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The Election News Story on Russian Television: A World Apart from Viewers

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Abstract

Winning elections is so vital for Russian leaders that competing viewpoints on national television news channels have been scotched, together with the channels that broadcast them. This study examines the other side of the screen: how participants in focus groups in four Russian cities process national channels' treatments of an important regional electoral campaign. The study was conducted during the last period in which viewpoint diversity was still available via TV-6. Unlike findings about other news stories, election stories appear to have little connection to viewers' experiences and values and deprive them of using familiar heuristics to make sense of the stories. For the public, the election story is a genre apart, framed by the same confusing template no matter what the office or region. Even TV-6, soon to be shuttered, broadcast its combative message using that template, thus extinguishing any opportunity for identifying genuine diversity and leaving the audience unable to distinguish between state and private channels, something they easily did for other types of stories. Election stories only cue other election stories. It is mainly younger, "post-Soviet" participants who bring an alternative frame to watching: norms, acquired through their education, by which election stories in a democracy ought to be constructed.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Stuthes. 2006

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References

I would like to thank Leila Vasilieva, Olga Oslon, and Victoria Frolova for their invaluable assistance and the Markle Foundation for partial support of this study.

1 Mickiewicz, Ellen, Changing Channels: Television and the Struggle for Power in Russia (Durham, 1999)Google Scholar.

2 Maksim Meier, “Prezident v 1996 godu: Stsenarii i tekhnologii pobedy,” Fond effektivnoi politiki, lecture 1 (March 1996) and “Epilogue” (July 1996): 44.

3 Colton, Timothy J., Transitional Citizens: Voters and What Influences Them in the New Russia (Cambridge, Mass., 2000), 19 Google Scholar.

4 Colton, Timothy J. and McFaul, Michael, Popular Choice and Managed Democracy: The Russian Elections of 1999 and 2000 (Washington, D.C., 2003), 100101 Google Scholar.

5 For these ratings, see http://www.tns-global.ru/rus/data/ratings/tv/russia/top_100/_20051010_20051016/index.wbp (last consulted 11 November 2005)

6 Beck, Paul, Dalton, Russell, Greene, Steven, and Huckfeldt, Robert, “The Social Calculus of Voting: Interpersonal, Media, and Organizational Influences on Presidential Choices,” American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 61 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Neuman, W. Russell, Just, Marion R., and Crigler, Ann N., Common Knowledge: News and the Construction of Political Meaning (Chicago, 1992), 8889 Google Scholar.

8 Gamson, William A., Talking Politics (Cambridge, Eng., 1992), 117 Google Scholar. Emphasis in the original.

9 Mickiewicz, Ellen, “Excavating Hidden Tradeoffs,” Political Communication 22 (2005): 355–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 See the extensive stuthes by- Ferejohn, J. A. and Kuklinski, J. H., Information and Democratic Processes (Urbana, 1990)Google Scholar; Mutz, D. C., Sniderman, P. M., and Brody, R. A., eds., Political Persuasion and Attitude Change (Ann Arbor, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lupia, Arthur, McCubbins, Mathew D., and Popkin, Samuel L., eds., Elements of Reason: Cognition, Choice, and the Bounds of Rationality (Cambridge, Eng., 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McDermott, R., “Arms Control and the First Reagan Administration: Belief-Systems and Policy Choices,“ Journal of Cold War Stuthes 4, no. 4 (Fall 2002): 2959 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Mickiewicz, “Excavating Hidden Tradeoffs.“

12 Iyengar, Shanto, Peters, Mark D., and Kinder, Donald R., “Experimental Demonstrations of the ‘Not-So-Minimal’ Consequences of Television News Programs,” American Political Science Review 76, no. 3 (September 1982): 855 Google Scholar.

13 Iyengar, Shanto, Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues (Chicago, 1991), 133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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16 Lupia, Arthur and McCubbins, Mathew D., The Democratic Dilemma: Can Citizens Learn Wliat They Need to Know? (Cambridge, Eng., 1998), 74 Google Scholar.

17 Mickiewicz, Ellen, “Does ‘Trust’ Mean Attention, Comprehension, and Acceptance? Paradoxes of Russian Viewers’ News Processing,” in Voltmer, K., ed., Mass Media and New Democracies (London, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

18 In 2004, REN-TV, a Moscow-based network with less than 50 percent penetration, drew ratings for its independent news coverage that made it number one in Moscow. That was not true of any of the other cities to which it broadcast truncated headline-type news. With Moscow always the center of the political universe, however, this development made REN-TV especially vulnerable, and plans were developed to remove it from its owners’ hands by redirecting 70 percent of its stock and to warn the owner that entertainment should be substituted for news. In 2005 Irena Lesnevskaia and her son, founders of REN-TV, sold their shares in the station and exited the market.

19 Mickiewicz, Changing Channels.

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21 Gamson, Talking Politics, 192. Emphasis in the original.

22 Lunt, Peter and Livingstone, Sonia, “Rethinking the Focus Group in Media and Communications Research,” Journal of Communication 46, no. 2 (Spring 1996): 7998 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 I thank Danielle Lussier for her very knowledgeable observations on these regional features and Robert Orttung for his expert assistance.

24 Russian Regional Report, various years; Obshchestvennaia ekspertiza: Anatomiia svobody slova (Moscow, 2000); Wishnevsky, Julia, The Evolution of the Russian Communist Party: The Regional Focus, ed. Teague, Elizabeth (Washington, D.C, 1999)Google Scholar.

25 As commercial channels, I am counting those channels that broadcast entirely on a channel or share the broadcast time with another channel and whose authences are large enough to get reasonable ratings. Regional television is overall in a difficult position. Some notable exceptions exist, such as independent television in Tomsk, but, in general, as one study concluded: “Companies as a rule engage in media business as business by other means using the mass media to advance it. Individually standing TV-companies are already becoming a rarity for the market.” Kriazhev, R., “Regional'noe televidenie v razreze: Obshchestvennost', struktura, upravlenie, strategii,” Sreda 1 (37) (Jánuary 2002): 19 Google Scholar. Emphasis in the original.

26 For a demographic and media-use profile of the focus groups, see the appendix.

27 The full transcript of the news stories may be requested from the author.

28 Channel 1 did not cover the election diat day. In any case, its stories were usually considerably shorter and the government view was better developed on Channel 2.

29 Lunt and Livingstone, “Rethinking the Focus Group,” 91.

30 Rose, Richard and Munro, Neil, Elections without Order: Russia's Challenge to Vladimir Putin (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), 175–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Private television stations have a lower penetration than state television stations. Reception for private stations can vary from 30 percent (for REN-TV) to about 64 percent (for NTV). Thus, for purposes of comparison, it is helpful to look at the choices made by viewers who have the given option available.

31 “On basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right of participation in referendums for citizens of the Russian Federation,” 11 December 2004, para. 1.4. For this citation, I thank one of the anonymous referees.

32 Hutcheson, Derek, “Disengaged or Disenchanted? The Vote ‘Against AH’ in Post-Communist Russia,” Journal of Communist Stuthes and Transition Politics 20, no. 1 (March 2004): 99 Google Scholar,103.

33 Aleksandr Khramchikhin, “We the Non-Undersigned,” Profit, 25 August 2003, from wps.ru/e_index.html and Johnsons List, 4 November 2003, no. 7399, art. 8 (www.cdi .org; last consulted 11 November 2005).

34 See, for example, Patrick Armstrong, “Against All—A Popular Candidate,“Johnson's List, no. 13 (21 Jánuary 2004), no. 7476; Hutcheson, “Disengaged or Disenchanted?“ 105; Corwin, Julie A., “Russia Bids Farewell to Regional Elections,” RFE/RL NEWSLINE 9, no. 2 Google Scholar, pt. 1 (5 Jánuary 2005); Stephen White and Ian McAllister, “Voting and Nonvoting in Postcommunist Europe” (paper presented to the American Political Science Association, Chicago, 2004).

35 Oslon, A. and Petrenko, E., Parlamentskie vybory i voprosy obshchestvennogo mneniia v Rossii vo vtoroi pobvine 1993 goda (Moscow, 1993)Google Scholar.

36 The Public Opinion Foundation survey was fielded 18 December 1993, with a sample of 1,593 Russian citizens and was conducted in large, medium, and small cities and in rural areas in ten regions of Russia.

37 Crotty, William, “Political Participation: Mapping the Terrain,” in Crotty, William, ed., Political Participation and American Democracy (New York, 1991), 122 Google Scholar.

38 The points I make here and the reaction of the focus group participants bears a superficial resemblance to American research on negative advertising. Among political scientists in the United States, there is a vigorous debate about negative political advertising and its role in depressing turnout, and the findings are still quite mixed. Thus, even in the U.S. literature, the association between negative ads and voter turnout is still unclear. In addition, it would be a further error to layer onto the Russian electoral scene what is very distant from it: American voting behavior.

39 In the short supplementary questionnaire, I used news of Chechnia for several reasons: the issue is of importance to all regions; Chechnia is geographically much closer to Rostov-on-Don and even Volgograd than to the other two cities, and I wanted to see whether that made a difference in media consumption patterns; it was—and remains— an issue about which views differ significantly. Thus, although Chechnia was not a subject specifically brought up with respect to elections, it was an important cue for information consumption. Moreover, Chechnia did come up spontaneously in conversations about the oil pipeline in terms of its likely vulnerability to terrorism.

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