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Flight of the Deities: Hindu Resistance in Portuguese Goa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2008

Paul Axelrod
Affiliation:
Ripon College, Wisconsin
Michelle A. Fuerch
Affiliation:
Ripon College, Wisconsin

Extract

As the capital of the Estado da India, the Portuguese colonial empire in Asia and East Africa, Goa was subjected to a blizzard of policies designed at once to transform and fossilize life there. Desiring to preserve much of the precolonial village economic structure, yet determined to force their Goan subjects to total conversion to Catholicism, the Portuguese created policies that had a dramatic impact on Goan culture and identity. The focus of this article will be on the Hindu resistance to the policies that were appiled by the colonial regime and its role in the shaping of the regional culture: in the face of over-whelming physical force, direct defiance revealed itself primarily in the religious life of Hindu Goa as archival records of the Portuguese rule and temple histories demonstrate. Even formsof religious syncretism that are pervasive in Catholic Goa and might initially be perceived as indications of the success of Portuguese repressive and discriminatory policies represent a subtle pattern of ‘everday resistnce’ and are not simply the blending of Portuguese Catholic and Hindu cultures.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

The authors are grateful for the financial support they received for research in Goa. The American Institute of Indian Studies funded Michelle Fuerch's research in the Historical Archives of Goa, and the Fulbright Foundation supported Paul Axelrod's ethnographic and Lourdes da Costa of the Central Library of Panjim provided invaluable guidance in locating archival and published sources.

1 Goa, a former Portuguese colony and now an Indian state, is a small geographical enity with an area of 3,701 square kilometers on the western coast of India between the border of Mahatashtra and Karnataka and was under Portuguese control from 1510 until 1961. With the ports of Daman and Diu, it was treated as a separate administrative unit by both Portugal and India until it became a separate stsate in the India Union in 1987.Google Scholar

2 See Guha, Ranajit (ed.), Subaltern Studies (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 19821989)Google Scholar, a six volume series, and Scott, James C., The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976).Google Scholar

3 On 1564 ther villagers of Cortalim reportedly killed Christians who passed through their village agter hearing that a priest, Father Pedro Colaço, tried to convert a duing Brahman. See Wicki, J. (ed.), Documenta Indica 1540–1549, vol VI (Rome: Apud Monumenta Historica Sos. Iesu, 1948), p. 617.Google Scholar On 15 April 1583, there priests were killed with knives and axes by angry villgers when they arrived to celebrate the erection of a cross commemorating the supposed Christianization of the village of Asslona, Velim, and Cuncolim: as punishment the villages were confiscated and turned over to the Jesuit order which eventually controlled a number of villages in the southern-most administrative district of Salsette. See Fernandes, Victor, ‘The Blessed Martyrs of Cuncolim,The Goan World (11 1936), pp. 37–9Google Scholar, and Azevedo, Carmo, ‘The Revolt of Cuncolim,’ Goa Today (12 1966), pp. 1819.Google Scholar Also, toward the end of the eighteenth century, native missionaries of Goa revolted against domination by European missionaries. See Gazetteer of the Union Territory Goa, Daman and Diu: District Gazetteer, Part I, Goa, ed. Gune, V. T. (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1979), p. 187.Google Scholar

4 Borges, C. J., ‘Foreign Jesuits and Native Resistance in Goa 1542–1759,’ in Essays in Goan History, ed. de Souza, T. R. (New Delhi: Concept, 1989), pp. 6980.Google Scholar

5 Comaroff, Jean, Body of Power Spirit of Resistance: The Culture and History of a South African People (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 189–91.Google Scholar

6 Scott, James C., Weapons of the Weak (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 2847.Google Scholar

7 Bayly, Susan, Sints, Goddesses and Kings (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 1989), p. 39.Google Scholar

8 The reaction to Muslim conversion policies was varied and more complex than the Goan response. Ikram, S. M., Muslim Civilzation in India (New York: Columbia University Press: 1964), p. 232Google Scholar and Ahmad, Aziz, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Oxford: Oxford University Press: 1964), p. 199Google Scholar suggest a connection between intensified Muslim conversion and various forms of Hindu resistance. However, in some instance, it appears that destruction of the temples by Muslim rulers led to complete cessation of activities associated with it. See Bhardwaj, S. M., Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 77.Google Scholar The patttern of Muslim Proselytization ranged from peaceful persuasion of missionaries to forcible conversion by fanatical rulers and the differed depending on the policies of the rulers and the practices of the indigenous populations. Bayly, Susan, Saints, Goddesses and Kings, provides examples of the varied reactions to Islamicization in her book on South India.Google Scholar

9 Haynes, Douglas and Prakash, Gyan, ‘Introduction: The Entanglement of Power and Resistance,’ in Contesting Power, eds Haynes, Douglas and Prakash, Gyan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 122.Google Scholar

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11 See Disney, Anthony, ‘The Portuguese Empire in India,’ in Indo-Portuguese History, ed Correia-Afonso, J. (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 160Google Scholar and Pearson, M. N., ‘Goa's Overseas Trade,’ in Goa through the Ages: An Economic History II, ed. de Souza, Thotonio R. (New Delhi: Concept, 1990), p. 150Google Scholar which estimate that in the early 1630s only two per cent of Goa Islands came from land revenue (though for Bardez and Salsette the statistics are 50 per cent and 74 per cent respectively). See Bocarro, Antonio, ‘Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da India Oriental,’ in ArquivoPortuguez Oriental IV Parte II, ed. Pereira, A. B. de Bragança (Bastorá: Tipografia Rangel, 1938).Google Scholar The low percentage for Goa reflects its status as the chief port of the Estado da India and the point from which the seas of western India patrolled.

12 de Souza, Teotonio R., ‘Rural Economy and Life,’ in Goa through the Ages: An Economic History, ed de Souza, T. R., II, p. 96.Google Scholar

13 Pearson, M. N., ‘Wealth and Power: Indian Groups in the Portuguese Indian Esonomy,’ South Asia 3 (1973), pp. 3644;CrossRefGoogle Scholarde Souza, T. R., ‘Glimpses of Hindu Dominance of Goan Economy in the 17th Century,’ Indica XII (03 1975), pp. 2735.Google Scholar

14 Konkhanakhanaya (Belgaum: Belgaum Samachar, 1909 [original 1721]), p. 19.Google Scholar

15 Numerous portuguese documents which will be discussed and transcribed in the section below entitled ‘Goa Under the Portuguese’ indicate that the temples served these functions in Potuguese policies.Google Scholar

16 The policy fo conversion was begun soon after the arrival of the Porutuguese in Goa in 1510, and gradually intensified throughout the sixteenth century. The Inquisition was a formal tribunal devoted to identifying heretics among the converts to Catholicism and was formally launched in 1561 and lasted until 1761, when it was effectively ended by the Marquis de Pombal, who abolished the exclusive rights of Christians.Google Scholar

17 The novas conquistas refer to the talukas (districts) of Pernem, Bicholim, Sanquelim, Satari, Quepem, Sanguem, and Canacona which were acquired by the Portuguese through conquest and treaty between 1741 and 1788 at the time the Inquisition was ending. See Gazetter of the Union Terrtory Goa, Daman and Diu, p. 186.Google ScholarThe velhas conquistas refer to the old conquests: the talukas (districts) of Bardez, Tiswadi (also known as Goa Island and Ilhas), and Salsette which were acquired in the flrst half of the sixteenth century by the Portuguese. Tiswadi, an bounded by the Mandovi and Zuari Rivers, was acquest in 1510, and Bardez and Salsette by teaty in 1543Google Scholar. See ibid., pp. 144–53.

18 Newman, R. S., ‘The Umbrellas of Cuncolim: A Study of Goan Identity’ Eighth International Symposium on Asian Studies (Hong Kong: Asian Research Service, 1986), p. 1107.Google Scholar

19 Daniel, E. V., Fluid Signs: Being a Person the Tamil Way (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).Google Scholar

20 Bragança, Aleixo Jerónimo do Rosário. A Igerja de Mapuça (Bastoráa: Tipografia Rangel, 1926). p. 13.Google Scholar

21 In fact, Our Lady of Miracles and Lairaya are regarded as two of seven sisters, who according to local tradition, resided at the village of Mahem with their brother Khetoba. Khetoba went to bring the flre from the shrine of a nearby village, but failed to return. The sisters, in anger, left Mahem and dispersed to nearby villages. The seven villages festivals of these sisters have complex ritual and mythical connections: customarily visits or flowers from the other sisters are sent at the time of the temple festival.Google Scholar

22 Furtado, Luis, ‘Mapusa's Lady of Miracles,’ Goa Today (1985), p. 38.Google Scholar

23 Khedekar, D. D., ‘Rhythm and Revelry: The Folk Performers,’ in Doshi, S. V. (ed.), Goa Cultural Patterns (Bombay: Marg, 1983), p. 139.Google Scholar

24 To frame Goan ethnic politics as simply Hindu versus Catholic masks a number of complexities: regional identity is an important political issue in Goa, and for many lower class and caste groups the boundary between Catholicism and Hinduism is blurred. See Newman, Robert S., ‘Vision at Velim: The Political and Cultural Meanings of Miracle in Goa’ The 11th European conference on Modern South Asian Studies (Amsterdam: 1990), p. 15.Google Scholar For instance, Catholics and Hindus speak and support the Konkani language in spite of the dialectical differences between Catholic and Hindu speech. Konkani is the mother tongue and the regional language of people in Goa (though currently most Hindu support Marathi and Catholics support English as the medium of instruction in schools). Goans are unified in their resistance to economic dominance by ‘Indians’ (a name reserved primarily for Indians from other states) and united in their efforts to keep economic opportunities in the booming tourism industry for themselves.

25 Winius, G. D., The Black Legend of Portuguese India (New Delhi: Concept, 1985);Google ScholarBoxer, C. R., Portuguese India in the Mid-Seventeenth Century (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980);Google ScholarCatāo, Francisco Xavier Gomes, Aldeia de Assagāo (Goa) Subsidios para a Sus História (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Hist´ricos Ultramarinos, 1978);Google ScholarAfomso, J. Correia, Indo-Portuguese History Sources and Problems (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1981);Google ScholarD'Costa, Anthony, S.J., The Christanisation of the Goa Islands (Bombay: India Printing Works, 1965);Google ScholarMitterwallner, G., ‘The Hindu Past: sculpture and Architecture,’ in Goa Cultural patterns, ed. Doshi, S. V. (Bombay: Marg, 1983), pp. 2160;Google ScholarPissurlencar, P. S. S., ‘Colabordores Hindus de Afonso de Albuqureque,’ Boleltim do Instituto Vasco da Gama 73 (1941): 55–79;Google ScholarShirodkar, P. P., Social Life in Goa of the Past (Unpublished paper, n.d.)Google Scholar.

26 Mendes, A. Lopes, A India Portugueza, 2 vols [New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1989 (original 1886)];Google Scholarde Saldanha, M. J., História de Goa Politica e Arqueologica, 2 vols [New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1990 (original 1925)];Google Scholardas, J. H.Primeiro Brado a Favor das Communidades das Aldeias do Estado da India (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1870);Google Scholarda Cunha, J. Gerson (ed.), The Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana: A Mythological, Historical, and Geographical Account of Western India (Bombay: Thacker, Vining and Company, 1877);Google Scholarpereira, J. P. L. Dos Santos, Chatrias (Orlim: 1899);Google Scholar and Nery, F. Xavier, Defensa dos Direitos das Gão-carias (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1856).Google Scholar

27 de Souza, T. R., Medieval Goa (New Delhi: Concept, 1979);Google ScholarPissurlencar, P. S. S. (ed.), Shri Shantadurga Chitushatabda Mahotsava Granth [Marathi, Shri Shantadurga, Fourth Centenary Celebration Volume] (Bombay: Shri Shantadurga Seva Samiti, 1966);Google ScholarPissurlencar, P. S. S., ‘A Propósito dos Primeiros Livros Maratas Impressos em Goa,’ Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama 49 (1956), pp. 2242;Google ScholarPriolkar, A. K., The Goa Inquisition (Bombay: 1961);Google ScholarCatão, H. Gomes, Freguesia de Orlim (1968);Google ScholarPearson, M. N., Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976);Google ScholarPearson, M. N., The New Cambridge History of India: The Portuguese in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

28 Some examples are: Pereira, Rui Gomes, Goa Gaunkari: The Old Village Associations (Panaji, Goa: A. Gomes Pereira, 1981);Google Scholar his Hindu Temples and Deities (Panaji, Goa: Printwell Press, 1978);Google ScholarDhume, V. N. S., Shri Shantadurga Devasthan [Marathi] (Kavle, Goa: Shri Shantadurga Sansthan, 1975);Google ScholarGomes, O., Village Goa (New Delhi: S. Chand, 1987);Google ScholarWagle, N. K., ‘The History and Social Organization of the Gauda Saraswata Brahmanas of the West Coast of India,’ Journal of Indian History XLVIII, Part I (1970): 725.Google Scholar

29 Some exemplary works include Appadurai, Arjun, Worship and Conflict under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981);CrossRefGoogle ScholarDirks, Nicholas B., The Hollow Crown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987);Google ScholarLudden, David, Peasant History in South India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985);Google ScholarKessinger, Tom G., Vilyatpur 1848–1968: Social and Economic Change in an Indian Village (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).Google Scholar

30 For example, Rivara, J. H. da Cunha, (ed), Archivo Portuguez-Oriental 9 vols (Nova Goa: N. A. Imprensa Nacional, 18571876);Google ScholarWicki, J. (ed.), Documenta Indica 12 vols (Rome: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu, 19401972);Google ScholarRego, A. da Silva, (ed.), Documentação para as Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente: India. 12 vols (Lisboa: Agência Geral das Colónias, 19471958). (Hereafter Padroado.)Google Scholar

31 Boxer, C. R., ‘A Glimpse of the Goa Archives,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies XIV (1952), pp. 299324;CrossRefGoogle ScholarPissurlencar, P. S. S., Roteiro dos Arquivos da India Portuguesa [A Guide to the Goa Archives] (Bastorá: Tipografia Rangel, 1955).Google Scholar

32 Gazetteer of the Union Territory Goa, Daman and Diu: District Gazetteer, Part I, Goa, pp. 91120;Google ScholarMoraes, G. M., The Kadamba Kula, A History of Ancient and Mediaeval Karnataka (Bombay: B. X. Furtado & Sons, 1931), p. 17.Google Scholar

33 Moraes, , The Kadamba Kula, pp. 167, 190.Google Scholar

34 Dirks, , The Hollow Crown, p. 126.Google Scholar

35 A notable exception is Manji Shenvi, a GSB who is reported to have been the administrator in Goa on behalf of Vijayanagar empires. See Gazetteer of the Union Territory Goa, Daman and Diu, p. 129.Google Scholar

36 da Cunha, J. Gerson, Shri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Marathi, tr. from Sanskrit] Gaitonde, V. D. (Bombay: Katyayni Publications, 1972);Google ScholarShri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Sanskrit] (Bombay: Thacker, Vining and Company, 1877).Google Scholar

37 Conlon, F., A Caste in a Changing World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp. 1516;Google ScholarSaldanha, J. V., Origin and Growth of Konkani or Goan Communities and Language (Bombay: Anglo-Lusitano Press, 1938), pp. 2232.Google Scholar

38 da Cunha, Gerson, Shri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Marathi]; his Shri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Sanskrit].Google Scholar

39 Levitt, S. H., The Patityagramanirnaya: A Puranic History of Degraded Brahman Villages (Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms, 1973), pp. 110.Google Scholar

40 Ibid. p. 104.

41 Saldanha, , Origin and Growth of Konkani or Goan Communities and Language, p. 24;Google ScholarDutt, K. Guru, Chitrapur Saraswat Retrospect (Bangalore: B. D. Power Press, 1955);Google ScholarTalmaki, S.S., Saraswat Families, II (Bombay: 1939), p. 5;Google Scholar and da Cunha, Gerson, Shri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Marathi], pp. 120–4.Google Scholar

42 Levitt, , The Patityagramanirnaya, p. 103.Google Scholar

43 Districts are known as talukas in the Indian languages and concelhos in Portuguese. The old conquests were comprised of three districts: Salsette, the Portuguese pronunciation of Shahashasti refers to the sixty six villages in the area; Tiswadi, which refers to the thirty historical villages there; and Bardez, the Portuguese pronunciation of baredesh which refers to the twelve areas there.

44 da Cunha, Gerson, Shri Sahyadri Khanda Skhanda Purana [Marathi], p. 131.Google Scholar

45 Wagle, , ’The History and Social Organization of the Gauda Saraswata Brahmanas of the West Coast of India,’ p. 9.Google Scholar

46 Conlon, , A Caste in a Changing World, p. 15.Google Scholar

47 Dhume, V. N. S., Shri Mangesh Sansthan (Mardol, Goa: Shri Mangesh Sansthan Committee, 1974);Google Scholar his Shri Shantadurga Devasthan; and Pissurlencar, P. S. S. (ed.) Shri Shantadurga Chitushatabda Mahotsav Granth (Bombay: Shri Shantadurga Seva Samiti, 1966).Google Scholar

48 The gauncares are the hereditary shareholders of the village community. Since the term is transcribed from Konkani, there are a variety of spellings; it is also transcribed as gãncars, gauncarias, and gaoncars.Google Scholar

49 Kosambi, D. D., Myth and Reality (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1962), p. 169.Google Scholar

50 de Souza, , Medieval Goa, pp. 56–8;Google ScholarXavier, F. N., Bosquejo Historico das Communidades, II (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1852), pp. 24–5.Google Scholar

51 de Souza, , Medieval Goa, p. 58;Google Scholar and Kosambi, , Myth and Reality, p. 169.Google Scholar According to data reported in Kol, J. J. Cicilia, ‘A General Statistical and Historical Report on Portuguese India Extracted in 1850 from Offlcial Documents,’ in Auld, J. W. (ed.), Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, No. X, New Series (Bombay: Bombay Education Society's Press, 1855), pp. 315–18.Google Scholar Brahman village communities paid an average annual tax of 3,142 xerafins in 1850; while the non-Brahman village communities paid an average of 1,343 xerafins. This further affirms the belief that the Brahmans generally held the more productive village lands, though some Chardo controlled villages are quite prosperous as well.

52 Almeida, José C., Aspects of the Agricultural Activity in Goa, Daman and Diu (Panaji: Government Printing Press, 1967), p. 17.Google Scholar

53 Dalgado, Sebastiāo Rodolfo, Glossário Luso-Asiático [New Delhi: Asian Education Services, 1988 (original 1918)], p. 495.Google Scholar

54 Mexia, Afonso, ‘Foral de Usos e Costumes dos Gancares e Lavradores desta Ilha de Goa e Outras Aneixas a Ella,’ Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, V, ed. Rivara, J. H. R. da Cunha (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1875), p. 124;Google Scholar this is the published version of a document found in several places in the Historical Archives of Goa (hereafter HAG) including MS 8791, Livros Vermelhos, fls. 147 ff., and Monções de Reino, No. 76, 1526, fls. 48 ff. For an English translation see Powell, B. H. Baden, ‘The Villages of Goa in the Early Sixteenth Century,’ Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society (1900), pp. 261–91.Google ScholarSee also Goenkar, V., ‘The Origin of the Goa Communidades,’ Navhind Times (05 3, 1970), p. 2.Google Scholar

55 Rubinoff, J. A., ‘Vangad: the Context of Lineage,’ in City and Countryside and Society in Maharashtra, eds Israel, M., Attwood, D. W., and Wagle, N. K. (Toronto: University of Toronto Centre for South Asian Studies, 1988), p. 196;Google Scholar and de Souza, Medieval Goa, p. 62.Google Scholar

56 Ludden, , Peasant History in South India, pp. 85–6. Joint control of land is found in both North and South India, according to Rubinoff, ‘Vangad: the Context of Lineage,’ p. 195. However, Altekar argues that joint-tenancy in North India is not true communal ownership, but rather, is simply land-revenue obligations held by the multiple heirs for the purpose of land revenue.Google Scholar See Altekar, A. S., A History of Village Communities in Western India (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1927).Google Scholar

57 Almeida, , Aspects of the Agricultural Activity in Goa, Daman and Diu, p. 55.Google Scholar

58 Lokanathan, P. S., Techno-economic Survey of Goa, Daman and Diu (New Delhi: National Council of Applied Economic Research, 1964), p. 39.Google Scholar

59 Ibid., p. 13; Pearson, ‘Wealth and Power: Indian Groups in the Portuguese Indian Economy,’ p. 38.Google Scholar

60 Mexia, , ‘Foral de Usos e Costumes,’ p. 119.Google Scholar

61 See. Baden-Powell, ‘The Villages of Goa in the Early Sixteenth Century,’ p. 172. Though the textual and historical evidence suggests high caste primacy in Goan land-tenure arrangements in the pre-Portuguese period, the ethnographic reality is somewhat more complex. The dominant castes in Goa (the Saraswats and Chardos) controlled villages as gauncares in the productive bottomlands of the old conquests. But they were hardly the majority of the Goan population in the largely Catholic (89 per cent) village of Chandor, for instance; of the 4,647 Christian residents, 16 per cent are either Brahmans or Chardos. See Gomes, , A Village in Goa, p. 88.Google Scholar Most of the residents of the villages everywhere in Goa are, in fact, landless laborers or hereditary servants, either Kunbi, Gaudda or Sudir (derived from Sudra), who are dominated by those from the Christian Brahman and Chardo castes (in the old conquests) or Hindus from the Saraswat or Maratha castes in the far more sparsely populated new conquests. Most Goans are members of the Kunbi or Gaudda communities. The Kunbis are generally settled south of the Zuari River in the Districts of Salsette, Canacona, and Quepem and thought to be of Dravidian origin. The Gauddas are located primarily in the villages north of the Zuari and regarded as Aryans: only a few villages and temples in Goa are controlled by these two groups.

62 Nery, F. Xavier, Defensa dos Direitos das Gãucarias (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1856);Google ScholarRivara, J. H. da Cunha, Primeiro Brado a Favor das Communidades das Aldeias do Estado da India (Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1840).Google Scholar

63 Pereira, Gomes, Goa Gaunkari, p. 31.Google Scholar

64 Mexia, , ‘Foral de Usos e Costumes’, p. 124.Google Scholar

65 Rivara, J. H. da Cunha, (ed.), Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, V, Parte 2a (Nova Goa: NA Imprensa Nacional, 1875), pp. 543, 839.Google Scholar

66 Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century and continuing today, regular entries in the Boletim Official (or as it is currently known, Official Bulletin) have detailed finances, income, festivals, rituals and their fees, associated deities, duties and payments of the servants of most of the temples in remarkable detail. In some cases, lists of the mahajans are included.Google Scholar

67 Cabral, Mario and , Jean-Louis Nou e, Goa (New Delhi: Lustre Press, 1986);Google ScholarAlbuquerque, T., Anjuna: A Profile of a Village in Goa (New Delhi: Promilla, 1988);Google Scholar and her Santa Cruz Calapor: Profile of a Village in Goa (Panjim, Goa: Fernandes Publication, 1989).Google Scholar

68 For example, D'Costa, , in The Christianisation of the Goa Islands cites numerous documents detailing the goodwill and great success of the conversion policies; in The Goa Inquisition, Priolkar details the evidence for the horror of the brutal conversion policies and the use of threats, enslavement, execution, and extortion in order to effect conversions.Google Scholar

69 D'Costa, , The Christianisation of the Goa Islands, pp. 45.Google Scholar

70 ‘Nação Histórica de Goa, Recenseamento 1844,’ O Cabinete Litter´rio de Fontainhas (Nova Goa: 1846), p. 244.Google Scholar

71 da Fonseca, J. N., An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of the City of Goa [New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1986 (original 1878)], pp. 113–15.Google Scholar

72 HAG, Monções 93B, Viceroy's decree that there will be no new temples and those that exist cannot be repaired, 20 December 1566, fl. 380r; a law forbidding idols in any home, 26 March 1559, fl. 393r; HAG, Provisöes a Favor da Cristandade 1513–1840, MS. 9529, 1559, fl. 4r; Viceroy Dom Antão writes that no temples can be built and no repairs can be carried out, 1566, fl. 90r; Anyone impeding conversion will be condemned to the galleys, 24 February 1570, ff. 81r, and a previous attempt to condemn to the king's galleys those who impede conversion in a letter dated 17 February 1560 in Silva Rego's Padroado, Vol. VIII, pp. 8–10; Instructions to priests cautioning them to learn enough about Hindu religious activities to prevent them, MS. 9529, 1581, ff. 36v; de Couto, Diogo, Década, VIII (Lisboa: A Custa de Joam da Costa, e Diogo Soarez, 1673), p. 17;Google Scholarde Souza, Francisco (ed.), Oriente Conquistada a Jesus Christo pelos Padres da Companhia de Jesus da Provincia de Goa, II (Bombay: Na Typ. ‘Examiner,’ 1886), p. 323;Google Scholarda Cunha Rivara, Primeiro Brado a Favor das Communidades dos Aldeias do Estado da India, pp. 78–82;Google ScholarWicki, (ed.), Documenta Indica 1540–1549, I, pp. 756–61.Google Scholar

73 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 358v–359r, n.d. Dom João de Castro was the viceroy from 1545–1548. All translations are the authors' and have been modified to reflect modern syntax and punctuation.

74 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 34IV. For an example of the Brahmans secretly practicing their Gentile festivals and ceremonies in the darkness of the night, see Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. VII, p. 331.Google Scholar

75 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 366r. This repeats King Dom Sebastião's 1559 prohibition of all Gentile ceremonies, rites, rituals, idols and temples. See Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. VII, pp. 284286Google Scholar, and for the 1560 attempt, see Padroado, vol. VIII, pp. 58–9.Google Scholar

76 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 342r.

77 HAG, MS. 9529, Provisões a Favor da Cristandade 1513–1840, fls. 6OV-6IV. For a complete list of the laws against infidel activity as passed by the viceroy in 1567 at the request of the Holy Provincial Council of Goa, see Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. X, pp. 405–13.Google Scholar

78 HAG, MS. 9529, Provisões a Favor da Cristandade 1513–1840, fls. 6OV–6IV, 17 August 1633.

79 HAG, MS. 9529, Provisões a Favor da Cristandade 1513–1840, fls. 30V, 31r (1571), fl. 36V (1581).

80 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 342v. For a similar document dealing with prohibitions see Padroado, Vol. VII, pp. 284286.Google Scholar

81 HAG, MS. 9529, fl. 49V.

82 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 339r.

83 HAG, Monçõs 93B, fls. 37or–37ov. Not a new decree as King Dom Joāo had attempted the same in a letter dated 25 June 1557, in Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. VII. pp. 215218Google Scholar, and again two years later in 1559, a repeat of the same order in Rego, Silva, Paroado, vol. VII, pp. 264–9.Google Scholar

84 HAG, MS. 9529, fl. 59v.

85 HAG, MS. 9529, fls. 3r–3v, 4r–4v, 5r–5v.

86 HAG, Monções 93B, 390r.

87 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 353r. Regarding earlier comments (1566) about the Brahmans taking their idols to the land of the Moors, see Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. X, pp. 104, 300.Google Scholar

88 HAG, MS. 9539, fls. 6OV–6IV. Reports in 1559 of Gentiles who abandon their faendas and go to terra firme in Rego, Silva, Padroado, vol. VII, pp. 340–1.Google Scholar

89 HAG, Monções 93B, fls. 355r–356r.

90 HAG, Monções 93B, Letter signed by Domingos da Silva in Goa on 29 August 1790, fl. 384r.

91 HAG, Monções g3B, fls. 372v–373r.

92 HAG, Monções g3B, fls. 382v–383r.

93 HAG, Monçõoes 93B, Letter dated 15 March 1714 from King Dom João to he viceroy, fls. 398r–398v.

94 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 396v.

95 HAG, Monções 93B, fl. 399r.

96 HAG, MS. 9529, Law declared by Viceroy Count Linhares against the Hindus of Salsette who fled the lands for refusing to become Christians, 11 January 1663, fls. 6IV–63V.

97 In addition to the works cited above by Dhume and Pissurlencar on the Mangesh and Shantadurga temples, some other examples of temple histories include, Sunthankar, S. S., Ase Ahé Shri Damodar (Belgaum: Jijisa Prakashan, 1974);Google ScholarSatoskar, B. D., Shri Devkikrishna Ravalnath Devasthan (Mashel, Goa: Shri Devkikrishna Ravanath Devasthan, 1982);Google ScholarShri Nagesh Devasthan, Its Past and Present (Bombay: Wagle P. S. & P. Put. LTD, 1974);Google ScholarSouvenir Issued in the Mother's Service [In English and Marathi] (Bombay: Shree Shantadurga Seva Samati, 1966);Google ScholarShri Sansthan Gokarn Partagali Math Pancha-Shatabdhi Mahotsav (Partagali Goa: 1977);Google ScholarShri Ramnath Devsthan (Ramnathim-Ponda, Goa: Shri Ramnath Devasthan, n.d.).Google Scholar

98 Shri Ramnath Devsthan, pp. 916.Google Scholar

99 Desai, Madhav Anant, Chittakula-Karwar: A History (Bombay: Author, 1969), p. 32.Google Scholar

100 Mhamai, S. K., Sawants of Wadi, coastal Politics in 18th and 19th Centuries (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1984), pp. 35.Google Scholar

101 Adas, Michael, ‘From Avoidance to Confrontation: Peasant Protest in Precolonial and Colonial Southeast Asia,’ Comparative Studies in Society and History XXIII (1981): 217;CrossRefGoogle ScholarScott, Weapons of the Weak, pp. 2247.Google Scholar

102 Mascarenhas, Antonio, Goa from Prehistoric Times (Vasco da Gama: Author, 1987), pp. 20–1;Google ScholarMarco, S., ‘The Kunbis of Goa,’ Goa Today, III (1969), pp. 1415.Google Scholar

103 O'Hanlon, Rosalind, ‘Recovering the Subject. Subaltern Studies and Histories of Resistance in Colonial South Asia,’ Modern Asian Studies 22.1 (1988), p. 203.Google Scholar

104 Haynes, and Prakash, , ‘Introduction: The Entanglement of Power and Resistance,’ p. 20.Google Scholar

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