Li Zhisui, The Private Life of Chairman Mao (New York: Random House, 1994), 521, 525–6.
Mark G. Field, ‘Health and the Polity: Communist China and Soviet Russia’, Studies in Comparative Communism, 7, 4 (Winter 1974), 423; Francesca Bray, ‘The Chinese experience’, in Roger Cooter and Jon Pickstone (eds), Companion to Medicine in the Twentieth Century (New York: Routledge, 2003), 730.
Fang Xiaoping, Barefoot Doctors and Western Medicine (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2012), 1, 12.
Fang, op. cit. (note 3) and Miriam Gross, Farewell to the God of Plague: Chairman Mao’s Campaign to Deworm China (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2016) are among the only ones.
The patriotic health campaigns, which started in 1952 during the Korean War after an alleged germ warfare attack by the United States were China’s benchmark mass mobilisation public health campaigns, occurring at least once a year all over China. Their primary focus was on prevention, particularly sanitation, cleaning up and vaccinations. They often incorporated concurrent disease-specific campaigns such as those against schistosomiasis and the four pests. The latter attempted to eliminate flies, mosquitoes, rats and sparrows, and eventually many other pests.
For information on elite female doctors, see Furth. Charlotte Furth, A Flourishing Yin: Gender in China’s Medical History: 960–1665 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999), 266–300; Christopher Cullen, ‘Patients and Healers in Late Imperial China: Evidence from the Jinpingmei’, History of Science, 31 (1993), 100–1, 103; Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, Neither Donkey Nor Horse: Medicine in the Struggle over China’s Modernity (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2014), 123, 131–2; Joshua Horn, Away with All Pests: An English Surgeon in People’s China: 1954–69 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969), 124.
Ibid. Throughout this paper I have chosen to use Chinese medicine, rather than traditional Chinese medicine. ‘Traditional’ Chinese medicine is a recent reconstruction of a diverse medical tradition that mainly occurred during the Maoist era. It incorporates ideas drawn from Western medicine, science and anatomy, discards aspects of the tradition that appear unscientific, and attempts to create a homogenised field of theory and practice. Because many indigenous rural healers had not yet absorbed the new Chinese ‘traditional’ medicine promoted by the state, I have dropped the word ‘traditional’ and simply refer to them as practitioners of Chinese medicine.
Arthur Kleinman, Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture: An Exploration of the Borderland between Anthropology, Medicine, and Psychiatry (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1980), 62–8; Yu Laixi, zhonggong Yujiang xianwei xuefang lingdao xiaozu bangongshi [Yu Laixi, Schistosomiasis Prevention Leadership Small Group Office of Yujiang Party Committee of the CCP], Jiangxi sheng Yujiang xian xuefang zhi: 1953–80 [Jiangxi Yujiang County Gazetteer of Schistosomiasis Prevention: 1953–80] (Yujiang, 1984), 81.
Zhou Fukai, oral history compiled by Xiong Xiangsheng, ‘Yongyi mocai, jifu sangming’ [Quacks cheat them and the stepfather loses his life], in Liu Yurui and Wan Guohe (eds), Songwenshen jishi[Record of saying farewell to the god of plague] (Nanchang: Jiangxi Sheng zhengxie wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, 43, 1992), 69–72; Jiangxi Provincial Archive (JXA): X035-04-802, 1956.
Andrija Stampar and M.D. Grmek (ed.), Serving the Cause of Public Health: Selected Papers of Andrija Stampar, Andrija Stampar School of Health, Monograph Series, 3 (Zagreb: Andrija Stampar School of Health, 1966), 143, 144; Szeming Sze, China’s Health Problems (Washington DC: Chinese Medical Association, 1943), 13; Ka-Che Yip, Health and National Reconstruction in Nationalist China: The Development of Modern Health Services, 1928–37 (Ann Arbor, MI: Association for Asian Studies, 1995), 108, 177, 190; Nicole Elizabeth Barnes and John R. Watt, ‘The influence of war on China’s modern health system’, in Bridie Andrews and Mary Brown Bullock (eds), Medical Transitions in Twentieth-Century China (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2014), 227–43.
Early Western missionaries who practised traditional Western medicine, such as the Jesuits, appear to have been more open to a medical exchange with Chinese medicine practitioners. The Jesuits focused almost entirely on Chinese elites, trying to use medicine as a mechanism to convert the very top of society. Jonathan Spence, Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K’ang-hsi (New York: Vintage Books, 1988), 91–112; Marta Hanson, ‘Jesuits and Medicine in the Kangxi Court (1662–1722)’, Pacific Rim Report, 43 (July 2007), 1–10.
Yip, op. cit. (note 10), 59–60.
Bai Limin, ‘Children and the Survival of China: Liang Qichao on Education before the 1898 Reform’, Late Imperial China, 22, 2 (December 2001), 130, 140–1; Ralph Croizier, ‘Medicine and modernization in China: An historical overview’, in Arthur M. Kleinman et al. (eds), Medicine in Chinese Cultures (Washington DC: US Department of Health, Education and Welfare, National Institute of Health (NIH), 1975), 26–7; David Lampton, The Politics of Medicine in China: The Policy Process, 1959–77 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977), 9.
Bridie Andrews, The Making of Modern Chinese Medicine, 1850–1960 (Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia Press, 2014), 216.
This was the initial work to develop what we now call ‘traditional’ Chinese medicine, which peaked during the Maoist era. Lei, op. cit. (note 6), 97–119.
‘The United Front in Cultural Work’ (30 October 1944), in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 3 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967); Judith Banister, China’s Changing Population (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991), 42; Yip, op. cit. (note 10), 190.
John Philip Emerson (ed.), Nonagricultural Employment in Mainland China, 1949–58, US Department of Commerce, Foreign Demographic Analysis Division, Bureau of the Census, International Population Statistics Reports, Series P-90, 21 (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1965), 92; J. Yudkin, ‘Medicine and Medical Education in the New China’ Journal of Medical Education, 33, 7 (July 1958), 519; J.Z. Bowers, ‘Medicine in Mainland China: Red and Rural’, Current Scene: Developments in Mainland China, 8, 12 (1970), 1–11.
Lei, op. cit. (note 6), 196–7; Michael Kau and John Leung (eds), ‘Directive on Work in Traditional Chinese Medicine’ (30 July 1954), ‘Implementing Correct Policy in Dealing with Doctors of Traditional Chinese Medicine’ (20 October 1954), The Writings of Mao Zedong, 1949–76, Vol. 1 (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1986), 464–6, 486–91; Michael Kau and John Leung (eds), ‘Talk with Music Workers’ (24 August 1956), in The Writings of Mao Zedong, 1949–76, Vol. 2, 94–8.
Fu Lien-Chang, ‘Summing-up of the Ninth General Conference of the Chinese Medical Association held in Peking on December Fourteenth to Seventeenth, 1952’, Chinese Medical Journal, 71 (March–April 1953), 160–1.
Jiangsu Provincial Archive: 3235, 41, yongjiu, 26 March 1951–18 April 1957.
Yang Nianqun, ‘Memories of the Barefoot Doctor system’, in Everett Zhang, Arthur Kleinman and Tu Weiming (eds), Governance of Life in Chinese Moral Experience (New York: Routledge, 2011), 131.
‘Directive on Public Health’ (26 June 1965) from Long Live Mao Tse-tung Thought, a Red Guard Publication, in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 9 (Secunderabad: Kranti, 1990).
Michael Kau and John Leung (eds), ‘Instruction on Leadership Work of Health Department of Military Commissions’ (3 April 1953), ‘Critique of Ministry of Public Health’ (October 1953), and ‘Comment on Department of Public Health’ (1953), in The Writings of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1, 339–40, 425, 441–2, 466 nn.
Red and expert was an idea promoted by Mao Zedong. Initially they were viewed as contradictory: reds were people with a correct political background and generally limited education; while experts had technical skills, a higher education and a poor class background. The dream was to combine the two, generally by transferring technical skill sets into the hands of people who were red. The barefoot doctors were an example of putting this ideology into practice.
Editor, ‘The Mao–Liu Controversy over Rural Public Health’, Current Scene, 7, 12 (1969), 1, 3; Everett M. Rogers, ‘Barefoot Doctors’, Rural Health in the People’s Republic of China: Report of a Visit by the Rural Health Systems Delegation, June 1978, Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People’s Republic of China (US Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, NIH Publication 81-2124, November 1980), 45; Field, op. cit. (note 2), 420–5.
Re-education involved prohibiting practising medicine and backbreaking labour in the fields. By 1972, according to probably inflated numbers, about 330 000 urban medical personnel were settled permanently in the countryside, another 400 000 nurses and doctors were participating in two-year rural mobile medical teams and a final 100 000 medical workers were dispatched to the countryside from the military medical establishment. The decision to send urban doctors to the countryside greatly diminished medical capacity in the cities. J. Bonner, ‘Medicine and Public Health’, China Science Notes, 3, 1 (January 1972), 6; ‘Zunzhao Mao zhuxi guanyu “yingdang jiji de yufang he yiliao renmin de jibing” de jiaodao’ [Obey Chairman Mao’s guidance to ‘actively prevent and treat the people’s diseases’], Renmin ribao[People’s Daily] (26 June 1973); China Health Care Study Group, Health Care in China, an Introduction: The Report of a Study Group in Hong Kong (Geneva: Christian Medical Commission, 1974), 111; S.M. Hillier and J.A. Jewell, Health Care and Traditional Medicine in China, 1800–1982 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983), 107; Cao Hongxin, Li Huairong, Zhongguo Zhongyi yanjiuyuan [Chinese Medicine Research Institute], ‘Jiaoyu gongzuo’ [Pedagogical work], in Zhongguo zhongyi yanjiuyuan renwu zhi, 1955–2005 [Annals of Chinese Medicine Research Institute personnel, 1955–2005] (Beijing: Zhongyi guji chubanshe, 2005), 68.
Hu Teh-wei, ‘Health care services in China’s economic development’, in Robert F. Dernberger (ed.), China’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 234, 235, 246.
‘Directive’ op. cit. (note 22); E. Grey Dimond, ‘Medical Education and Care in People’s Republic of China’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 218, 10 (6 December 1971), 1554; Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 342, 347, 359, 360.
Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 109–11; David Lampton, ‘Economics, Politics, and the Determinants of Policy Outcomes in China: Post-Cultural Revolution Health Policy’ Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 12, 1 (1976), 44–8; Peter Wilenski, The Delivery of Health Services in the People’s Republic of China, International Development Research Centre, 56 (Canada: International Development Research Centre, 1979), 48.
Shanxi sheng Xiyang xian geming weiyuanhui [Xiyang County, Shanxi Province revolutionary committee], ‘Zai weisheng zhanshi shang shixing wuchan jieji zhuanzheng’ [Implement the dictatorship of the proletariat in the sanitation battle line], Yixue yanjiu tongxun, 8 (1975), 1; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 14, 33; Edward Friedman, Paul G. Pickowicz and Mark Selden, Chinese Village, Socialist State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991), 207–8; Yang, op. cit. (note 21), 138; David Mechanic and Arthur Kleinman, ‘Ambulatory Care’, Rural Health in the People’s Republic of China, 31.
The origin of the barefoot doctor idea is debated in the literature. Some scholars believe it was modelled on the famous 1930s rural reconstruction project in Ding County where C.C. Chen, a student of John B. Grant at the Peking Union Medical College, established a functional three-tier rural medical system using grassroots health workers backed up by a few professional doctors. Because Chen’s system predated the involvement of the League of Nations Health Organization experts, Štampar and Borčić, it does not appear to be based on the Yugoslavian model. Other scholars feel the idea stemmed from Mao’s own experience during the 1940s in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region where Party leaders’ health programme focused on prevention, employed medical workers with limited formal training and used mass mobilisation strategies. There is now some agreement that the idea was not modelled on the Soviet Union‘s feldscherprogramme of rural paramedics. Feldschers had extensive training aimed at maximising their professionalisation and expertise and they worked full time at their profession, rather than remaining a part of the labouring masses. Finally, barefoot doctors had an immediate precursor. Throughout the 1950s, grassroots health workers were trained in some areas in China, particularly those with more educated youth such as Shanghai. Some of these workers were later incorporated into barefoot doctor programmes. C. C. Chen, Medicine in Rural China: A Personal Account (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989), 53, 62, 77, 92; Elizabeth Fee and Liping Bu, ‘Models of Public Health Education: Choices for the Future?’ Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 85, 12 (December 2007), 978; Yip, op. cit. (note 10), 86; AnElissa Lucas, ‘Changing Medical Models in China: Organizational Options or Obstacles?’ China Quarterly, 83 (1980), 461–89; Field, op. cit. (note 2), 420–5; Joshua Horn, ‘Building a Rural Health Service in the People’s Republic of China’, International Journal of Health Services, 2, 3 (August 1972), 383.
Hu Teh-wei, An Economic Analysis of Cooperative Medical Services in the People’s Republic of China (John E. Fogarty International Center for Advance Study in the Health Sciences, US Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, DHEW Publication (NIH) 75-672, 1975), 10.
‘Directive’ op. cit. (note 22); Horn, op. cit. (note 6), 135.
For a detailed look at provincial structural changes that went against national medical mandates in an effort to increase efficacy, see Gross, op. cit. (note 4), 55–9. After his campaign against schistosomiasis was unsuccessful, using ideologically based mandates, Fang Zhichun, Jiangxi’s provincial party secretary, made the daring decision to hire and actively support a beleaguered Rightist schistosomiasis specialist, right after the 1957 Anti-Rightist campaign, so that his health campaign would succeed. Yu Laixi, ‘Yujiang renmin fangzhi xuexichongbing de weida douzheng’ [The people of Yujiang’s mighty battle to treat and prevent schistosomiasis] and Luo Chengqing, ‘Songzou wenshen zhanhongtu wei min zaofu shi qianqiu: ji Fang Zhichun tongzhi lingdao xiaomie xuexichongbing gongzuo pianduan’ [Seeing off the god of plague, developing a great plan, bringing benefits for the people for one thousand generations: fragmentary remembrances of comrade Fang Zhichun’s leadership in schistosomiasis elimination work], both in Liu Yurui and Wan Guohe (eds), Songwenshen jishi [Record of saying farewell to the god of plague] (Nanchang Shi: Jiangxi Sheng zhengxie wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui, 43, 1992), 1, 11; JXA: X111-04-604, 1958; JXA: X111-02-269, December 1957; Yujiang County Archive (YJA) 3: January–December 1972.
Sun Di, ‘Bingren jiankang wo jiu kuaile’ [When sick people are healthy then I am happy], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng[From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors] (kunming yixueyuan jiankang yanjiusuo, Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 2002), 81.
Arthur W. Chung, Of Rats, Sparrows & Flies…: A Lifetime in China (Stockton, CA: Heritage West Books, 1995), 204.
Sun Yongjiu, ‘Gonggu chengguo ying nan er shang; ba xuefang hongqi ju de genggao’ [Solidifying the achievements, facing the difficulties and going ahead; Raising the red flag of prevention even higher], in Liu Yurui and Wan Guohe (eds), Songwenshen jishi[Record of saying farewell to the god of plague], 43, 1992), 107.
This strategy had limits. Doctors were quietly promoted up to the commune hospital, but rarely above. Lest they get in trouble, local leaders had to keep doctors within the commune where they could nominally still learn from the peasants. Du Jinxiang (ed.), ‘Cong fangniuwa dao yixue zhuanjia’ [From child cowherd to medical specialist], in Deyishuangxin zhi lu: yixue zhuanjia tan chengcai[Virtue and skill paired together: medical specialists speak about becoming useful people] (Beijing: Zhongguo renshi chubanshe, 2000), 212; Chen Zhengyan, ‘Wo shi dangnian de chijiaoyisheng’ [I was a barefoot doctor in those years], Wenshi bolan [Widely read literature and history], 4 (2014), 47; YJA, op. cit. (note 34); Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 204; Li Qunying and Louis Han, The Doctor who was Followed by Ghosts: The Family saga of a Chinese Woman Doctor (Toronto: ECW Press, 2007), 218.
Chen Shanfeng, ‘Ban Xiuwen zhuanlüe’ [Ban Xiuwen’s strategy], in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi, Guangxi Zhuangzu zuzhiqu Nanning shi weiyuanhui, Wenshi xuexi weiyuanhui (eds) [Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Nanning City committee, studying humanities committee], Nanning yilin[Nanning medical faculty], 19 (Nanning Shi: Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi Nanning shi weiyuanhui wenshi xuexi weiyuanhui, 1996), 193; Volker Scheid, Chinese Medicine in Contemporary China: Plurality and Synthesis (Durham, NC: Duke University Press Books, 2002), 80.
Yang Hsiao, The Making of a Peasant Doctor (Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1976), 142; Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 117; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 117.
See Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng[From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors], op. cit. (note 35), for many more examples of older barefoot doctors concerned about their previous level of medical knowledge. Chen Changyu, ‘shenguai de zhiye’ [Supernatural profession], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng [From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors], 195.
Sun Di, op. cit. (note 35), 78.
Yang, op. cit. (note 21), 143; Sun Lizhe, ‘Yi ge chijiaoyisheng de chuanqi’ [Legend of a barefoot doctor], Zhongwai wenzhai [Sino-foreign digest] 1 (2012), 43; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 109, 121, 162–4; Li Yunguo, ‘xinxi baixing’ [Heart of the people], Jiang Fei, ‘women lai shuo chijiaoyisheng’ [Let’s speak about barefoot doctors], Ah Lu Weiha, ‘sishi ge haizi de fuqin’ [Father to forty children] and Yao Weiren, ‘Xiwang zhengfu wei women jiejue laonian baozhang wenti’ [I wish the government would solve our pension problems], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng [From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors], 49, 144, 192, 220; Robert C. Hsu, ‘The Barefoot Doctors of the People’s Republic of China: Some Problems’, The New England Journal of Medicine, 292, 3 (1974), 124–6; Qingpu Area Archive (QPA): 95-2-117, 1965–6.
Mao Zedong Thought is a political ideology derived from the writings of Mao Zedong. During the Cultural Revolution, a person who believed in Mao and wielded Mao quotes could supposedly accomplish miracles.
In some areas this ‘skill set’ was so evident, that rural people took to calling barefoot doctors ‘mercurochrome doctors’. Sang Ye, China Candid: The People on the People’s Republic (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006), 183–4; Duan Huizhen, ‘dianchi hupan de nü chijiaoyisheng’ [A female barefoot doctor from the shore of Dian Lake] and Yao Tingjian, ‘wei renmin fuwu shi wo de xingyi zhunze’ [Practising medicine is the way I serve the people], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng [From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors], 113, 207; Ralph C. Croizier, ‘The ideology of medical revivalism in modern China’, in Charles Leslie (ed.), Asian Medical Systems: A Comparative Study (Delhi: Banarsidass, 1998), 352.
Sun Lizhe, op. cit. (note 43), 45; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 165.
Li and Han, op. cit. (note 38), 219.
Lampton, op. cit. (note 29), 48.
Apparently, villagers with access to regular doctors before the Cultural Revolution were ‘particularly wary’ of barefoot doctors. William L. Parish and Martin King Whyte, Village and Family in Contemporary China (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 86; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 143–5; Jung Chang, Wild Swans: Three Daughters of China (London: Flamingo, 1993), 568–9; Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 118; Marilyn M. Rosenthal and Jay R. Greiner, ‘The Barefoot Doctors of China: From Political Creation to Professionalization’, Human Organization, 4, 4 (1982), 332.
Doctors were sent down to the countryside after being labelled as Rightists during the 1957 Anti-Rightist campaign. An estimated 400 000 to 700 000 intellectuals were sent for rural re-education due to this campaign. Merle Goldman, ‘The Party and the intellectuals’, in Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank (eds), The Cambridge History of China, 14: The People’s Republic, Part I: The Emergence of Revolutionary China 1949–65 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 257; Michael Kau and John Leung (eds), ‘Repel the Attacks of the Bourgeois Rightists’ (9 July 1957), in The Writings of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, 620–37; Li, op. cit. (note 1), 214–17.
JXA: X111-02-087, 1954; QPA: 95-1-6, 1954; YJA 2: January–December 1956.
Once the Cultural Revolution started in 1966, formal education in Chinese medical colleges stopped entirely. ‘Directive’ op. cit. (note 22); Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 77; Volker Scheid, ‘The People’s Republic of China’, in T.J. Hinrichs and Linda Barnes (eds), Chinese Medicine and Healing: An Illustrated History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 2013), 258; E. Grey Dimond, More than Herbs and Acupuncture (New York: Norton, 1975), 162.
John R. Evans, ‘Medical education in China’, in John Z. Bowers, J. William Hess, Nathan Sivin (eds), Science and Medicine in Twentieth Century China: Research and Education (Center for Chinese Studies, 1988), 242–3.
The fact that such potential ‘blunders’ were often linked to rapidly fluctuating and impenetrable politics made teaching an increasingly risky endeavour. Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 364.
Gail Henderson, ‘Physicians in China: Assessing the impact of ideology and organization’, in Frederic W. Hafferty and John B. McKinlay (eds), The Changing Medical Profession: An International Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 190–1; Wilenski, op. cit. (note 29), 44; JXA: X009-01-010, 1957.
Chen, op. cit. (note 31), 132; Edgar A. Porter, The People’s Doctor: George Hatem and China’s Revolution (University of Hawaii Press, 1997), 255–6.
Lei and Andrews find that many of these changes had been considered and even initiated by Chinese medicine reformers during the Republican Period (1911–49). However, during the Maoist era the government forced much more rapid and extreme changes irrespective of practitioners’ willingness to comply. Lei, op. cit. (note 6), 94, 95, 118–19, 142; Andrews, op. cit. (note 14), 170.
The Four Olds Campaign began in August 1966. Red Guards were instructed to ferret out and destroy old customs, old culture, old habits and old ideas, usually by burning things and attacking or even killing people. Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 76–7, 79, 90; Scheid, op. cit. (note 52), 259; Karen Marcia Goodkin, ‘In Mao’s Shadow: Local Health System Praxis, Process, and Politics in Deng Xiaoping’s China’ (unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Connecticut, January 1998), 133–4.
Since many of the biographies carefully do not discuss this ten-year period at all, 63% is a low estimate. Xu Tiehan, ‘Jilin Shi zhengxie wenshi weiyuanhui, Jilin Shi weisheng ju’ [Xu Tiehan, Jilin City Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference humanities committee, Jilin City health department], Jilin zhongyi bainian[100 years of Jilin Province’s Chinese medicine], 10 (Jilin Shi: Jilin Shi zhengxie wenshi weiyuanhui, 1991).
Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 78–80.
Cao et. al, op. cit. (note 26), 69; Huang Zhongmian, ‘ “Wenge” shidai de “shanye” yisheng’ [“Cultural Revolution” highland doctor], Li Xiguang: xing gujin zhongxi, xun yixue zuobiao [Li Xiguang: ancient and modern, Chinese and Western: seeking medical co-ordinates] (Beijing: Zhongguo zhongyiyao chubanshe, 2011), 54.
Huang, op. cit. (note 61), 49.
‘Cowsheds’ were improvised prisons set up in universities to hold intellectuals who were deemed ‘class enemies’. Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 192, 196.
‘Directive’ op. cit. (note 22); ‘On Practice’ (July 1937), in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 1 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967); Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 8, 110.
In contrast, newly graduated elite Chinese and Western doctors who had obtained systematised knowledge about bodies and diseases, describe how fast they learned from practical experience. Many diseases, little backup and fears of the political repercussions of misdiagnosis all led to a very rapid learning curve. Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 80.
Sun Lizhe, op. cit. (note 43), 43; Li Yanhong, ‘Chijiaoyisheng (xia)’ [Barefoot doctors (Part 2)], Beijing ribao [Beijing Daily], 22 January 2008, http://news.sohu.com/20080122/n254803935.shtml (accessed 14 November 2014); Chang, op. cit. (note 49), 568–9.
Li Ming, ‘Neng dangshang chijiaoyisheng shi yi jian rongyao de shi’ [It’s an honor to be able to become a barefoot doctor], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng[From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors], 107, 109.
Xiong Peikang, ‘Zhenma qiepi, Zhansheng wenshen (Boyang)’ [Acupuncture anaesthesia on the Spleen, Overcoming the god of plague (Boyang County)], in Liu Yurui and Wan Guohe (eds), Songwenshen jishi[Record of saying farewell to the god of plague], 27–30; Chen, op. cit. (note 38), 47; Huang, op.cit. (note 61), 53; Xing Bin, Zhongyi sixiang zhe, diyi ji [Traditional Chinese medical theories, Vol. 1] (Beijing: Zhongguo zhongyiyao chubanshe, 2011), 305.
Mao Zhixiao, ‘Wo canjia songwenshen de licheng (Guangfeng)’ [‘The process of my participation in bidding farewell to the god of plague (Guangfeng County)], in Liu Yurui and Wan Guohe (eds), Songwenshen jishi[Record of saying farewell to the god of plague], 31, 34.
Yao, op. cit. (note 45), 207.
Lack of abstract knowledge also put barefoot doctors at a grave disadvantage in relation to the other medical professionals since abstraction is ‘the ultimate currency of competition between professions’. Abbott, op. cit. (note 65), 9.
Chinese ready-made medicines were Chinese herbs that were processed into pills, making them much easier to take than decoctions. Li, op. cit. (note 67); Croizier, op. cit. (note 45), 352; F. P. Lisowski, ‘The emergence and development of the Barefoot Doctor in China’, in Teizo Ogawa (ed.), History of the Professionalization of Medicine (Osaka: The Taniguchi Foundation, 1987), 146.
Villagers were also unhappy paying into a service for herbs they could forage themselves from the wayside. Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 109–11; Lampton, op. cit. (note 29), 44–8.
Field, op. cit. (note 2), 423; Bray, op. cit. (note 2), 730; Dimond, op. cit. (note 28), 1555.
Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 78; Croizier, op. cit. (note 45), 353.
Andrews, op. cit. (note 14), 197–8; Bray, op. cit. (note 2), 730; Arthur Kleinman, ‘Traditional Doctors’ Rural Health in the People’s Republic of China, 69, 73; Cullen, op. cit. (note 6), 120.
The untapped potential inherent in local herbs was also a celebrated aspect of Chinese medicine during the Republican era. Reformers used this potential to rehabilitate and justify the tradition’s continued existence and to link it to the modern development of patriotism and nationalism, since it was an indigenous product produced solely by Chinese people. Ibid.; Scheid, op. cit. (note 39), 78; E. Grey Dimond, ‘Acupuncture Anesthesia: Western Medicine and Chinese Traditional Medicine’, Journal of the American Medical Association218.10 (December 6, 1971), 1560; Lei, op. cit. (note 6), 194–7.
Both the Chinese government and the vast majority of Western scholars writing about the Maoist medical system focused almost exclusively on the barefoot doctors without realising that they were buttressed by a wealth of urban and indigenous expertise.
Some communes even hired local herbalists to take barefoot doctors on foraging trips to teach them in situ. Ah Lu Weiha, op. cit. (note 43), 146; Duan op. cit. (note 45), 113–14; Liu Changzai, ‘nongcun xuyao wo zhe yang de yisheng’ [The village wants me to become this sort of doctor], in Zhang Kaining, Wen Yichun and Liang Ping (eds), Cong chijiaoyisheng dao xiangchun yisheng [From Barefoot Doctors to Village Doctors] (kunming yixueyuan jiankang yanjiusuo, Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 2002), 213.
Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 88, 93; Pi-chao Chen, Population and Health Policy in the People’s Republic of China, Occasional Monograph Series, Number Nine (Washington DC: Interdisciplinary Communications Program, Smithsonian Institution, December 1976), 37.
Chen, op. cit. (note 38), 47; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 88–91.
Ironically, at the same time as discourses about popular science rhetorically elevated the masses by recognising their indigenous knowledge, the assumption that knowing a prescription, a plant, or an acupuncture point was enough to make the process common sense, that seeing was knowing, ended up denigrating the complexity of rural expertise and disrupting the traditional transmission process. Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 233; Bray, op. cit. (note 2), 728.
While previously practising herbalists and acupuncturists were pulled into the barefoot doctor programme, folk healers who primarily used religion or fortune telling as their motive force were excluded. Mechanic and Kleinman, op. cit. (note 30), 31; Rogers, op. cit. (note 25), 61; Chen, op. cit. (note 31), 130.
Sun Lizhe, op. cit. (note 43), 45.
Dazhai in Shanxi Province was the most famous model village during the Cultural Revolution. All China was enjoined to ‘learn from Dazhai’. Aside from agricultural techniques, Dazhai’s most famous ‘product’ was the ethic of self-reliance. Victor W. Sidel and Ruth Sidel, Serve the People: Observations on Medicine in the People’s Republic of China (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1973), 88–9.
For example, a Shanghai medical team visiting rural areas that needed a 0.9% saline solution was able to determine the correct volume by reusing a bottle previously used to hold penicillin and adding the correct amount of salt and water. Shanghai Municipal Archive: Q243-1-658, 1951; Chen, op. cit. (note 81), 37; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 88, 93; Horn, op. cit. (note 6), 148, 151.
More research is needed, but initial evidence suggests that when providers had equal political stature and similarly poor levels of medical knowledge, such as barefoot doctors and older mediocre rural Chinese doctors or ill-trained commune doctors, they tended to compete and undermine each other, rather than get along. Yang, op. cit. (note 21), 136–7; Fang Xiaoping, ‘From Union Clinics to Barefoot Doctors: Healers, Medical Pluralism, and State Medicine in Chinese Villages, 1950–70’, Journal of Modern Chinese History, 2, 2 (2008), 231.
Liu Yulin, ‘ “Wenge” zhong de hongyigong he zhenma’ [The revolutionary medical work and acupuncture anaesthesia of the “Cultural Revolution”], Lengmen zhen[Gossip], 11 (2010), 51–3.
Mao Zhixiao, op. cit. (note 70), 31, 34–7; Yao, op. cit. (note 45), 207.
Chen, op. cit. (note 31), 132.
Mao Zhixiao, op. cit. (note 70), 36; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 165; JXA, op. cit. (note 34), 6; Li and Han, op. cit. (note 38), 221.
‘Directive’, op. cit. (note 22).
Elite Chinese doctors who came from a medical lineage of inherited, specialised knowledge were equally appealing. Edward Friedman, Paul G. Pickowicz and Mark Selden, Revolution, Resistance, and Reform in Village China (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005), 216–17; Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 205.
Kangs were heated rural beds that were often shared by the whole family.
Victor W. Sidel, ‘The role and training of medical personnel’, in Myron E. Wegman, Tsung-yi Lin and Elizabeth F. Purcell (eds), Public Health in the People’s Republic of China (New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation, 1973), 165; Sidel and Sidel, op. cit. (note 86), 85; Huang, op. cit. (note 61), 54; Zhang Shuzhen, ‘ “Wenge” dailai de huanghuo’ [Anxiety brought by the “Cultural Revolution”], in Pingfan de nü yisheng [Ordinary women doctors] (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2004), 120–1; Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 116; Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 201; Chen, op. cit. (note 39), 192–3; Horn, op. cit. (note 6), 142–6, 158.
Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 206; Horn, op. cit. (note 6), 135–40, 148, 151; ‘The Orientation of the Revolution in Medical Education as Seen in the Growth of “Barefoot Doctors”: Report of an Investigation from Shanghai’, Hongqi, 3 (1968), repr. in China’s Medicine, 10 (October 1968), 579; Chen, op. cit. (note 38), 47.
Hillier and Jewell, op. cit. (note 26), 105–6.
Horn, op. cit. (note 6), 158, 165–7; Mobo C.F. Gao, Gao Village: Rural Life in Modern China (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 1999), 77; Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 201, 205.
Wang Sheng, ‘Chijiaoyisheng qunti de shehui renting ji yuanyin fenxi: yi Hebei sheng Shenze xian wei gean’ [Analysing the reasons for and the social identity of barefoot doctors: a case study from Shenze County, Hebei Province], Zhonggong dangshi yanjiu[Chinese Communist Party history research], 1 (2011), 110–13; Mao Zhixiao, op. cit. (note 70), 32–4.
YJA, op. cit. (note 35); Rosenthal and Greiner, op. cit. (note 49), 330; Sydney D. White, ‘From “Barefoot Doctor” to “Village Doctor” in Tiger Springs Village: A Case Study of Rural Health Care Transformations in Socialist China’, Human Organization, 57, 4 (1998), 484.
Places that gave barefoot doctors the same work points as an average worker had difficulty retaining their barefoot doctors, especially after the doctors realised they were on call round the clock. Hsu, op. cit. (note 43), 126–7.
Profiting from their job was more possible for male barefoot doctors. Female barefoot doctors were often limited to six work points a day like other women workers. It is unknown whether gender influenced how much food and favours families offered, especially since care from women was often taken for granted. Old barefoot doctors of either gender were similarly offered fewer work points like older workers. Speculatively, this may have meant that expert local herbalists and acupuncturists, who were often older than educated youth, were paid less. Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 155; Yang, op. cit. (note 21), 140–2; Wang, op. cit. (note 100), 111; Chen, op. cit. (note 38), 48; Shanxi sheng, op. cit. (note 30), 2.
In some cases urban doctors used their own salaries to buy medicine rural people could not afford, providing an additional economic subsidy to the co-operative medical service. Instead of being recognised for their self-sacrifice and service, they hid their help lest they gain the shameful title of ‘bourgeois philanthropist’. Chung, op. cit. (note 36), 201, 205.
Gao, op. cit. (note 99), 80; Fang, op. cit. (note 3), 152–3, 162–4.