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(De)Mythologizing Jurisprudence: Speaking the “Truth” about “Myth”

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 December 2018

Abstract

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Type
Review Essay
Copyright
Copyright © American Bar Foundation, 1994 

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References

1 Unger argues that in modernity “the most pervasive experience of life becomes that of the diversity of conceptions of good, beauty, and holiness …, (and i)n this manner, each individual's supreme interest in the image of the self becomes the linchpin of social order.” See Roberto Unger, Law in Modern Society: Towmd A Criticism of Social Theory 146 (New York: Free Press, 1976).Google Scholar

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12 To speak of the rhetorical nature of law, however, suggests two distinct trends in contemporary jurisprudence. The first, associated with the work of scholars such as J. B. White, finds in the law's culture of argument an attractive model of the Aristotelian arts of persuasion. See White, J. B., “Law as Rhetoric, Rhetoric as Law: The Arts of Cultural and Communal Life,” 52 U. Chi. L. Rev. 684 (1985). The second, as articulated by critical legal studies, argues that the law's epistemological difficulties, metaphysical incoherences, and systemic contradictions are masked, and thus managed, by the deployment of a highly involved system of richly overdetermined and volatile signifiers. See Peter Goodrich, Legal Discourse: Studies in Linguistics, Rhetoric, and Legal Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987) (“Goodrich, Legal Discourse”), and id., “Rhetoric as Jurisprudence: An Introduction to the Politics of Legal Language,” 4 Oxford J. Legal Stud. 88 (1984). Both types of analysis of law as rhetoric are represented in Austin Sarat & Thomas Kearns, eds., The Rhetoric of Law (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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(De)Mythologizing Jurisprudence 527Google Scholar

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18 Hugh Collins, Marxism and Law 71 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).Google Scholar

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29 For an interesting example of such work, see Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

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42 Patricia Moynihan makes this point in her own review of The Mythology of Modem Law. See “The De-colonization of Modem Law: Dismantling the Relation between Race and Liberal Law” (unpublished, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology).Google Scholar

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47 For a similar claim in another context see Patterson, Freedom (cited in note 8).Google Scholar

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49 For a similar reading of Hobbes and Austin, see Sarat & Keams, “Journey” (cited in note 6).Google Scholar

50 See Martin Channock, Law, Custom, and Social Order: The Colonial Experience in Malawi and Zambia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); also Comaroff, John, “Images of Empire, Contests of Conscience: Models of Colonial Domination in South Africa,” 16 Am Ethnofogist. 661 (1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51 For a general discussion, see Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Libetty (London: Oxford University Press, 1969).Google Scholar

52 The classic statement is found in John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1978). See also Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972).Google Scholar

53 See also Austin Sarat & Roger Ekrkowitz, “Disorderly Differences: Recognition and Accommodation in American Law,” 5 Yale J.L. & Humanities (1994, forthcoming).Google Scholar

54 See Thomas Dumm, Democracy and Punishment: Disciplinary Origins of the United States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987).Google Scholar

55 See William Connolly, IdentityfDrfference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox (Ithaca, N.Y.: Comell University Press, 1991); Judith Butler, “Endangered/Endangering: Schematic Racism and White Paranoia,” m Robert Gooding-Williams ed., Reading Rodney King/Reading Urban Uprising (New York: Routledge, 1993).Google Scholar

56 More distressingly, some of his most provocative claims, such as the idea that the law helped in the construction of “constant apprehension,” are offered without any supporting evidence. Indeed, it is far from clear what would even count as proof. Though Fitzpatrick attempts to expand critical legal studies' fixation on juridical and jurisprudential texts, he relies almost exclusively on such works to support his claims. Though one could argue that the problem of verifiability casts its pall over many of the most interesting claims associated with social theory, in important respects, the problems are peculiar to Fitzpatrick's project, for, as we have observed above, his claims appear at times less interpretive than they do behaviorist.Google Scholar

57 See Richard Abel, The Politics of Informal Justice (New York; Academic Press, 1982).Google Scholar

58 See Fish, “Law Wishes” (cited in note 41).Google Scholar

59 Fitzpatrick's work concludes with a critique of Hart which is unremarkable save for its implicit assumption that the myths of liberal law are available for critique and thus praxis. His discussion of administration and popular justice, however, belies this claim. There law is presented as myth, but a myth that resists penetration, deconstruction, or critique.Google Scholar

60 Fish, “Law Wishes” (cited in note 41).Google Scholar