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Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan

  • Olena Nikolayenko and Maria DeCasper
Abstract

This article examines why Ukrainian women participated in the 2013–14 anti-government protests, widely known as the EuroMaidan. Based upon in-depth interviews with female protesters, the study uncovers a wide range of motivations for women's engagement in the revolution, including dissatisfaction with the government, solidarity with protesters, motherhood, civic duty, and professional service. Political discontent was the most cited reason for protesting. Solidarity with protesters was another major catalyst for political engagement. In addition, women who were mothers invoked the notion of mothering to provide a rationale for activism. The study contributes to the growing literature on women's participation in contentious politics in non-democracies.

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We thank Harriet Murav, Dmitry Tartakovsky, and the anonymous reviewers for their enormously helpful comments. We are also grateful to participants in the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, the National Conference on Undergraduate Research, and the Gender and Transformation in Europe Workshop at the Center for European and Mediterranean Studies, New York University for their valuable feedback, as well as to Iryna Bekeshkina, Director of the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation, for generously providing access to the survey data. In addition, Nikolayenko gratefully acknowledges support of this research by the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University (Visiting Scholars Program) and the Office of Research at Fordham University (2016–17 Faculty Fellowship).

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References
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1. Scholars distinguish three phases of the 2013–2014 protest campaign: Student Maidan (November 21–30, 2013), with a high rate of student participation in protest events; Maidan Tabir (December 1, 2013–January 15, 2014) marked by the construction of barricades and the growth of the encampment on the Maidan; and Maidan Sich (January 16, 2014–February 22, 2014), signifying an escalation in police violence and the radicalization of protest tactics. For details, see Shveda, Yuriy and Park, Joung Ho, “Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity: The Dynamics of Euromaidan.Journal of Eurasian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 2016): 8591.

2. Goldstone, Jack A., Revolutions: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2014), 4.

3. The Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation (DIF) and the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted a survey of protesters on the Maidan on December 7–8, 2013 (n = 1,037), December 20, 2013 (n = 515), and February 3, 2014 (n = 502). Their findings indicate that the share of female protesters dropped from 42.8 percent in early December 2013 to 11.8 percent in February 2014. See “Vid Maidanu-taboru do Maidanu-sichi: Shcho zminylosia?,” at http://kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=reports&id=226&page=2 (last accessed March 1, 2018). However, many women claimed their continuous engagement in the protest campaign despite an escalation in police violence and men’s attempts to turn them away from the barricades. On this point, see, for example, Tamara Martsenyuk, “Genderna sotsiologiia Maidanu: Rol zhinok u protestakh” (Electronic Archive of the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, 2014), at http://ekmair.ukma.edu.ua/handle/123456789/3511 (last accessed March 1, 2018); Women of Maidan. Directed by Olha Onyshko and Petro Didula. Kyiv: OliaFilm, 2016; Popova, Daria, “Seksizm na Maidani,” Spilne: Journal of Social Critique 9 (2015): 7882, at https://commons.com.ua/uk/seksizm-na-majdani/ (last accessed February 4, 2017). On the definition of the urban civic revolution, see Beissinger, Mark, “The Semblance of Democratic Revolution: Coalitions in Ukraine’s Orange Revolution,” American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (August 2013): 574–92, 574.

4. The term “EuroMaidan” is a combination of the words Europe and Maidan. The word “maidan” (borrowed from the Ottoman Turkish language) means “a public square” in Ukrainian. In this article we use the Maidan as shorthand for Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), an open public space in the center of Kyiv. The city square has served as a center stage for major protest campaigns in post-communist Ukraine, including the Ukraine without Kuchma Movement of 2000–2001, the Orange Revolution of 2004, and the EuroMaidan of 2013–14. For details, see Cybriwsky, Roman, “Kyiv’s Maidan: From Duma Square to Sacred Space,” Eurasian Geography and Economics 55, no. 3 (2014): 270–85.

5. It is noteworthy that some women began to demand gender equality in the course of the EuroMaidan. See, for example, Halyna Herasym, “Evromaidan: Chy kukhnia dosi iedyne mistse dlia ukrainskikh zhinok?” Tovaryshka December 23, 2013, at http://tovaryshka.info/euromaidan-kueche/ (last accessed February 4, 2017); Povaha, “Navishcho Ukraini zhninocha sotnia?” April 9, 2014, at http://povaha.org.ua/navischo-ukrajini-zhinocha-sotnya/ (last accessed February 4, 2017); Rubchak, Marian J., “A Fiery Maidan Ignites a Feminist Voice,” Perspectives on Europe 44, no. 2 (January 2014): 8287.

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8. Contentious politics refers to “episodic, public, collective interaction among makers of claims and their objects when: (a) at least one government is a claimant, an object of claims, or a party to the claims, and (b) the claims would, if realized, affect the interests of at least one of the claimants or objects of claims.” For details, see Tarrow, Sidney, “Contentious Politics,” in Snow, David A., Porta, Donatella della, Klandermans, Bert, and McAdam, Doug, eds., The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements (Hoboken, NJ, 2013), at https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470674871.wbespm051 (last accessed June 8, 2018).

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10. Waylen, Georgina, “Women and Democratization: Conceptualizing Gender Relations in Transition Politics,” World Politics 46, no. 3 (April 1994): 327–54, 327.

11. On this point, see Beckwith, Karen, “Beyond Compare? Women’s Movements in Comparative Perspective,” European Journal of Political Research 37, no. 4 (January 2000): 431–68.

12. Marco, Graciela Di, “Social Justice and Gender Rights,” International Social Science Journal 191 (2009): 4355, 53.

13. Coulter, Myrl, “Essentialism and Mothering,” In O’Reilly, Andrea, ed., Encyclopedia of Motherhood vol. 1 (Thousand Oaks, CA, 2010), 357–59.

14. Naples, Nancy A., “Activist Mothering: Cross-Generational Continuity in the Community Work of Women from Low-Income Urban Neighborhoods,” Gender and Society 6 no. 3 (September 1992): 441–63, 446.

15. Safa, Helen Icken, “Women’s Social Movements in Latin America,” Gender and Society 4, no. 3 (September 1990): 354–69, 355.

16. See, for example, Alvarez, Sonia, Engendering Democracy in Brazil: Women’s Movements in Transition Politics (Princeton, 1990); Bouvard, Marguerite Guzman, Revolutionizing Motherhood: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Wilmington, Del., 1994); Carreon, Michelle and Moghadam, Valentine, “‘Resistance Is Fertile’: Revisiting Maternalist Frames across Cases of Women’s Mobilization,” Women’s Studies International Forum 51 (July-August 2015): 1930; Fabj, Valeria, “Motherhood as Political Voice: The Rhetoric of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo,” Communication Studies 44, no. 1 (1993): 118; Irons, Jenny, “The Shaping of Activist Recruitment and Participation: A Study of Women in the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement,” Gender and Society 12, no. 6 (December 1998): 692709; Naples, Nancy A., Grassroots Warriors: Activist Mothering, Community Work, and the War on Poverty (New York, 1998).

17. Ashe, Fidelma, “Gendering Ethno-Nationalist Conflict in Northern Ireland: A Comparative Analysis of Nationalist Women’s Political Protests,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 30 no. 5 (August 2007): 766–86, 773.

18. Bell, Shannon Elizabeth and Braun, Yvonne A., “Coal, Identity, and the Gendering of Environmental Justice Activism in Central Appalachia,” Gender and Society 24, no. 6 (December 2010): 794813; Peeples, Jennifer A. and DeLuca, Kevin M., “The Truth of the Matter: Motherhood, Community and Environmental Justice,” Women’s Studies in Communication 29, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 5987.

19. The term “Eastern Europe” is here loosely used to refer to the post-communist region, with a geographical focus on central and eastern Europe.

20. Brown, Belinda, The Private Revolution: Women in the Polish Underground Movement (London, 2003); Kenney, Padraic, “The Gender of Resistance in Communist Poland,” American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 399425; Penn, Shana, Solidarity’s Secret: The Women Who Defeated Communism in Poland (Ann Arbor, 2006); Shriver, Thomas, Adams, Alison, and Einwohner, Rachel, “Motherhood and Opportunities for Activism Before and After the Czech Velvet Revolution,” Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, no. 3 (September 2013): 267–88; Stan, Lavinia, “Women as Anti-Communist Dissidents and Secret Police Collaborators,” in Andreescu, Florentina and Shapiro, Michael J., eds., Genre and the (Post-) Communist Woman: Analyzing Transformations of the Central and Eastern European Female Ideal (New York, 2015), 8097.

21. Kis, Oksana, “National Femininity Used and Contested: Women’s Participation in the Nationalist Underground in Western Ukraine during the 1940s–50s,” East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 11, no. 2 (2015): 5382, 74.

22. On this point, see Hernandez, Viviana M. Abreu, “The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo: A Peace Movement,” Peace and Change 27, no. 3 (July 2002): 385411; Taylor, Diana, “Making a Spectacle: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo,” Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering 3, no. 2 (2001): 97109.

23. Aulette, Judy Root, “New Roads to Resistance and Participation: Polish Feminists in the Transition to Democracy,” in Bystydzienski, Jill M. and Sekhon, Joti, eds., Democratization and Women’s Grassroots Movements (Bloomington, 1999), 217–40; Baldez, Lisa, “Women’s Movements and Democratic Transition in Chile, Brazil, East Germany, and Poland,” Comparative Politics 35, no. 3 (April 2003): 253–72; Buckley, Mary, ed., Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia (Cambridge, Eng., 1997), 141200; Clements, Barbara Evans, “Gains and Losses, 1991–2010,” in her A History of Women in Russia: From Earliest Times to the Present (Bloomington, 2012), 286315; Gal, Susan and Kligman, Gail, eds., Reproducing Gender: Politics, Publics, and Everyday Life after Socialism (Princeton, 2000); Jacquette, Jane S. and Wolchik, Sharon L., eds., Women and Democracy: Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe (Baltimore, MD, 1998); Rueschemeyer, Marilyn, “Women in East Germany: From State Socialism to Capitalist Welfare State,” in Moghadam, Valentine, ed., Democratic Reform and the Position of Women in Transitional Economies (Oxford, UK, 1993), 7591; Sabedashvili, Tamar, Gender and Democratization: The Case of Georgia, 1991–2006 (Tbilisi, 2007).

24. Sperling, Valerie, Organizing Women in Contemporary Russia: Engendering Transition (Cambridge, Eng., 1999).

25. Lebedev, Anna Colin, “From a Mother’s Worry to Soldiers’ Mothers’ Action: Building Collective Action on Personal Concerns,” in Alapuro, Risto, Mustajoki, Arto S., and Pesonen, Pekka, eds., Understanding Russianness (London, 2012), 8498; Hinterhuher, Eva Maria, “Between Neotraditionalism and New Resistance–Soldiers’ Mothers of St. Petersburg,” Anthropology of East Europe Review 19, no. 1 (2001): 139–52.

26. Zdravomyslova, Elena, “Soldiers’ Mothers Fighting the Military Patriarchy: Re-Invention of Responsible Activist Motherhood for Human Rights’ Struggle,” in Lenz, Ilse, Ullrich, Charlotte, and Fersch, Barbara, eds., Gender Orders Unbound? Globalisation, Restructuring and Reciprocity (Opladen, Germany, 2007), 207–28.

27. Bilic, Bojan, “Not in Our Name: Collective Identity of the Serbian Women in Black,” Nationalities Papers 40, no. 4 (June 2012): 607–23, 611.

28. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way develop the term “competitive authoritarianism” to define political regimes in which multiparty, multicandidate elections are regularly held, but the ruling elite violates democratic procedures to the extent that the turnover of power is hardly possible. Several former Soviet republics, including Georgia under Eduard Shevardnadze and Ukraine under Viktor Yanukovych, fit this description. For details, see Levitsky, Steven and Way, Lucan A., Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War (Cambridge, Eng., 2010).

29. Channell, Emily, “Is Sextremism the New Feminism? Perspectives from Pussy Riot and Femen,” Nationalities Papers 42, no. 4 (July 2014): 611–14; Groeneveld, Elizabeth, “Are We All Pussy Riot? On Narratives of Feminist Return and the Limits of Transnational Solidarity,” Feminist Theory 16, no. 3 (December 2015): 289307; Rutland, Peter, “The Pussy Riot Affair: Gender and National Identity in Putin’s Russia,” Nationalities Papers 42, no. 4 (July 2014): 575–82; Shevzov, Vera, “Women on the Fault-Lines of Faith: Pussy Riot and the Insider/Outsider Challenge to Post-Soviet Orthodoxy,” Religion and Gender 4, no. 2 (2014): 121–44; Sperling, Valerie, “Russian Feminist Perspectives on Pussy Riot,” Nationalities Papers 42, no. 4 (July 2014): 591603.

30. Johnson, Janet Elise, “Pussy Riot as a Feminist Project: Russia’s Gendered Informal Politics,” Nationalities Papers 42, no. 4 (July 2014): 583–90.

31. Ackerman, Galia, Femen (Cambridge, Eng., 2014); Athanassiou, Cerelia and Bury, Jonah, “On Caretakers, Rebels and Enforcers: The Gender Politics of Euro 2012,” European Journal of Women’s Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2014): 148–64; Rubchak, Marian J., “Seeing Pink: Searching for Gender Justice through Opposition in Ukraine,” European Journal of Women’s Studies 19, no. 1 (February 2012): 5572; Zychowicz, Jessica, “Performing Protest: Femen, Nation, and the Marketing of Resistance,” Journal of Ukrainian Politics and Society 1, no. 1 (2015): 79104.

32. Regulska, Joanna and Grabowska, Magdalena, “Post-1989 Women’s Activism in Poland,” in Regulska, Joanna and Smith, Bonnie G., eds., Women and Gender in Postwar Europe: From Cold War to European Union (London, 2012), 212–30.

33. Graff, Agnieszka, “Lost between the Waves? The Paradoxes of Feminist Chronology and Activism in Contemporary Poland,” Journal of International Women’s Studies 4, no. 2 (April 2003): 100116; Heitlinger, Alena, “Framing Feminism in Post-Communist Czech Republic,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 7793; Occhipinti, Laurie, “Two Steps Back?: Anti-Feminism in Eastern Europe,” Anthropology Today 12, no. 6 (December 1996): 1318; Temkina, Anna and Zdravomyslova, Elena, “Gender’s Crooked Path: Feminism Confronts Russian Patriarchy,” Current Sociology 62, no. 2 (March 2014): 253–70; Turbine, Vikki, “Women’s Human Rights in Russia: Outmoded Battlegrounds, or New Sites of Contentious Politics?East European Politics 31, no. 3 (August 2015): 326–41.

34. Tarrow, Sidney G., Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, Eng., 2011), 7.

35. In 2014 Ukraine’s total population was 45,245,900 people, including 24,327,600 women and 20,918,300 men. A higher proportion of women can be attributed in part to gender disparities in life expectancy. The average life expectancy was 76 years for women and 66 years for men in 2014. See the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, at https://ukrstat.org/uk/operativ/operativ2007/ds/nas_rik/nas_u/nas_rik_u.html (last accessed August 10, 2016). For a thorough analysis of gender and society in contemporary Ukraine, see Hankivsky, Olena and Salnykova, Anastasiya, eds., Gender, Politics, and Society in Ukraine (Toronto, 2012); Rubchak, Marian J., ed., Mapping Difference: The Many Faces of Women in Contemporary Ukraine (New York, 2011).

36. The level of reproductive health is measured with the help of two indicators: the maternal mortality ratio and the adolescent birth rate. Empowerment is measured by the share of parliamentary seats held by women and the share of the population with at least some secondary education. Labor market participation is measured as a proportion of women in the labor force within a country’s working-age population. For details, see the United Nations Development Program, The 2015 Human Development Report (New York, 2015), at http://report.hdr.undp.org/ (last accessed August 10, 2016).

37. For details regarding the measurement of the Global Gender Gap Index, see Hausmann, Ricardo, Tyson, Laura, Bekhouche, Yasmina, and Zahdi, Saadia, “The Global Gender Gap Index 2014,” in The Global Gender Gap Report 2014 (World Economic Forum, 2014), 36, at http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2014 (last accessed August 10, 2016).

38. Iryna Kohut, “Chym vidrizniaiutsia zhinky i choloviky: Pro gendernu (ne)rivnist v vyshchyi osviti,” July 10, 2014, at http://www.cedos.org.ua/uk/discrimination/chym-vidrizniaiutsia-zhinky-i-choloviky-pro-hendernu-ne-rivnist-u-vyshchii-osviti (last accessed August 12, 2016).

39. On the gender wage gap in Ukraine, see Brainerd, Elizabeth, “Women in Transition: Changes in Gender Wage Differentials in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 54, no. 1 (October 2000): 138–62; Pignatti, Norberto, “Gender Wage Gap Dynamics in a Changing Ukraine,” IZA Journal of Labor Development 1, no. 7 (December 2012): 144.

40. The estimates of the gender pay gap are based upon the authors’ calculations. The data are retrieved from the online archive of the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, “Average Monthly Wages and Salaries of Women and Men by Type of Economic Activity in 2013,” at http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/operativ/operativ2013/gdn/Szp_ed/Szp_ed_e/Szp_ed_2013_e.html (last accessed August 10, 2016). The exchange rate for Ukrainian national currency hryvnia (UAH) to US dollar was 7.9 in 2013, National Bank of Ukraine, “Ofitsiinyi kurs hryvni do inozemnykh valiut (serednii za period),” at https://bank.gov.ua/control/uk/publish/category?cat_id=7693080 (last accessed August 10, 2016).

41. State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, “Average Monthly Wages and Salaries,” as n40 above.

42. For a detailed account of gender discrimination in the labor market, see: Ella Libanova, ed. Analytical Research on Women’s Participation in the Labor Force in Ukraine (Kyiv, 2012), at https://www.idss.org.ua/monografii/2013_en_womens%20participation.pdf (last accessed June 8, 2018).

43. For a recent overview of women’s political representation, see Tamara Martsenyuk, Zhinky v ukrainskii politytsi: Vyklyky i perspektyvy zmin (Kyiv, 2015), at http://www.icps.com.ua/assets/uploads/files/gender_block_editfinal.pdf (last accessed June 8, 2018).

44. The data on women’s political representation are retrieved from the Inter-Parliamentary Union, PARLINE Database, at http://www.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/2331_arc.htm (accessed August 10, 2016).

45. Ukrainskii zhinochyi fond, Genderna arifmetika vlasti (Kyiv, 2010), http://www.uwf.kiev.ua/files/arifmetika_ukr2010-1.pdf (last accessed August 10, 2016).

46. Iatsenko, Liana, “Zhinochyi rukh Ukrainy: Etapy stanovlennia,” Naukovy zapysky z ukrainiskoi istorii 21 (Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi State Pedagogical University named after Hryhorii Skovoroda, Department of History and Culture of Ukraine, 2008): 386–90, 388.

47. See, for example, Kis, Oksana, “Choosing without Choice: Predominant Models of Femininity in Contemporary Ukraine,” in Morell, Ildikó Asztalos, Hurd, Madeleine, Carlbäck, Helen and Rastbäck, Sara, eds., Gender Transitions in Russia and Eastern Europe (Stockholm, 2005), 105–36; Rubchak, Marian J., “Christian Virgin or Pagan Goddess: Feminism versus the Eternally Feminine in Ukraine,” in Marsh, Rosalind, ed., Women in Russia and Ukraine (New York, 1996), 315–30; Rubchak, Marian J., “In Search of a Model: Evolution of a Feminist Consciousness in Ukraine and Russia,” European Journal of Women’s Studies 8, no. 2 (May 2001): 149–60.

48. Pavlychko, Solomea, “Feminism in Post-Communism Ukrainian Society,” in Marsh, Rosalind, ed., Women in Russia and Ukraine (New York, 1996), 305–15.

49. Martha Kichorowska Kebalo, “Personal Narratives of Women’s Leadership and Community Activism in Cherkasy Oblast” (PhD diss., City University of New York, 2011), 477.

50. Andreenkova, Anna, “Women’s Representation in the Parliaments of Russia and Ukraine: An Essay in Sociological Analysis,” Sociological Research 41, no. 2 (Mar/Apr 2002): 525; Birch, Sarah, “Women and Political Representation in Contemporary Ukraine,” in Matland, Richard E. and Montgomery, Kathleen A., eds., Women’s Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford, 2003), 130–53; Kostadinova, Tatiana, “Ethnic and Women’s Representation under Mixed Election Systems,” Electoral Studies 26, no. 2 (June 2007): 418–31; Kostiuchenko, Tetiana, Martsenyuk, Tamara, and Oksamytna, Svitlana, “Women Politicians and Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012,” East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (2015): 83110; Salnykova, Anastasiya, “Electoral Reforms and Women’s Representation in Ukraine,” in Hankivsky, Olena and Salnykova, Anastasiya, eds., Gender, Politics, and Society in Ukraine (Toronto, 2012).

51. Semenova, Elena, “Patterns of Parliamentary Representation and Careers in Ukraine: 1990–2007,” East European Politics and Societies 26, no. 3 (August 2012): 538–60, 549.

52. Hrycak, Alexandra, “The “Orange Princess” Runs for President: Gender and the Outcomes of the 2010 Presidential Election,” East European Politics and Societies 25, no. 1 (January 2011): 6887; Yang, Sook-Hi and Cho, Younyung, “A Study on the Women Political Leaders’ Fashion Style for Role Enactment—Focusing on Yulia Tymoshenko,” The Research Journal of the Costume Culture 19, no. 1 (2011): 104–11; Zhurzhenko, Tatiana, “Julia Tymoshenko’s Two Bodies,” in Raicheva-Stover, Maria and Ibroscheva, Elza, eds., Women in Politics and Media: Perspectives from Nations in Transition (New York, 2014).

53. Kis, Oksana, “Beauty Will Save the World! Feminine Strategies in Ukrainian Politics and the Case of Yulia Tymoshenko,” Spaces of Identity 7, no. 2 (2007): 3175, at http://www.yorku.ca/soi/_Vol_7_2/_HTML/Kis.html (last accessed August 16, 2016).

54. On this point, see Martsenyuk, Tamara, “Women’s Top-Level Political Participation: Failures and Hopes of Ukrainian Gender Politics,” in Rubchak, Marian J., ed., New Imaginaries: Youthful Reinvention of Ukraine’s Cultural Paradigm (New York, 2015), 3352.

55. Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Martha, “Women‘s Organizations in Independent Ukraine,” in Wolchik, Sharon and Zviglyanich, Volodymyr, eds., Ukraine: The Search for a National Identity (Lanham, MD., 2000), 265–84; Hrycak, Alexandra, “From Mothers’ Rights to Equal Rights: Post-Soviet Grassroots Women’s Associations,” in Naples, Nancy A. and Desai, Manisha, eds., Women’s Community Activism and Globalization: Linking the Local and Global for Social Change (New York, 2002), 6482; Orr, Scott, “Identity and Civil Society in Poland, Latvia, and Ukraine: Women’s NGOs,” East European Politics and Societies 22, no. 4 (September 2008): 856–78; Phillips, Sarah, “Civil Society and Healing: Theorizing Women’s Social Activism in Post-Soviet Ukraine,” Ethnos 70, no. 4 (December 2005): 489514; Phillips, Sarah, Women’s Social Activism in the New Ukraine: Development and the Politics of Differentiation (Bloomington, 2008); Shapkina, Nadia, “Ruling vs. Dialogical Relations: NGOs, Women, and Institutional Power in Anti-Trafficking Campaigns in Russia and Ukraine,” Gender in Postsocialist Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, a special issue of Anthropology of East Europe Review 28, no. 1 (2010): 332–54.

56. See, for example, Hrycak, Alexandra, “From Global to Local Feminisms: Transnationalism, Foreign Aid and the Women’s Movement in Ukraine,” in Sarker, Sonita, ed., Sustainable Feminisms, Advances in Gender Research, vol. 11 (2007), 7593; Hrycak, , “Seeing Orange: Women’s Activism and Ukraine’s Orange Revolution,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 35, no. 3–4 (Fall–Winter 2007): 208–25.

57. Zhurzhenko, Tatiana, “Ukrainian Feminism(s): Between Nationalist Myth and Anti-Nationalist Critique,” IWM Working Paper No. 4 (Vienna, 2001), 1.

58. Phillips, Sarah, “NGOs in Ukraine: The Makings of a ‘Woman’s Space’?” in “Why Post-Socialism is Good to Think: The Anthropology of Transforming States,” special issue of Anthropology of East Europe Review 18, no. 2 (2000): 2328, 24.

59. Chermalykh, Natalia, “FEMEN: Promovysta estetyka, nevyrazna polityka,” Gendernyi zhurnal “Ia” 32 (2013): 2931, at http://krona.org.ua/assets/files/journal/Gendernyi-zhurnal-Ya-32-2013.pdf (last accessed June 1, 2016); Khrebtan-Hörhager, Julia and Kononenko, Iuliia, “Of Fighters and Frames: Femen’s Corporeality Between the Old, the New, the Yellow and the Blue,” Journal of Intercultural Communication Research 44, no. 3 (September 2015): 224–51; Maria Mayerchyk and Olha Plakhotnik, “Radykalnyi Femen i novyi zhinochyi aktyvizm,” Krytyka 11 (December 2010): 7–10, at https://krytyka.com/ua/articles/radykalni-femen-i-novyy-zhinochyy-aktyvizm (last accessed June 1, 2016); Reestorff, Camilla M., “Mediatised Affective Activism: The Activist Imaginary and the Topless Body in the Femen Movement,” Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 20, no. 4 (November 2014): 478–95.

60. O’Keefe, Theresa, “My Body Is My Manifesto! SlutWalk, FEMEN and Femmenist Protest,” Feminist Review 107 (2014): 119, 1.

61. Zychowicz, Jessica, “Two Bad Words: FEMEN and Feminism in Independent Ukraine,” Anthropology of East Europe Review 29, no. 2 (2011): 215–27, 217.

62. Hrycak, Alexandra, “Gender and the Orange Revolution,” Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23, no. 1 (March 2007): 152–79; Hrycak, Alexandra, “Orange Harvest?: Women’s Activism and Civil Society in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia since 2004,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 1–2 (2010): 151–77.

63. For an in-depth treatment of this topic, see Åslund, Anders and McFaul, Michael, eds., Revolution in Orange: The Origins of Ukraine’s Democratic Breakthrough (Washington, DC, 2006); D’Anieri, Paul, ed., Orange Revolution and Aftermath: Mobilization, Apathy, and the State in Ukraine (Washington, DC; Baltimore, MD, 2010).

64. Beissinger, Mark, “Mechanisms of Maidan: The Structure of Contingency in the Making of the Orange Revolution,” Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 1 (February 2011): 2829; Stepanenko, Viktor, “How Ukrainians View their Orange Revolution: Public Opinion and the National Peculiarities of Citizenry Political Attitudes,” Demokratizatsiya: Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 13, no. 4 (Fall 2005): 595616, 597.

65. Hrycak, “Seeing Orange,” 216.

66. For a comparison of women’s engagement in the Orange Revolution and the EuroMaidan, see Maria Dmitrieva, “Zhinky na Maidani: Stari mikhi, nove vino,” May 16, 2014, at http://krona.org.ua/zhinki-na-majdani-stari-mixi-nove-vino.html (last accessed June 1, 2016).

67. Berdyns΄kykh, Kristina, Ieliudu: Tepli istorii z Maidanu (Kyiv, 2014); Koshkina, Sonia, Maidan: Neraskazannaia istoria. Glavnoe rassledovanie sobytii Revoliutsii (Kyiv, 2015); Mukharskyi, Antin, Maidan: (R)Evoliutsiia dukhu (Kyiv, 2014); Pushnova, Tetiana and Chekh, Artem, eds., 94 dni: Evromaidan ochyma TSN (Kyiv, 2014).

68. Zabuzhko, Oksana S. and Teren, Tetiana, eds., Litopys samovydavtsiv: Dev΄iat misiatsiv ukrainskogo sprotyvu (Kyiv, 2014).

69. Virtosu, Iryna, ed., Maidan: Zhinocha sprava (Kyiv, 2014), at https://www.uwf.org.ua/files/20140604104737967428maydan_web.pdf (last accessed June 18, 2018).

70. Virtosu, Maidan: Zhinocha sprava, 17.

71. Channell-Justice, Emily S., “We’re Not Just Sandwiches”: Europe, Nation, and Feminist (Im)Possibilities on Ukraine’s Maidan,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 42, no. 3 (Spring 2017): 717–41; Gritsenko, Anna, “Kak Evromaidan otpravlial zhenshchin na kukhniu,” Gendernyi zhurnal “Ia” 36 (2014): 2226, at http://krona.org.ua/assets/files/journal/Gendernyi-zhurnal-Ya-36-2014.pdf (last accessed June 16, 2018); Khromeychuk, Olesya, “Negotiating Protest Spaces on the Maidan: A Gender Perspective,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 2, no. 1 (2016): 947; Martsenyuk, Tamara, “Gender and Revolution in Ukraine: Women’s Participation in Euromaidan Protests in 2013–2014,” Perspectives on Europe 44, no. 2 (Autumn 2014): 1523; Onuch, Olga and Martsenyuk, Tamara, “Mothers and Daughters of the Maidan: Gender, Repertoires of Violence, and the Division of Labour in Ukrainian Protests,” Social, Health, and Communication Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (November 2014): 105126, at https://journals.macewan.ca/shcsjournal/article/view/248 (last accessed June 18, 2018); Phillips, Sarah, “The Women’s Squad in Ukraine’s Protests: Feminism, Nationalism, and Militarism on the Maidan,” American Ethnologist 41, no. 3 (August 2014): 414–26.

72. Khromeychuk, Olesya, “Gender and Nationalism on the Maidan,” in Marples, David and Mills, Frederick, eds., Ukraine’s Euromaidan (Stuttgart, 2015), 129.

73. Rossman, Sabine, “‘To Serve Like a Man’—Ukraine’s Euromaidan and the Questions of Gender, Nationalism and Generational Change,” in Schwartz, Matthias and Winkel, Heike, eds., Eastern European Youth Cultures in a Global Context (New York, 2016), 213.

74. Martsenyuk, Tamara, “Gender Issues in Ukraine: Were the EuroMaidan Protests Patriarchal or Egalitarian?” in Anti-Gender Movements on the Rise? Strategising for Gender Equality in Central and Eastern Europe (Berlin, 2015), 7381, at https://www.boell.de/en/2015/04/21/anti-gender-movements-rise (last accessed August, 26 2016).

75. Diuk, Nadia, “Euromaidan: Ukraine’s Self-Organizing Revolution,” World Affairs 176, no. 6 (March/April 2014): 916; Riabchuk, Mykola and Lushnycky, Andrej, “Ukraine’s Third Attempt,” in Stepanenko, Viktor and Pylynskyi, Yaroslav, eds., Ukraine after the Euromaidan: Challenges and Hopes (Bern, Switz., 2015), 4758; Onuch, Olga, “Who Were the Protesters?Journal of Democracy 25, no. 3 (July 2014): 4451; Ryabchuk, Anastasiya, “Right Revolution? Hopes and Perils of the Euromaidan Protests in Ukraine,” Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 22, no. 1 (2014): 127–34.

76. Paniotto, Vladimir, “Ukraina: Evromaidan,” Vestnik obshchestvennogo mnenia 116, no. 3–4 (2013): 5, at http://www.levada.ru/sites/default/files/paniotto.pdf (last accessed June 19, 2018).

77. On the role of the young generation, see Oksana Khmeliovska, “Sotsiolog pro uchasnykiv Evromaidanu: Molod, iaka pragne zhyty, a ne vyzhyvatu,” Tyzhden, November 27, 2013, at http://tyzhden.ua/News/95012; Khodorivska, Nina, “Studentska Asambleia: Desiatok malenkykh revoliutsii,” Spilne: Journal of Social Critique 9 (2015): 135–43, at https://commons.com.ua/uk/studentska-asambleya-desyatok-malenkih-revolyutsij/; Lidia Surzhyk and Oksana Onyshchenko, “Studentskii Evromaidan: Krov i grim,” Dzerkalo tyzhnia, December 6, 2013, at http://gazeta.dt.ua/EDUCATION/studentskiy-yevromaydan-krov-i-grim-_.html; Halyna Tytysh, “‘Ia divchunka. Ia ne khochu sukniu, ia khochu zminyty tsiu systemu’: Molod, iaka tvoryt myrnyi protest,” Ukrainska Pravda, December 19, at http://life.pravda.com.ua/society/2013/12/19/146507/ (last accessed February 4, 2017).

78. On the use of in-depth interviewing in social movement research, see Blee, Kathleen and Taylor, Verta, “Semi-Structured Interviewing in Social Movement Research,” in Klandermans, Bert and Staggenborg, Suzanne, eds., Methods of Social Movement Research (Minneapolis, 2002), 92117.

79. On the political significance of ordinary citizens, see Bermeo, Nancy, Ordinary People in Extraordinary Times: The Citizenry and the Breakdown of Democracy (Princeton, NJ, 2003); Welzel, Christian and Inglehart, Ronald, “The Role of Ordinary People in Democratization,” Journal of Democracy 19, no. 1 (January 2008): 126–40.

80. For the sake of consistency, the respondent’s age at the start of the EuroMaidan is reported throughout the article.

81. Ganna, interview, Kyiv, March 21, 2016.

82. The Ukrainian word sotnia literally means a hundred. It also refers to a military unit formed by the Zaporozhian Cossacks in the sixteenth century. Over the course of the EuroMaidan, protesters self-organized into sotnias to perform a variety of functions.

83. Iryna Virtosu, ed., Maidan: Zhinocha sprava, 18.

84. Ruslana, interview, Kyiv, March 22, 2015.

85. Sophia, interview, Kyiv, January 12, 2016.

86. Ivanna, interview, Kyiv, March 20, 2016.

87. Olena, interview, Kyiv, January 12, 2016.

88. This finding is consistent with Joshua Tucker’s argument about the significance of corruption as a motivation for mass mobilization during electoral revolutions in the early 2000s. For details, see Tucker, Joshua, “Enough! Electoral Fraud, Collective Action Problems, and Post-Communist Colored Revolutions,” Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 3 (September 2007): 535–51.

89. On corruption during Yanukovych’s presidency, see Åslund, Anders, “Why Ukraine Is So Poor, and What Could Be Done to Make It Richer,” Eurasian Geography and Economics 55, no. 3 (2014): 236–46; Kudelia, Serhiy, “The House that Yanukovych Built,” Journal of Democracy 25, no. 3 (July 2014): 1934.

90. Yaryna, Skype interview, January 13, 2016.

91. Kateryna, Skype interview, May 5, 2016.

92. Myroslava, Skype interview, January 25, 2016.

93. The “maternalist frame” denotes “elements of motherhood, mothering, and maternal identities deployed to evoke meanings within a given context and elicit participation and/or support of collective action,” see Carreon, Michelle and Moghadam, Valentine, “Resistance Is Fertile”: Revisiting Maternalist Frames across Cases of Women’s Mobilization,” Women’s Studies International Forum 51 (July-August 2015): 19.

94. Oksana, Skype interview, March 1, 2015.

95. Solomiia, Skype interview, March 1, 2015.

96. Olha, interview, Kyiv, March 19, 2015.

97. Radio Svoboda, “Materi zaklykaly sylovykiv ‘ne vbyvaty ditei,’” February 1, 2014, at https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/25250147.html (last accessed January 25, 2017).

98. Mariana Petsukh, “Sabotuvaty ne mozhna vykonuvaty,” Ukrainska Pravda January 26, 2014, at http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2014/01/26/7011309/ (last accessed January 25, 2017).

99. Uliana, interview, Kyiv, March 16, 2015.

100. Zlata, interview, Kyiv, March 17, 2015.

101. Iryna, Skype interview, January 20, 2016.

102. For a detailed discussion of health care provision during the EuroMaidan, see Kvit, Anna and Stepurko, Tetiana, “Medical Care on the Euromaidan: Who Have Saved the Lives of the Protesters?Social, Health, and Communication Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (November 2014): 80104, at https://journals.macewan.ca/shcsjournal/article/view/253 (last accessed June 20, 2018).

103. Khrystyna, interview, Kyiv, March 15, 2015.

104. Olesia, interview, Kyiv, March 15, 2015.

105. Maria, Skype interview, March 1, 2016.

106. Anna Gritsenko, “Kak Evromaidan otpravlial zhenshchin na kukhniu”; Halyna Herasym, “Evromaidan: Chy kukhnia dosi iedyne mistse dlia ukrainskikh zhinok?”; Olesya Khromeychuk, “Gender i natsionalism na Maidani,” October 27, 2015, at http://www.historians.in.ua/index.php/en/dyskusiya/1673-olesia-khromeichuk-gender-i-natsionalizm-na-maidani-a; Maria Mayerchyk and Olga Plakhotnik, “Ukrainian Feminism at the Crossroad of National, Postcolonial, and (Post)Soviet: Theorizing the Maidan Events 2013–2014,” Krytyka (November 2015), at https://krytyka.com/en/community/blogs/ukrainian-feminism-crossroad-national-postcolonial-and-postsoviet-theorizing-maidan; Daria Popova, “Seksizm na Maidani;” Iryna Virtosu, “Ne buterbrodom iedynym, abo navishcho Maidanu Zhinocha sotnia,” Ukrainska Pravda, February 4, 2014, at http://life.pravda.com.ua/society/2014/02/5/151445/ (last accessed January 30, 2017).

107. Anonymous, “Kusochek Maidana v Kharkove,” Gendernyi zhurnal “Ia” 35 (2014), 20, at http://krona.org.ua/assets/files/journal/Gendernyi-zhurnal-Ya-35-2014.pdf (last accessed June 16, 2018).

108. Tetiana Bureichak and Olena Petrenko, “Kanapki, Sich ta ‘banderivki,’” Zaxid.net, January 8, 2014, at https://zaxid.net/kanapki_sich_ta_banderivki_n1300428; Den, “V nich na zavtra vidbudetsia Nich zhinochoi solidarnosti,” December 12, 2013, at http://day.kyiv.ua/uk/news/121213-vnich-na-zavtra-vidbudetsya-nich-zhinochoyi-solidarnosti; Anastasiia Moskvychova, “Zhinky na Maidani: Abo kuhnia, abo barykady?” Radio Svoboda, February 4, 2014, at https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/25252319.html (last accessed July 31, 2017).

109. For a sample of posters, visit Volyn Post, “Zhinky na Maidani. Foto,” December 12, 2013, at http://www.volynpost.com/news/24320-zhinky-na-ievromajdani-foto (last accessed January, 30 2017).

110. Olha Vesnianka, “Interview with Nadia Parfan: ‘Vitaiu Zhinochu sotniu,’” February 1, 2014, Gender Museum Archive, at http://gender.at.ua/load/2-1-0-206; Zerkalo nedeli, “Na Maidane sozdali zhenskii otriad samooborony” February 4, 2014, at https://old.zn.ua/UKRAINE/na-maydane-sozdali-zhenskiy-otryad-samooborony-138083_.html (last accessed July 31, 2017).

111. Potarska, Nina, “Zhinocha sotnia na Maidani,” Gendernyi zhurnal “Ia” 35 (2014): 18, at http://krona.org.ua/assets/files/journal/Gendernyi-zhurnal-Ya-35-2014.pdf (last accessed June 16, 2018).

112. Nadiia, interview, Kyiv, December 20, 2015.

113. For details, visit the web page of the Ukrainian Protest Project, https://ukrainianprotestproject.com/data-and-data-collection (last accessed February 1, 2017).

114. Olga Onuch and Tamara Martsenyuk, “Mothers and Daughters of the Maidan,” 114.

115. Author’s own calculations, using DIF/KIIS survey data.

116. Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, Postanova vid 27 grudnia 2006 r. N 1834 “Pro zatverdzhennia Derzhavnoi programy z utverdzhennia gendernoi rivnosti v ukrainskomu suspilstvi na period do 2010 roku,” at http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1834-2006-%D0%BF (last accessed August 28, 2016).

117. Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, Postanova vid 26 veresnia 2013 r. N 717 “Pro zatverdzhennia Derzhavnoi programy zabespechennia rivnykh prav ta mozhlyvostei zhinok i cholovikiv na period do 2016 roku,” at http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/717-2013-%D0%BF/ (last accessed August 28, 2016).

118. For a full list of the Cabinet of Ministers, see https://www.kmu.gov.ua/ua/team (last accessed May 3, 2018).

119. See, for example, Olga Boichak, “Battlefront Volunteers: Mapping and Deconstructing Civilian Resilience Networks in Ukraine,” Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Social Media and Society, Toronto, Canada, July 2017, at https://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=3097289; Irene Fellin, “The Role of Women and Gender Policies in Addressing the Military Conflict in Ukraine” (Istituto affari internazionali, Rome, Italy, 2015), at http://www.iai.it/en/pubblicazioni/role-women-and-gender-policies-addressing-military-conflict-ukraine; Volodymyr Malynka and Olha German, “Volontery viiny,” Dzerkalo tyzhnia July 18 (2014), at https://dt.ua/socium/volonteri-viyni-_.html (last accessed November 20, 2017).

We thank Harriet Murav, Dmitry Tartakovsky, and the anonymous reviewers for their enormously helpful comments. We are also grateful to participants in the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, the National Conference on Undergraduate Research, and the Gender and Transformation in Europe Workshop at the Center for European and Mediterranean Studies, New York University for their valuable feedback, as well as to Iryna Bekeshkina, Director of the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation, for generously providing access to the survey data. In addition, Nikolayenko gratefully acknowledges support of this research by the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University (Visiting Scholars Program) and the Office of Research at Fordham University (2016–17 Faculty Fellowship).

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Slavic Review
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