman, Nano S., Atik Soepandi, and Komaruddin Sastradipoera, ‘Citarum’, p. 168.

86 Wheatley, Nāgara, p. 250, note 13.

87 Rosidi, Ajip, ‘Ciri-ciri Manusia dan Kebudayaan Sunda’, in Masyarakat Sunda dan Kebudayaannya, ed. Ekadjati, Edi S. (Jakarta: Girimukti Pasaka, 1984), pp. 157–9Google Scholar; Benjamin G. Zimmer, ‘Unpacking the word: The ethnolexicological art of Sundanese Kirata’ (M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1998).

88 See, for instance, Monier Williams's dictionary: http://www.sanskrit-lexicon.uni-koeln.de/monier (last accessed 14 April 2010).

89 See Sarkar, ‘South-India’, p. 196.

90 Personal communication, 15 and 16 Oct. 2009.

91 Kern, ‘De Invloed’, p. 187.

92 Christie, Anthony, ‘The provenance and chronology of the early Indian cultural influence in South-East Asia’, in H.C. Majumdar Felicitation Volume, ed. Sarkar, Himansu Bhusan (Calcutta: K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1970), p. 11Google Scholar. Indeed, this being the language of ‘ritual and magical activity’, competence in Sanskrit may well have been purposely restricted (Rubinstein, Raechelle, Beyond the realm of the senses: The Balinese ritual of Kekawin composition (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2000), p. 26Google Scholar [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 181]).

93 Oudheidkundige Dienst, Oudheidkundig Verslag, p. 46.

94 Thomas M. Hunter, ‘Thematic correspondences between the Sumanasāntaka of Monaguna and Raghuvamśa of Kālidāsa’, unpublished study guide for students of Sanskrit and Old Javanese literature, pp. 27–8.

95 Rubinstein, Beyond the realm of the senses, pp. 29–30.

96 Rubinstein, Beyond the realm of the senses, pp. 26, 29.

97 Much like today's Old Javanese texts in wayang (puppet presentation) are (Becker, Anton L., ‘Text-building, epistemology, and aesthetics in Javanese shadow theatre’, in The imagination of reality: Essays in Southeast Asian coherence systems, ed. Becker, Anton L. and Yengoyan, Aram A. (Norwood: Ablex Publishing Co., 1979), pp. 230–1)Google Scholar.

98 Austin, John L., How to do things with words (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.