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Turkey and Europe: culture, capital and corruption

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 April 2010


This article argues that current discourses on Turkish corruption are marked by a disproportionate emphasis on culture and can thus be understood as part of a broader relationship with Europe's perennial ‘other’. Having traced elements of this within European political elites' response to Turkey's prospective accession to the Union, the article goes on to suggest that the association of corruption with a different cultural orientation represents a useful means of legitimising the extraneous guidance of administrative and economic change. The ultimate aim of such reforms are, the article concludes, to extend the penetrative capacity of European capital, to reduce the transaction costs involved in acquiring Turkish assets and to disable domestic resistance to further marketisation.

Research Article
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

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1 William Milligan Sloane, ‘Turkey in Europe’, Political Science Quarterly, 23 (1908), p. 301.

2 Pınar Bedirhanoğlu, ‘The Neoliberal Discourse on Corruption as a Means of Consent Building: Reflections from Post-Crisis Turkey’, Third World Quarterly, 28 (2007), pp. 1239–40.

3 See, for example, Roxanne Doty's Imperial Encounters (Minneapolis MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and Jennifer Milliken's ‘Intervention and Identity: Reconstructing the West in Korea’, in Jutta Weldes, Mark Laffey, Hugh Gusterson and Raymond Duvall (eds), Cultures of Insecurity: States, Communities and the Production of Danger (Minneapolis MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).

4 Iver Neumann, Uses of the Other: The “East” in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), p. 399.

5 Bahar Rumelili, ‘Constructing Identity and Relating to Difference: Understanding the EU's Mode of Differentiation’, Review of International Studies, 30 (2004), pp. 32–3.

6 Iver Neumann and Jennifer Welsh, ‘The Other in European Self-definition: An Addendum to the Literature on International Society,’ Review of International Studies, 17 (1991), p. 329. Indeed, the continent was named after Europa, a Phoenician princess (probably from Tyre in modern Lebanon) raped by Zeus and taken to Crete.

7 Ole Wæver, ‘Insecurity, Security, and Asecurity in the West European Non-war Community’, in Emmanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 102.

8 Malcolm Yapp, ‘Europe in the Turkish Mirror’, Past and Present, 137 (1992), p. 135.

9 Neumann and Welsh, ‘The Other in European Self-definition’, p. 331.

10 Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968).

11 Giovanni Botero, The Reason of State and the Greatness of Cities (edited by D. Waley) (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1956). See also Robert Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk (New York: St Martin's Press, 1967).

12 Charles de Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, trans. Anne Cohler, Basia Miller and Harold Stone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 280; Yapp, ‘Europe in the Turkish Mirror’, pp. 152–3.

13 Sami Zubaida, ‘Europe and its Others: Imagined Frontiers’, paper presented at the conference Beyond Enlargement: Opening Eastwards, Closing Southwards? (Toledo, 2003), p. 63.

14 Quoted in John Bright, ‘Speeches on Questions of Public Policy Volume 1, (Bibliolife: Charleston SC., 2008), p. 426.

15 He ignores the fact that the Turkish economy is bigger than Sweden's and Switzerland's (Scott Lamb, ‘Turkey and the EU: The Pros and Cons’, Die Spiegel, 16 December 2004; Kemal Kirişçi, ‘Turkey in the EU: A Win-Win Scenario’, The Bridge, 6 (2007)).

16 F. Stephen Larrabee and Ian Lesser, Turkish foreign Policy in an Age of Uncertainty (Santa Monica: RAND, 2003), p. 46; Bolkestein quoted in Christopher Caldwell, ‘Islamic Europe?’, The Weekly Standard (4 October 2004). Such views are firmly embedded within many of Europe's linguistic traditions. The current edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, for instance, contains the following entries: ‘Turk, n., 4. transf. a. Applied to any one having qualities attributed to the Turks; a cruel, rigorous, or tyrannical man; any one behaving as a barbarian or savage; one who treats his wife hardly; a bad-tempered or unmanageable man. Often, with alliterative qualification, terrible Turk; young or little Turk, an unmanageable or violent child or youth. 5. a. A human figure at which to practise shooting. b. A hideous image to frighten children; a bugbear’.

17 Helen Hull Hitchcock, ‘Benedict, the Bear, and the Shell: Explanation of the Pope's Name and Symbolism in the Papal Coat of Arms’, Adoremus Bulletin, XI (2005), p. 1; Helmut Schmidt quoted in Ali Tekin, ‘Future of Turkey-EU Relations: A Civilisational Discourse’, Futures, 37 (2005), p. 293.

18 Philip Stephens, ‘The EU Must Not Snub Turkey’, Financial Times (26 February 2004); Derek Heater, The Idea of European Unity (New York: St Martin's Press, 1992), p. 182.

19 Larrabee, and Lesser, ‘Turkish Foreign Policy’, p. 60; Rainer Hülsse notes that, ‘as Christianity is by many in the EU considered to lie at the core of European identity, it is the logical conclusion that Turkey goes not and cannot belong to Europe’, (‘Cool Turkey: Solving the Image Problem to Secure EU Membership’, Mediterranean Politics, 11 (2006), p. 312).

20 Quoted by Meltem Müftüler-Bac, ‘Through the looking Glass: Turkey in Europe’, Turkish Studies, 1 (2000), p. 25.

21 Quoted in Human Rights Watch, Turkey: Human Rights Developments (New York, 1998), p. 4.

22 Martens quoted in Miros Jovanovic, International Economic Integration: Limits and Prospects (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 411; d'Estaing quoted in Marisa Lino, ‘Turkey and the EU: A Fine Balance’, Transition Studies Review, 11 (2004), p. 33.

23 Sinan Erensü and Yaşar Adanlı, ‘Turkey in the Eye of the Beholder: Tracking Perceptions on Turkey through Political Cartoons’, Kontur, 10 (2004), p. 59.

24 Edgar Lenski, ‘Turkey and the EU: On the Road to Nowhere’, Walter Hallstein-Institut Paper, 10:03 (2003), p. 91.

25 Paul Kubicek, ‘Turkish Accession to the EU in Comparative Perspective’, South East European Studies Programme Occasional Paper, 1:4 (2004), pp. 19, 25 (emphases added).

26 Ronan McCrea, ‘Limitations on Religion in a Liberal Democratic Polity: Christianity and Islam in the Public Order of the European Union’, LSE Legal Studies Working Papers, 18 (2007), p. 2. McCrea goes on to counterpose the way in which the EU dealt with the Romanian legislature's decision to criminalise homosexuality and the membership of gay and lesbian relationships in 1996 with the Turkish governments' proposal to re-criminalise adultery (legalised in 1996 – the same year as Austria). He concludes that, ‘in the Romanian case. The EU viewed this solely as a question of human rights […] In the Turkish case however, the proposal was seen not as a human rights issue or even an issue of privacy, but was instead framed as an issue of the general relationship between religion and the law’ (McCrea, ‘Limitations on Religion’, p. 9).

27 Etienne Balibar, ‘Is there a Neo-Racism?’, in Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (eds), Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities, trans. C. Turner (London: Verso, 2002), p. 24.

28 Carl Dahlman, ‘Turkey's Accession to the European Union: The Geopolitics of Enlargement’, Eurasian Geography, 45 (2004), p. 560.

29 Mahmood Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror (New York: Pantheon, 2005), p. 17.

30 Magnus Ranstorp, ‘Terrorism in the Name of Religion’, Journal of International Affairs, 50 (1996), p. 49. Benjamin Barber, ‘Democracy and Terror in the Era of Jihad vs. Mcworld’, in Ken Booth and Tim Dunne (eds), Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p. 247.

31 Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Vintage, 1993), p. 208.

32 Talad Asad, ‘Muslims and European Identity: Can Europe Represent Islam?,’ in Elizabeth Hallam and Brian Street (eds), Cultural Encounters: Representing ‘Otherness’ (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 17. Depicting the southern and eastern Mediterranean basin as stagnant and/or a source of instability (such as Wæver's ‘zones of transition’, fn. 6) is a necessary means of distinguishing the lands of the north and west and presenting the former as the locus of civilisation. Such a differentiation finds expression in modern cartography where it is ‘nearly impossible to find a contemporary map of the Mediterranean. […] This situation is not coincidental. It is symptomatic of a worldview that reinforces the perception of distance between the West and the Islamic world’ (Elizabeth Hurd, ‘Appropriating Islam: The Islamic Other in the Consolidation of Western Modernity’, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 12 (2003), p. 25).

33 Hartmann Hoffmann and Roger Köppel cited by Ellen Madeker, ‘Turkey – a Part of Europe? The Construction of European Identity in the German Enlargement Debate’, paper presented at the Third Pan-European Conference on EU Politics (Istanbul, 21–23 September 2006), p. 10.

34 Madeker, ‘Turkey – a Part of Europe?’, pp. 9–10.

35 Kemal Derviş, Michael Emerson, Daniel Gros and Sinan Ülgen, The European Transformation of Modern Turkey (Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2004), p. 24; Necati Polat, ‘Identity Politics and the Domestic Context of Turkey's European Union Accession’, Government and Opposition, 41 (2006), p. 517.

36 Schmuel Eisenstadt and Bernard Giesen, ‘The Construction of Collective Identity’, European Journal of Sociology, 36 (1995), p. 78.

37 Udo Steinbach, ‘“The Eastern Question” Redux: What Kind of Integration Faces Turkey’, in Angelos Giannakopolous (ed.), The European Perspective of Turkey after the December 2004 Decision: Conference Report (Istanbul, 2005), p. 6.

38 ‘Dutch Commissioner Again Warns on Turkish EU Bid’, Turkish Daily News (8 September 2004); Jacques Chirac echoed these comments the following year when he stated that ‘Turkey must undergo a major cultural revolution if it is ever to join the European Union’ (quoted in Marcie Patton, ‘AKP Reform Fatigue in Turkey: What has Happened to the EU Process’, Mediterranean Politics, 12 (2007), p. 345).

39 During the eighteenth century, for instance, İbrahim Müteferrika argued in Usul ul-Hikam fi Nizam ul-Ümam (Rational Bases for the Politics of Nations) that the Ottoman Empire's failure to adopt European methods of governance and scientific exploration was the root of its inability to compete geo-politically. Later, Ahmet Riza (1859–1930), a former employee at the Ministry of Education, established an important following through his journal Mechveret (Consultation) which was associated with French positivism and the work of Auguste Comte (Ernest Ramsaur, The Young Turks: Prelude to the Revolution of 1908 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 22–6.

40 İ. Semih Akçomak and Saeed Parto, ‘How “Black” is the Black Sheep Compared to All the Others: Turkey and the EU’, UNU-WIDER Working Papers, 24 (2006), p. 16.

41 Süleyman Sozen and Ian Shaw, ‘Turkey and the European Union: Modernizing a Traditional State?’, Social Policy and Administration, 37 (2003), p. 109; see also, Christopher Brewin, The European Union and Cyprus (Eothen: Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, 2000), p. 137.

42 Bobby Sayyid, ‘Sign o'Times: Kaffirs and Infidels Fighting the Ninth Crusade’, in Ernesto Laclau (ed.), The Making of Political Identities (London: Verso, 1994), p. 271.

43 Chris Rumford, ‘Rethinking Turkey's Relationship with the EU: Postwestern Turkey meets Postwestern Europe’, Politics and International Relations Working Paper, 3 (2006), p. 6; Bruce Kuniholm, ‘Turkey's Accession to the European Union: Differences in European and US Attitudes, and Challenges for Turkey’, Turkish Studies, 12 (2000), p. 46.

44 Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, ‘Do Muslims not Belong to this Christian Europe?’, Independent (16 December 2004); Kuniholm, ‘Turkey's Accession’, p. 46.

45 Heather Marquette, ‘Donors Seek the Right Approach to Corruption’, Local Governance Brief (Spring 2004), p. 3.

46 Vito Tanzi, ‘Corruption around the World’, IMF Staff Papers, 45 (1998), p. 560; Kalin Ivanov, ‘The Limits of a Global Campaign against Corruption’, in Sarah Bracking (ed.), Corruption and Development: The Anti-Corruption Campaigns (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2007), p. 31; Heather Marquette, ‘Donors Seek the Right Approach to Corruption’, Local Governance Brief (Spring 2004), p. 3.

47 Ivanov, ‘The Limits of a Global Campaign’, p. 30.

48 Sarah Bracking, ‘Political Development and Corruption: Why “Right Here, Right Now!”?’, in Sarah Bracking (ed.), Corruption and Development: The Anti-Corruption Campaigns (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2007), p. 10. For a fuller development of this argument, see Gabriel Ben-Dor, ‘Corruption, Institutionalization, and Political Development’, Comparative Political Studies, 7 (1974) or Francis Lui, ‘An Equilibrium Queuing Model of Bribery’, Journal of Political Economy, 93 (1985).

49 Nicholas A. Lash, ‘Corruption and Economic Development’, School of Business Administration Working Papers, Loyola University (2003), p. 2.

50 House Report No. 95-640, US Department of Justice.

51 Cited in Patrick Glynn, Stephen Kobrin, and Moises Naim, ‘The Globalization of Corruption’, in Kimberly Elliot (ed), Corruption and the Global Economy (Washington DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997).

52 Larry Fisher, ‘Taking a Corporate Stand against Public Corruption’, Keynote Address at the Rice Global E & C Forum (12 October 2004), p. 2; see also Celeste Wallender, ‘NATO's Price: Shape Up or Ship Out’, Foreign Affairs, 81 (2002).

53 Ivanov, ‘The Limits of a Global Campaign’, p. 30; see also Ivan Krastev, ‘The Strange Rediscovery of Corruption’, in Yehuda Elkana, Ralf Dahrendorf, William Newton-Smith, Aryeh Neier and Istvan Rev (eds), The Paradoxes of Unintended Consequences (Budapest: CEU Press, 2000).

54 Quoted in Tara Polzer, ‘Corruption: Deconstructing the World Bank Discourse’, Development Studies Institute Working Papers, 01–18 (2001), p. 2.

55 Robert Williams, ‘New Concepts for Old’, Third World Quarterly, 20 (1999), p. 503.

56 Quoted in Vinay Bhargava, ‘Dealing With the Cancer of Corruption’, in Vinay Bhargava (ed.), Global Issues for Global Citizens: An Introduction to Key Development Challenges (Washington DC: World Bank, 2006), p. 341; Roderick Hills, ‘Business as a Partner in Fighting Corruption?’, Development Outreach, (September 2006), pp. 2–3.

57 Former World Bank Vice-President (as well as Turkish Minister of Economic Affairs 2001–2) and current Head of the UNDP, Kemal Derviş (et. al), notes that, during this period, ‘the West at times encouraged non-democratic forms of action to foster their strategic objectives’ – including the use of religion ‘as a bulwark against the perceived threat of communism’ (Derviş et al., ‘The European Transformation’, p. 12). As former Turkish Prime Minister and President, Süleyman Demirel puts its, ‘when the defence of European civilization was at stake, they didn't call us Turks and Muslims’ (quoted in International Crisis Group, Turkey and Europe: The Way Ahead (Brussels, 2007), p. 2).

58 EC President Joseph Luns quoted in International Crisis Group, ‘Turkey and Europe’, p. 2.

59 Richard Youngs, Europe and the Middle East: In the Shadow of September 11 (Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006), p. 198; İhsan Dağı cited in Harun Arıkan, Turkey and the EU: An Awkward Candidate for EU Membership? (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p. 115.

60 The Turkish Foreign Ministry quoted in Leda-Agapi Glyptis, ‘The Cost of Rapprochement: Turkey's Erratic EU Dream as a Clash of Systemic Values’, Turkish Studies, 6 (2005), p. 404; see also Harun Arıkan, ‘A Lost Opportunity? A Critique of the EU's Human Rights Policy towards Turkey’, Mediterranean Politics, 7 (2002), p. 27.

61 Here, it is important to note a distinction between formal accession documentation and the rhetoric of reform. The European Parliament, national assemblies and the Commission's progress reports have been very critical of Turkey's militarised polity, while the partnership agreement ‘makes every diplomatic effort to avoid offending Turkish sensitivities’ (Chris Rumford, ‘Failing the EU Test? Turkey's National Programme, EU Candidature and the Complexities of Democratic Reform’, Mediterranean Politics, 7 (2002), p. 57). Following the OSCE's cautious approach to the protection of minority rights, the agreement does not specifically use the word ‘Kurdish’ and is clearly influenced by NATO's desire that ‘Turkey should remain a western-orientated secular society at all costs’ (House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee quoted in William Hale, ‘Human Rights, the European Union and the Turkish Accession Process’, Turkish Studies, 4 (2003), p. 122; see also Gülistan Gürbey, ‘The Kurdish Conflict in Turkey – (not) a Subject for the OSCE’, Helsinki Monitor, 1 (2001)).

62 Dahlman, ‘Turkey's Accession to the European Union’, p. 556.

63 Müftüler-Bac, ‘Through the Looking-Glass’, p. 29.

64 Mehmet Türkay, ‘Turkey's Integration with the European Union: Modalities and Limitations’, in Neşecan Balkan and Sungur Savran (eds), The Politics of Permanent Crisis: Class, Ideology and State in Turkey (New York: Nova Science, 2002), p. 223; Bruce Kuniholm, ‘Turkey's Accession to the European Union: Differences in European and US Attitudes, and Challenges for Turkey’, paper presented to the Black Sea Regional Policy Symposium (Leesburg VA: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2001), p. 2.

65 Harun Arıkan, ‘A Lost Opportunity? A Critique of the EU's Human Rights Policy towards Turkey’, Mediterranean Politics (2002), p. 35; anonymous EU official quoted in Caroline Brothers, ‘Setting a higher bar for Turkey? Economic Advances only Part of Equation for Entry into EU’, International Herald Tribune (5 January 2007).

66 The Open Society Institute cited in Transparency International, Corruption and the EU Accession Process (Berlin, 2006), p. 4.

67 Glynn, Kobrin, and Naim, ‘The Globalization of Corruption’, p. 20; Ivanov, ‘The Limits of a Global Campaign’, p. 31.

68 Heather Marquette, Corruption, Politics and Development: The Role of the World Bank (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003).

69 Bryane Michael, ‘The Rapid Rise of the Anticorruption Industry’, Local Governance Brief (Spring 2004), p. 21.

70 Council Decision on the Principles, Priorities, Intermediate Objectives and Conditions Contained in the Accession Partnership with the Republic of Turkey (Brussels, 2001), p. 18.

71 World Bank, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development Program Document for a Proposed Loan in the Amount of Euro 403 Million to the Republic of Turkey for a Programmatic Public Sector Development Policy Loan (Washington DC, 2006), p. 64. Writing in the World Bank's in-house journal, Roderick Hills goes further. Quoting Edmund Burke, he asserts that the influence of corruption ‘takes away vigour from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every shadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our constitution’ (‘Business as a Partner’, p. 2).

72 Susan Rose-Ackerman, Corruption: A Study in Political Economy (New York: Academic Press, 1978), p. 9 (emphasis in original); the World Bank, cited in Sue Hawley, ‘Exporting Corruption: Privatisation, Multinationals and Bribery’, The Corner House Briefing, 19 (2000), p. 11.

73 For the political implications of this, see Mick Moore, ‘Revenues, State Formation and the Quality of Governance in Developing Countries’, International Political Science Review, 25 (2004).

74 Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay and Massimo Mastruzzi, ‘Measuring Corruption: Myths and Realities’, Development Outreach, (September 2006), p. 2.

75 Carol Migdalovitz, Turkey's 2007 Elections: Crisis of Identity and Power (Washington DC: Congressional Research Service, 2007), p. 11; Kirsty Hughes, The Political Dynamics of Turkish Accession to the EU: A European Success Story or the EU's Most Contested Enlargement? (Stockholm: Swedish Institute for Policy Studies, 2004), p. 60.

76 John Gledhill, ‘Old Economy, New Economy: Old Corruption, New Corruption’, Social Analysis, 47 (2003), p. 131; Carol Graham, Robert Litan and Sandip Sukhtankar, ‘The Bigger They Are, The Harder They Fall: An Estimate of the Costs of the Crisis in Corporate Governance’, Brookings Institute Working Paper (2002).

77 Richard Ware and Vaughne Miller ‘The Resignation of the European Commission’, House of Commons Research Paper, 32 (1999); George Trefgarne, ‘EU Scandals are Like the US's – but they're in the Public Sector’, Daily Telegraph (2 September 2002); Tony Barber, ‘EU Aid Misspent on Golf Clubs,’ Financial Times (13 November 2007).

78 Vincent Boland, ‘Former Turkish Energy Ministers Head to Court on Corruption Charges’, Financial Times (24 November 2004); see Transparency International for 2007 Corruption Perception Index.

79 Bryane Michael, ‘The Role of Anti-Corruption in the Turkish Accession to the EU’, Turkish Policy Quarterly, 3 (2004); see also Ronald Linden, ‘Balkan Geometry: Turkish Accession and the International Relations of Southest Europe’, Orbis, 51 (2007).

80 According to Atılay Ergüven and an anonymous World Bank source, for example, there is, apparently, ‘no institution into which corruption has not entered’, while ‘procurement practices lack transparency so much so that before the bidding is started the result is already fixed’ (quoted in Metin Munir, ‘Turkey: Corruption Notebook’, Global Integrity Country Report (Washington DC, 2005), p. 3); Pınar Tank, ‘Turkey as a “Special Case” for the EU: Will the Generals Retreat from Politics?’, Security Dialogue, 32 (2001), p. 223.

81 Cris Shore, ‘Corruption Scandals in America and Europe: Enron and EU Fraud in Comparative Perspective’, Social Analysis, 47 (2003), p. 151; Tank, ‘Turkey as a “Special Case”’, p. 223.

82 Tank, ‘Turkey as a “Special Case”’, p. 223; Mustafa Aydın and Aslı Toksabay Esen, ‘A Concluding View from Turkey’, in Nathalie Tocci (ed.), Conditionality, Impact and Prejudice in EU-Turley Relations (Rome: IAI, 2007), p. 134.

83 Daniel Treisman, ‘The Causes of Corruption: A Cross-National Study’, Journal of Public Economics, 76 (2000), p. 403.

84 Suresh Gopalan and Alican Kavas, ‘Gaining a Perspective on Turkish Value Orientations: Implications for Expatriate Managers’, Proceedings of the Academy for Studies in International Business, 5 (2005), p. 16.

85 Mark Tessler and Ebru Altınoğolu, ‘Political Culture in Turkey: Connections among Attitudes toward Democracy, the Military and Islam’, Democratization, 11 (2004), p. 26.

86 Elie Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 5–6.

87 Michael Novak, ‘Rediscovering Culture’, Journal of Democracy, 12 (2004), p. 168.

88 Pranab Bardhan, ‘Corruption and Development: A Review of Issues’, Journal of Economic Literature, 35 (1997), p. 1330.

89 Olli Rehn quoted in, and translated by, Dirk Tänzler, ‘Crime as a Cultural Problem’, EU Sixth Framework Programme Priority 7 Research Project, (Sofia, 2006), p. 6.

90 Zeyno Baran, ‘Corruption: The Turkish Challenge’, Journal of International Affairs, 54 (2000), p. 129. Baran is Director of the Nixon Centre's International Security and Energy Program. Based in Washington DC, its Turkey Initiative aims to ‘promote moderate Islam and Turkey's democratic, secular republic as a model for the Muslim world’ and to ‘devise strategies for Turkey to remain a reliable ally for safe and secure transit of Caspian oil and gas to markets’.

91 Ugur Ömürgönülşen and M. Kemal Öktem, ‘The Feasibility of an Ethical Administration in Turkey: Legal-Institutional and Cultural Pillars of Public Service Ethics’, paper presented at the conference Ethics and Integrity of Governance: the First Transatlantic Dialogue (Leuven Belgium, 2005), p. 8; Şahin Alpay, ‘Can Turkey Digest Reforms?’, Zaman (12 July 2004).

92 Michael, ‘The Role of Anti-Corruption’, pp. 21–3; Youngs, ‘Europe and the Middle East’, p. 204.

93 SIGMA, Turkey: Anti-Corruption and Integrity Framework Assessment, (Paris, 2000), p. 3.

94 John Noonan, Bribes (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1984), p. 38.

95 Huguette Labelle, ‘Civil Society and the Private Sector: Fighting Corruption is Good Business’, Development Outreach (September 2006), p. 1.

96 OECD, Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (Paris, 2000), p. 65.

97 See Antonio Argandoña, ‘Corruption and Companies: The Use of Facilitating Payments’, Journal of Business Ethics, 60 (2005). The total bribes, or ‘facilitation payments’, Western businesses are estimated to disburse each year may be as much as US$80 billion (Hawley, ‘Exporting Corruption’, p. 2).

98 Michel Camdessus, ‘Second Generation Reforms: Reflections and New Challenges’, paper presented to the IMF Conference on Second Generation Reforms, (Washington DC, 8 November, 1999); see also Paul Cammack, ‘Neoliberalism, the World Bank and the New Politics of Development’, in Uma Kothari and Martin Minogue (eds), Development Theory and Practice: Critical Perspectives (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002).

99 Bracking, ‘Political Development and Corruption’, p. 15; Shore, ‘Corruption Scandals’, p. 151.

100 Mine Eder, ‘Implementing the Economic Criteria of EU Membership: How Difficult is it for Turkey?’, Turkish Studies, 4 (2003), pp. 220, 233.

101 EU Commission, Regular Report from the Commission on Turkey's Progress towards Accession (Brussels, 1999), pp. 23–4.

102 Ed Brown and Jonathan Cloke, ‘Neoliberal Reform, Governance and Corruption in the South: Assessing the International Anti-Corruption Crusade’, Antipode, 36 (2004), p. 273.

103 Zeynep Şarlak and Esat Bozyiğit, ‘Perceptions of Corruption and the Relevance of Anti-Corruption Discourses in Frame of Turkey's Bid for EU Accession [sic]’, EU Sixth Framework Programme Priority 7 Research Project (Sofia, 2006), p. 29; Bedirhanoğlu, ‘The Neoliberal Discourse on Corruption’, p. 1248.

104 Bedirhanoğlu, ‘The Neoliberal Discourse on Corruption’, pp. 1248–9.

105 See, for example, Roger Burbach, Orlando Nuñez and Boris Kagarlitsky, Globalization and its Discontents: The Rise of Postmodern Socialisms (London: Pluto, 1996); Luigi Manzetti and Charles Blake, ‘Market Reform and Corruption in Latin America: New Means for Old Ways’, Review of International Political Economy, 3 (1996).

106 Mehmet Uğur, ‘Economic Mismanagement and Turkey's Troubled Relations with the EU: Is there a Link?’, in Mehmet Uğur and Nergis Canefe (eds), Turkey and European Integration: Accession Prospects and Issues (London: Routledge, 2004).

107 ‘Investigations to be Left to New Parliament’, Turkish Daily News (16 February 1999).

108 Türkay, ‘Turkey's Integration with the European Union’, p. 218.

109 Dorothée Schmid, ‘The Use of Conditionality in Support of Political, Economic and Social Rights: Unveiling the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership's True Hierarchy of Objectives’, Mediterranean Politics, 9 (2004), pp. 403, 413.

110 Schmid, ‘The Use of Conditionality’, p. 414; OECD, Family Database (Paris, 2009).

111 Surhan Cam, ‘Neo-Liberalism and Labour with the Context of an “Emerging Market” Economy – Turkey’, Capital and Class, 77 (2002); Erinç Yeldan, ‘Turkey 2001–2004: IMF Strangulation, Tightening Debt Trap, and Lopsided Recovery’, Department of Economics, Bilkent University (Ankara, 2004), p. 15. Such an acute process of impoverishment, coupled with the doubling of day labour in the construction industry between 1983 and 1997, is widely believed to be a primary cause of the technical and administrative failures that underpinned the disastrous effects of the Marmara earthquake of 1999 (for a more detailed account, see Chapter Three of Alpaslan Özerdem and Tim Jacoby, Disaster Management and Civil Society: Earthquake Relief in Japan, Turkey and India (London: I B Taurius, 2005).

112 Firuz Yasamis, ‘State Reform in Turkey: Reasons, Needs and Strategies’, Australian Journal of Public Administration, 62 (2003), p. 98.

113 Shang-Jin Wei, for instance, has calculated that ‘an increase in the corruption level from that of Singapore to that of Mexico would have the same negative effect on inward FDI as raising the tax rate by eighteen to fifty percentage points’, (‘How Taxing is Corruption on International Investors?’, The Review of Economics and Statistics, 72 (2000), p. 8.

114 Mohsin Habib and Leon Zurawicki suggest that corporations ‘should take an aggressive stance and combat corruption for their own long-term interest […] [and] because it can be difficult to manage, risky and costly’ (‘Corruption and Foreign Direct Investment’, Journal of International Business Studies, 33 (2002), pp. 302–3).

115 Bedirhanoğlu, ‘The Neoliberal Discourse on Corruption’, p. 1251.

116 As an official at the Turkish Under-Secretariat of the Treasury claimed (quoted by Erinç Yeldan, ‘Behind the 2000/2001 Turkish Crisis: Stability, Credibility, and Governance, for Whom?’, Department of Economics, Bilkent University (Ankara, 2002), p. 3; Stephen Riley, ‘The Political Economy of Anti-Corruption Strategies in Africa’, in Mark Robinson (ed.), Corruption and Development (London: Frank Cass, 1998), p. 138.

117 EU, EU-Turkey Relations: Contractual Relations and the Main Steps towards the EU (Brussels, 2005).

118 Stefan Bergheim, ‘Global Growth Centres 2020: Formel-G for 34 Economies’, Deutsche Bank Research (23 March 2005). The Economist's Intelligence Unit estimates that, on a scale of one to 100, Turkey represents a risk exposure of over 50 – higher than India, Iran, Argentina and Brazil. Corruption levels are said to be a key reason for such a situation and, apparently, explain why Turkey is placed a lowly 109th in the UN' Conference on Trade and Development's performance index. (see Burhan Şenatalar, ‘Public Sector Reform and Combating Corruption’, in Bertil Dunér (ed.), Turkey: The Road Ahead? (Stockholm: The Swedish Institute of International Affairs, 2002), p. 67).

119 Sübidey Togan, ‘Turkey: Toward EU Accession’, The World Economy, 27 (2004), p. 1025.

120 Aydın Özgul, Country Factsheets, Eurasian Narcotics: Turkey (Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, Uppsala, 2004).

121 Stijn Claessens, Asli Demirgüç-Kunt, and Harry Huizinga, ‘How Does Foreign Entry Affect the Domestic Banking Market?’, World Bank Policy Research Working Papers (Washington DC, 1998).

122 Togan, ‘Toward EU Accession’, p. 1025.

123 Douglas Frantz, ‘Turkey Tries to Step Up Sell-Off of State Companies’, New York Times (19 January 2001).

124 Sübidey Togan, ‘Quantifying the Impact of EU Accession for Turkey’, paper presented at the Conférence Femise, Mediterranéendes Instituts Economiques (Marseilles, 2003), p. 4.

125 Togan, ‘Toward EU Accession’, p. 1026.

126 Elif Özmenek, ‘Turkey's Impressive FDI Draws International Investment Interest’, Turkish Daily News (24 March 2007).

127 Eder, ‘Implementing the Economic Criteria’, p. 228.

128 Erkan Erdoğdu, ‘Turkey and Europe: Undivided but not United’, Middle East Review of International Affairs, 6 (2002), p. 45.

129 Ingmar Karlsson, ‘Turkey's Cultural and Religious Heritage – an Asset to the European Union’, Turkish Political Quarterly, 3 (2004), p. 14.

130 Selda Paşa, Hayat Kabasakal and Muzaffer Bodur, ‘Society, Organisations, and Leadership in Turkey’, Applied Psychology, 50 (2001), pp. 584, 568.

131 Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup, Pierre Lemaitre, Elzbieta Tromer and Ole Wæver, The European Security Order Recast: Scenarios for the Post Cold War Era (London: Pinter, 1990), p. 51.

132 Mahmood Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror (New York: Three Leaves Press, 2005).

133 Erdoğdu, ‘Turkey and Europe’, p. 48.

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