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Why Orientalism still matters: Reading ‘casual forgetting’ and ‘active remembering’ as neoliberal forms of contestation in international politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2014

Abstract

In 2007, the British Journal of Politics and International Relations (BJPIR) devoted an issue to gendering International Relations. It opens with Cynthia Enloe addressing the ‘politics of casual forgetting’. I investigate this notion of casual forgetting using a framework informed by postcolonial and feminist scholarship. Working with ideas drawn from critiques of Orientalism and neoliberalism, I examine knowledge practices that centre binaries as forms of objectivity that disembed phenomena from context, and as forms of over-simplification that flatten the appearance of complexity. Together, these practices have a depoliticising effect; they obscure contestation, situate hierarchy as natural, and separate analysis from its embeddedness in historical and political conditions, even in work guided by critical agendas. I trace these depoliticising practices in a conversation in the 2007 Special Issue of BJPIR and show that Enloe's comments present a push for critical analysis that was overlooked by the Special Issue's editors in their attempt to more clearly delineate the subdiscipline of Gender and International Relations (IR) as distinct from feminist IR. This article suggests that Enloe's plea is effectively one for ‘active remembering’ as a way to render visible the insidious forms of power that give a stable appearance to categories of social phenomena.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2014 

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References

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17 Foucault's discourse has been understood in a number of ways, and Foucault, himself, had many ways of discussing it. Here, I use a version adapted from Mills' Discourse and Foucault's ‘The discourse on language’.

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32 Said, Orientalism, p. 210.

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45 Ibid.

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60 Ibid., p. 13.

61 Ibid., p. 3.

62 Ibid., pp. 2–3, and ch. 5.

63 Ibid., p. 3.

64 Ibid., p. 2.

65 Ibid., p. 3.

66 Ibid., p. 215.

67 Compounding this, the practice of homesteading is simultaneously a practice in which one seizes power and excludes others from that power. With the idea that feminists should homestead IR, the danger is that differences between not just feminists, but all women are flattened in depoliticised categories of difference and multiplicity. See also Massey, Doreen, For Space (London: Sage, 2005)Google ScholarPubMed. Massey argues against just such a conception of place. For her, place such that it ever appears as a thing is an outcome of meetings of complex trajectories and relational interactivity (and contestation).

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69 Sylvester, Feminist Theory and International Relations, p. 39.

70 Ibid.

71 Ibid., p. 43.

72 Ibid., p. 12.

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75 Ibid.

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77 Ibid., p. 200.

78 Ibid., p. 201.

79 Ibid.

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85 Ibid., p. 347.

86 Ibid., p. 345.

87 This binary framing frequently emerges in colonial debates regarding the role of women, from the nineteenth-century Egyptian debate on the veil alongside British colonial control ( Ahmed, Leila, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar, to British women's suffrage and arguments regarding their imperial responsibilities ( Burton, Antoinette, Burdens of History; British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994)Google Scholar; el-Malik, Shiera, ‘Rattling the binary: Symbolic power, gender, and embodied colonial legacies’, Politics, Groups and Identities, 2:1 (2014), pp. 116 CrossRefGoogle Scholar ), to the Indian debate on widow immolation and colonial discourse on tradition versus modernity ( Mani, Lata, Contentious Traditions: The Debate on Sati in Colonial India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

88 Tickner, ‘Feminist perspectives on 9/11’; Margalit, Avishai and Buruma, Ian, ‘Occidentalism’, New York Review of Books, 49:1 (2002)Google Scholar. The article ‘Occidentalism’ and the subsequent book of the same title have been solidly critiqued. My aim here is not to repeat this critique, but to address how work such as this operates at cross-purposes with the aims of feminist politics. See Bilgrami, Akeel, ‘Occidentalim, the very idea: an essay on enlightenment and enchantment’, Critical Inquiry, 32 (2006), pp. 381411 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 Margalit and Buruma, ‘Occidentalism’, section 5.

90 Bilgrami, ‘Occidentalism, the very idea’.

91 Tickner, ‘Feminist perspectives on 9/11’, p, 335, emphasis added.

92 Ibid., p, 339, emphasis added.

93 Ibid., emphasis added.

94 Tickner, ‘On the frontlines or sidelines of knowledge and power?’, p. 389, added.

95 Featherman, David and Vinovskis, Maris, ‘The growth and use of social and behavioural science in the federal government since WWII’, in Featherman, David and Vinovskis, Maris (eds), Social Science and Policy-making: A Search for Relevance in the Twentieth Century (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001), pp. 4082 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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97 As part of this thick description, Enloe demonstrates that the teaching of appropriate gender relations was seen to be important for both the colonised and the colonisers. Enloe explains how this impacted the domestic arena with reference to British masculinity and the Boy Scouts. Robert Baden-Powell, the father of the Boy Scouts (he, along with his wife also pioneered the girl scouts), had a vision of the appropriate masculinity and femininity necessary to the continuation of British imperial hegemony (Bananas, Beaches, and Bases, pp. 49–51).

98 Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases, p. xiv.

99 Ibid., p. 195.

100 Ibid., p. 58. In fact when asked if she would study the effects of gender on men, Enloe responds with the comment that men do figure into her work and that the empirical referent is more complex than the question indicates: ‘Women and ideas about femininity are manipulated usually by political actors intent upon persuading men to behave in certain ways. Just think of all you learn about states' anxieties about masculinity from paying attention to military wives!’ See ‘Interview with Professor Cynthia Enloe’, Review of International Studies, 27 (2001), pp. 649–66, 663.

101 And she does this by looking at the silences: in this case, the women. Studying silences is different than attempting to open spaces for people to speak. It requires listening to them where they are. The scholar's responsibility is different in both cases. In the first instance, she controls spaces. In the second, she listens for what is said and what is not said, how a thing is said or not said and to whom. Enloe is preoccupied with the development of active criticism when she notes that ‘paying attention to consequences alone is useful, but too timid’ (Enloe, Morning After, p. 47).

102 Enloe devises an anti-imperial approach that incorporates capital, gender, and race. Her approach to empiricism relies on an ethics of listening in order to hear others working within the nexus of what we might consider the political economy of life and in order to challenge the empiricism that speaks for or over actors in perceptibly weaker positions.

103 Squires, Judith and Weldes, Jutta, ‘Beyond being marginal: gender and International Relations in Britain’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 9 (2007), pp. 185203, 190CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 Ibid., p. 191.

105 Ibid., p. 190.

106 Ibid., p. 189.

107 Ibid., p. 191.

108 Squires and Weldes do not specifically engage with the other articles in the issue.

109 Zalewski, ‘Do we understand each other yet?’, p. 308.

110 Ibid., p. 303.

111 Squires and Weldes, ‘Beyond being marginal’, p. 191.

112 Zalewski, ‘Do we understand each other yet?’, p. 305, emphasis in original.

113 Ibid., p. 303.

114 Squires and Weldes, ‘Beyond being marginal’, p. 192.

115 Ibid.

116 Ibid., p. 193.

117 Ibid., p. 194.

118 Ibid., p. 199.

119 Enloe, ‘Forward’, p. 194.

120 Ibid., p. 184.

121 Said, Orientalism, p. 328.

122 Enloe, The Curious Feminist, p. 1.