This article aims to illuminate how non-state actors participate in forging public institutions and in establishing public agendas. It also sets out to identify novel mechanisms of state building. It does so by examining the historical experience of the Immigrants' Protective League (IPL) from its founding in 1908 through 1924. The history of the IPL highlights the role of organized, networked women in generating new boundary stories and doing boundary work; in conducting research and enhancing legibility; in incubating new policy experiments; and in moving the national, state, and local governments to take up new tasks in the progressive era. Focusing on women's activism in this period, and efforts to link immigrants to categories of the vulnerable, reveals that porous boundaries, hybrid power-sharing arrangements, and public-private collaborations may be more typical in forging new American institutions and public agendas than is generally recognized—and insufficiently captured by a narrative of a weak state borrowing temporary capacity from private actors.
The author would like to thank Swarthmore college student Minh-Duyen Nguyen (2013) for research assistance, and three anonymous reviewers and the editors of SAPD for extremely helpful comments on this manuscript. I owe additional debts to Kathleen S. Sullivan, Julie Novkov, Eileen McDonagh, and James Greer for helping me think through this material. I owe special thanks to the librarians at the Special Collections and University Archives Department of the Richard J. Daley Library, University of Illinois at Chicago, and the Special Collections Research Center, Regenstein Library, University of Chicago. The term in quotations comes from “Eleven Years of Community Service: A Summary of the Work of the Immigrants Protective League” (January 1920), 1. IPL Reports—Supplement II, Box 4, Folder 60a, Richard J. Daley Library, University of Illinois at Chicago [henceforth, UIC].
2. “Judge [Julian] Mack [President of the Immigrants' Protective League] Introducing Hon. Charles Nagel, Former Secretary of Commerce and Labor,” at the IPL Annual Meeting on April 25, 1916, at the City Club. Seventh Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1916, quote at 19; 5. University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Accessed at http://archive.org/details/annualreportofim1919091917immi
3. It is now part of the Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights. The IPL was renamed the Immigrants' Service League in 1958, and merged with the Travelers Aid Society of Metropolitan Chicago (1967). This organization became known as Travelers and Immigrants Aid in 1980, and the name was changed to Heartland Alliance in 1995. http://www.uic.edu/depts/lib/specialcoll/services/rjd/findingaids/IPLf.html#ref3
4. Skowronek, Stephen, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 9 and passim. See also Carpenter, Daniel P., The Forging of Bureaucratic Autonomy (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001), although his emphasis on how bureaucratic entrepreneurs reached out and built networks for policy innovation is closer in spirit to the work undertaken here. For elaboration, see Nackenoff, Carol and Sullivan, Kathleen S., “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built: Networking the Chicago Juvenile Court,” in Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction to the New Deal, ed. Nackenoff, Carol and Novkov, Julie (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 171–202.
5. Koven, Seth, “Borderlands: Women, Voluntary Action, and Child Welfare in Britain, 1840–1914,” in Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States, ed. Koven, Seth and Michael, Sonya (New York and London: Routledge, 1993), 127.
6. See Carpenter, Forging of Bureaucratic Autonomy.
7. Carpenter, Forging Bureaucratic Autonomy, 6.
8. Moore, Colin D., “State Building Through Partnership: Delegation, Public-Private Partnerships, and the Political Development of American Imperialism, 1898–1916,” Studies in American Political Development 25 (April 2011): 27–55, quote at 55.
9. See Kelly, Andrew S., “The Political Development of Scientific Capacity in the United States,” Studies in American Political Development 28 (April 2014): 1–25. Thanks to Eric Schickler for bringing this article to my attention prior to its publication.
10. Kelly, “Political Development of Scientific Capacity.” Richard R. John argues that scholars of American political development “downplay the stateness of nineteenth-century public life” in “Rethinking the Early American State,” Polity 10 (July 2008), 332–39, quote at 333.
11. See, for example, Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built,” 182–93.
12. Clemens, Elisabeth S., “Lineages of the Rube Goldberg State: Building and Blurring Public Programs, 1900–1940,” in Rethinking Political Institutions, ed. Shapiro, Ian, Skowronek, Stephen, and Galvin, Daniel (New York and London: NYU Press, 2006), 187–215.
13. The working title of Clemens's book in progress is Civic Nation: Voluntarism in American Political Development.
14. See chapters by Pearson, Susan J. and Smith, Kimberly, Nackenoff, Carol and Sullivan, Kathleen S., and Szymanski, Ann-Marie in Statebuilding from the Margins, ed. Nackenoff, Carol and Novkov, Julie; and Wang, Jessica, “Dogs and the Making of the American State: Voluntary Association, State Power, and the Politics of Animal Control in New York City, 1850–1920,” Journal of American History 98 (March 2012): 998–1024.
15. Clemens, “Lineages of the Rube Goldberg State,” 194.
16. Balogh, Brian, A Government Out of Sight: The Mystery of National Authority in Nineteenth Century America (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 354–55, quote at 354.
17. For example, Addams, Jane, Democracy and Social Ethics (1902), edited and with an introduction by Scott, Anne Firor (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press, 1964); Addams, Jane, “If Men Were Seeking the Franchise,” Ladies' Home Journal 30 (June 1913): 21. Nackenoff, Carol, “Gendered Citizenship: Alternative Narratives of Political Incorporation in the United States, 1875–1925,” in The Liberal Tradition in America: Reassessing the Legacy of American Liberalism, ed. Ericson, David and Green, Louisa Bertch (New York and London: Routledge, 1999), 137–69. See also Balogh, A Government Out of Sight, ch. 9.
18. Balogh, A Government Out of Sight, 352–55. Bentley declined to draw a sharp distinction between government and other forms of social activity. See Bentley, Arthur F., The Process of Government (1908), ed. Odegard, Peter H. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967), 199, 262; accessed at http://quod.lib.umich.edu.proxy.swarthmore.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=acls;idno=heb07509.
19. Nackenoff, “Gendered Citizenship,” 141. The phrase “proliferation of political spaces” comes from Laclau, Ernesto and Mouffe, Chantal, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (Verso, 2001, 2nd ed.; originally 1985), 181.
20. See, for example, Skowronek, Building a New American State; Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, The Search for American Political Development (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
21. Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built.” See also the introduction to this volume by the editors, “Statebuilding in the Progressive Era: A Continuing Dilemma in Political Development.”
22. “A Chart Showing the Principal Americanization Agencies and Indicating their Activities,” adapted from a chart originally prepared by Mr. Charles H. Paull, Bureau of Vocational Guidance, Harvard University, accompanying report, “Americanization in Chicago, The Chicago Community Trust, May, 1920, 29–37. Immigrants' Protective League Records, Series II, Box 16, Folder 8, UIC.
23. Buroker, Robert L., “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State: The Illinois Immigrants' Protective League, 1908–1926,” Journal of American History 58 (December 1971): 643–60; quote at 660.
24. Ibid., 660.
25. Tilly, Charles, Stories, Identities, and Political Change (Lanham, Boulder, New York, and Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), 11.
26. Ibid., 12.
27. Jane Addams, “Philanthropy and Politics,” 2140, Jane Addams Collection, Papers 1838-date, Series 3: Speeches and Publications by Jane Addams, 1878–1935, Box 5, Friends Historical Library, Swarthmore College (also published in the Ladies' Home Journal in January, 1913). This boundary-blurring was seen by a number of reformers at the time. See also De Koven Bowen, Louise, Growing Up with a City (1926), introduction by Maureen A. Flanagan (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 107.
28. Jane Addams, “Philanthropy and Politics,” 2137.
29. See Nackenoff, “Gendered Citizenship,” esp. 143–46; Jane Addams, “If Men Were Seeking the Franchise,” 21.
30. See, for example, Jane Addams, “The Modern City and the Municipal Franchise for Women,” (New York: National American Woman Suffrage Association, 1910); Addams, “Women and Public Housekeeping” (New York: National American Woman Suffrage Association, 1913), both in the Schlesinger Library History of Women microfilm collection; Addams, “Philanthropy and Politics,” Ladies' Home Journal 30 (January 1913), 25; and “Why Women Should Vote,” (New York: National American Woman Suffrage Association, 1912) and also in Ladies' Home Journal 27 (January 1910): 21–30.
31. Muncy, Robyn, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform 1890–1935 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 11.
32. The National Consumers League, led by early Hull-House resident Florence Kelley, had as an early slogan: “To live means to buy, to buy means to have power, to have power means to have duties.” National Consumers League, Harvard University Library Open Collections Program; accessed at http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/ww/ncl.html. The NCL website substitutes the word “responsibility” for duties (http://www.nclnet.org/about-ncl/history).
33. It may be that their capacity to speak authoritatively on matters concerning women, children, and others needing protection and care was enhanced and amplified by their exclusion from the franchise during these decades. Some of these women obtained the municipal franchise and/or were enfranchised in statewide elections. Selig Perlman's famous argument that the working classes in Europe became more self-conscious of themselves as a class apart than working men and women in the United States did—because the United States extended the franchise to workers as individuals much earlier than workers obtained the franchise in Europe—may have some parallel here. In the case of women in the United States (a few Western European nations preceded the United States in enfranchising women), the long exclusion from the franchise may have contributed to women's sense of themselves as having a voice apart—a different voice.
34. Koven, “Borderlands,” 125.
35. Sklar, Kathryn Kish, “The Historical Foundations of Women's Power in the Creation of the American Welfare State, 1830–1930,” in Mothers of a New World Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States, ed. Koven, Seth and Michel, Sonya (New York and London: Routledge, 1993), 49–50.
36. Schneiderhan, Erik, “Pragmatism and Empirical Sociology: The Case of Jane Addams and Hull-House, 1889–1895,” Theory and Society 40 (2011), 611, quoting McCree, Mary Lynn [Bryan], “The First Year of Hull-House, 1889–1890, in Letters by Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr,” Chicago History 1 (1970): 101–14.
37. Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 17–18.
38. Ibid., 18.
39. Abbott, Andrew, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1988), points out that jurisdiction is exclusive and that “[o]f the various exclusive properties of professions, jurisdiction is the most important” (86–87, quote at 87).
40. Ibid., 60–61, quote at 60.
41. Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power, 65.
42. In 1892, Congress had commissioned a national study of the slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia; the Hull-House Maps and Papers: a Presentation of Nationalities and Wages in a Congested District of Chicago (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell and Company, 1895) was the Chicago portion of this study. This national commission and mandate was carried out by a combination of state and non-state actors. Data were collected from April to July, 1893, by Florence Kelley, Hull-House residents, and staff from the U.S. Bureau of Labor, who resided at Hull-House during this effort. http://florencekelley.northwestern.edu/historical/hullhouse/
43. Baker, Paula, “The Domestication of Politics: Women in American Political Society, 1780–1920,” American Historical Review 89 #3 (June 1984), 637. In Baker's view, these women also embraced “data collection, detached observation, and an emphasis on prevention” (636).
44. See Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 37.
45. Abbott, The System of Professions, 149. Abbott points out that professionals may also lead these movements.
46. Baker, “The Domestication of Politics,” 641.
47. Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power,” 54.
48. Following the lead of Skowronek in Building a New American State.
49. Baker, “The Domestication of Politics,” 620–47; Sklar, “The Historical Foundations of Women's Power,” 43–93.
50. Baker, “Domestication of Politics,” 625, 631.
51. Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 4–5.
52. Ibid., 16–17, quote at17.
53. Deegan, Mary Jo, Race, Hull-House, and the University of Chicago (Westport, CT and London: Praeger, 2002), 7.
54. Skocpol, Theda, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 530. Skocpol continues on that page with the observation that publicity, lobbying, and the use of rhetoric that was both moral and emotional helped them secure social policy goals with legislators voting along relatively nonpartisan lines.
55. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 530.
56. Ibid., 46, 47.
57. Ibid., 529.
58. Ibid., 495.
59. Ibid., 486–87, and 506–10 on implementation of Sheppard-Towner.
60. Orren and Skowronek, Search for American Political Development, 123, 125–31.
61. See Valelly, Richard, “Partisan Entrepreneurship and Policy Windows: George Frisbie Hoar and the 1890 Federal Election Bill,” in Formative Acts: American Politics in the Making, ed. Skowronek, Stephen and Glassman, Matthew (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 126–52.
62. Mohr, John W., “Soldiers, Mothers, Tramps, and Others: Discourse Roles in the 1907 New York City Charity Directory,” Poetics 22 (1994): 327–57, quote at 353.
63. Ibid., 327–28, 330.
64. See discussion below (“Protective Labor Legislation and the National Consumers' League”) of Muller v. Oregon, 208 U.S. 412 (1908). Reformers were not as successful in the courts with minimum wages for women in the progressive era.
65. See, for example, Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power,” 44; Novkov, Julie, Constituting Workers, Protecting Women: Gender, Law and Labor in the Progressive Era and New Deal Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001) on the mixed history of protective labor legislation at the state level and the fact that a substantial portion of this legislation did not survive court challenge; Ross, William G., A Muted Fury: Populists, Progressives, and Labor Unions Confront the Courts, 1897–1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); Gillman, Howard, The Constitution Besieged: The Rise and Demise of Lochner Era Police Power Jurisprudence (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993); and Post, Robert C., “Defending the Lifeworld: Substantive Due Process in the Taft Court Era,” 78 Boston University Law Review 1489 (1998).
66. The first was overturned in Hammer v. Dagenhart 247 U.S. 251 (1918) and the second in Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Company 259 U.S. 20 (1922). Taft, writing for the Court in the Drexel Furniture case, referenced Dagenhart's holding on the limits of Congress's interstate commerce power and insisting that the tax was really a penalty.
67. Mohr, “Soldiers, Mothers, Tramps, and Others,” 354. Using network analysis, Mohr develops a complex set of service combinations used in New York City charities in 1907, identifying moral discourses around some key classifications and finding similarities and differences in patterns of treatment among statuses.
68. See, for example, Addams, Jane, A New Conscience and an Ancient Evil (New York: Macmillan, 1912).
69. Addams, Jane, “A Function of the Social Settlement,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 13 (May 1899), 52.
70. On the use of statistics to develop claims of expertise and to remake the world in their image in this period, including at the University of Chicago, see Porter, Theodore M., Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 72 and passim.
71. Abbott, Edith, “Grace Abbott and Hull House 1908–1921— Part II,” Social Service Review 24 (December 1950): 509–16.
72. I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for the language about incubation.
73. Meyerowitz, Joanne J., Women Adrift: Independent Wage Earners in Chicago, 1880–1930 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 49.
74. Abbott, Edith, “Grace Abbott and Hull House, 1908–1921— Part I,” Social Service Review 24 (September 1950): 380–81. On the few occasions no more could be accommodated in this way, “we had the long streetcar ride out to the Home for the Friendless, which took all of an hour” (380–81).
75. Connelly, Mark Thomas, The Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 114.
76. George Kibbe Turner, “The City of Chicago: A Study of the Great Immoralities,” McClure's Magazine 28 (April 1907): 572–92. In 1909, Turner published another series about white slavery in McClure's, playing upon the popular image of the Jewish man luring naïve girls into a life of coerced prostitution. In that series, he focused on New York politics, connecting the evil of white slavery to both Tammany Hall and to organizations of Jewish enslavers. See Turner, “The Daughters of the Poor,” McClure's 34 (November 1909): 45–61.
77. Rogow, Faith, Gone to Another Meeting: The National Council of Jewish Women, 1893–1993, with foreword by Bronk, Joan (Tuscaloosa and London: University of Alabama Press, 1993), 136. For this, she cites Roe, Clifford, The Great War on White Slavery (1911; reprint New York: Garland, 1979), 98; and Bristow, Edward J., Prostitution and Prejudice: The Jewish Fight against White Slavery, 1870–1939 (New York: Schocken Books, 1983), 219. See “White Slave War Well Supported,” Chicago Tribune (September 29, 1909), 10, accessed at http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/ChiTribune/CT_1909_09_29.html; “To Curb White Slavery: Taft Consulted on Plan to Reach Traffic through Interstate Commerce Law,” New York Times (November 25, 1909), 7, accessed at http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/NYT/NYT_1909_11_25.html; Edward F. Roberts, “Clifford G. Roe, Active Public Prosecutor, Pushes Fight on the White Slave Traffic,” Chicago Tribune (September 27, 1908), D3, accessed at http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/ChiTribune/CT_1908_09_27.html. Roe wrote extensively about the white slave trade and pressed for legislation.
78. Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built.”
79. Merging with the Juvenile Court Committee, by 1909, this had become the Juvenile Protective Association.
80. Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built.”
81. Jane Addams pursues these themes in a number of her books of the period, including The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets (New York: Macmillan, 1909), Twenty Years at Hull House (New York: Macmillan, 1910), and A New Conscience and an Ancient Evil (New York, Macmillan, 1912).
82. See, for example, Jane Addams, “Why Women Should Vote”; Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, The Home, Its Work and Influence  (New York: Source Book Press, 1970), 330.
83. See Suronda Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst: Grace Abbott, the Immigrants' Protective League of Chicago, and the New American Citizenship, 1908–1924” (PhD diss., Graduate School of Binghamton University, State University of New York, 2005; UMI Dissertation Services), 13 and ch. 1 generally.
84. Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting, 133–34; Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst,” 24–33; Barnard, Harry, The Forging of an American Jew: The Life and Times of Judge Julian W. Mack. (New York: Herzl Press, 1974), 45–51.
85. Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst,” 27; according to http://www.sfgenealogy.com/sf/women/wczf.htm, the Council of Jewish Women organized a San Francisco Section in 1900, getting involved in immigrant aid and cooperating with other societies doing similar work. They sought to carry on port work when the Immigration Station opened at Angel Island as the National Council was doing at Ellis Island. Angel Island did not open until 1910.
86. Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst,” 27, quoting National Council of Jewish Women, Proceedings of the 3rd Triennial Convention, Baltimore, 1902, 98.
87. Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting, 135–42.
88. See Kadushin, Alfred and Harkness, Daniel, Supervision in Social Work (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 2; Mrs. Tenney, “Aids to Friendly Visitors,” The Charities Review 5 (1895): 202–10; Jansson, Bruce S., The Reluctant Welfare State: Engaging History to Advance Social Work (Cengage Learning, 2011), 184; and http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/229.html. Friendly visitors deployed by the Charity Organization Society movement “were taught to engage in a careful diagnostic and supervising process,” and they “did detailed research on the motivations, history, and living arrangements of families as they decided whether and how to provide instruction to their wards” (Jansson, 184). On the use of friendly visitors in some Chicago settlements, see McDowell, Mary E., “Friendly Visiting,” Social Welfare Forum: Official Proceedings [of the] Annual Forum, Vol. 23, 1896: 253–56; on the adoption of friendly visitors by Hull-House in 1896, see Erik Schneiderhan, “Jane Addams and the Rise and Fall of Pragmatist Social Provision at Hull-House, 1871–1896,” accessed at http://citation.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/4/2/3/0/pages242300/p242300-17.php.
89. McCarthy, Kathleen D., Noblesse Oblige: Charity & Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849–1929 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1982), quoting Marian C. Putnam, “Friendly Visiting,” National Conference of Charities and Correction, Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Session (Boston, 1887), 149.
90. Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting, 138.
91. Ibid.; Fishman, Priscilla, ed., The Jews of the United States (New York: Quadrangle and New York Times Book Co., 1973), 130.
92. Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting, 140.
93. Ibid., 138–39.
94. Fishman, Jews of the United States, 130.
95. Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting, 140.
96. Ibid., 141–42.
97. The IPL's “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2, traced its history to the Committee of the WTUL that had been organized to visit newly arrived immigrant women and girls. IPL Reports, Supplement II, Box 4, Folder 60a, UIC. The quote is from Costin, Lela B., Two Sisters for Social Justice: A Biography of Grace and Edith Abbott (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1983; first paperback ed. 2003), 69.
98. Report of the Immigration Committee of the WTUL of Chicago from July 15, 1907, to April 1, 1908, 4. The Immigration Committee was sometimes referred to as a Department in the records.
99. “Introduction: Papers of the Women's Trade Union League and Its Principal Leaders,” accessed at http://microformguides.gale.com/Data/Introductions/30430FM.htm.
100. Dreier, Mary E., Margaret Dreier Robins (New York: Island Press Cooperative, Inc., 1950), 18–34.
101. Ibid., 18–20; Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst,” 27–29, citing Payne, Elizabeth Anne, Reform, Labor, and Feminism: Margaret Dreier Robins and the Women's Trade Union League (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 26–27.
102. Gonzalez, “Immigrants in Our Midst,” 28–29.
103. Report of the Immigration Committee of the WTUL of Chicago, both quotes at 4.
104. Dreier, Margaret Dreier Robins, 18–20.
105. In Boston, the Women's Municipal League, founded 1908, was once seen as synonymous with “the highest ideals in municipal housekeeping,” and the League seems to have been formed of middle-class reformers. See Worrell, Dorothy, The Woman's Municipal League of Boston: A History of Thirty-Five Years of Civic Endeavor (Boston: Women's Municipal League of Committees Inc., 1943), 1, accessed at http://asp6new.alexanderstreet.com.proxy.swarthmore.edu/was2/was2.object.details.aspx?dorpid=S10010044. Frances Kellor, armed with a law degree from Cornell, studied at the University of Chicago's criminology program ca. 1900–1902, writing on experimental sociology and surely coming to know the Chicago reformers and settlement workers. When she moved to New York in 1902, living at the College Settlement Association's Lower East Side settlement organized by Columbia University, she began her investigations into employment agencies by going undercover as workers and employers, publishing Out of Work in 1904. See John Press, “Frances Kellor, Americanization, and the Quest for Participatory Democracy,” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 2009, UMI Number 3390447, ProQuest, 2010), 31–40.
106. “Immigrant Girls Who Go West,” Charities and the Commons XIX (December 28, 1907): 1293–94. The WTUL held meetings at Hull-House from 1904–1908, and officers of the immigration committee were connected to the Chicago Commons and to the Neighborhood House. See http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1373.html.
107. “Immigrant Girls Who Go West,” 1294.
111. Ibid. By 1908, it is clear to Grace Abbott that the State Free Employment Bureau was not very helpful to immigrants, who were being steered to private employment agencies that often exploited them. The state bureau did not provide foreign language assistance or financial assistance to travel to jobs.
112. Report of the Immigration Committee of the WTUL of Chicago, 10.
113. Leonard, Henry B., “The Immigrants' Protective League of Chicago 1908–1921,” Journal of Illinois State Historical Society 66 (1973): 271–84, quote at 272; accessed at http://dig.lib.niu.edu/ISHS/ishs-1973autumn/ishs-1973autumn-271.pdf.
114. Edith Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part I,” 384.
115. Report of the Immigration Committee of the WTUL of Chicago, 3.
117. Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League”; see also “Eleven Years of Community Service.”
118. Report of the Immigration Committee of the WTUL of Chicago, 3 for quote, 13.
119. Ibid., 10–11, 13.
120. Ibid., 13.
121. Ibid., table following report (no page); Sabina Marshall, Margaret Dreier Robins, and Harriet M. Van Der Vaart noted (Report, 14) the work of the Research Department of the Women's Municipal League of New York City on the soon-to-be-published report on living and economic conditions of five thousand immigrant women with whom they had been in contact, adding: “This investigation indicates the necessity of establishing a more definite system of protection by the nation and states.”
122. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2.
123. That meeting took place on April 9, 1908, with Jane Addams in attendance.
124. Pinckney, Merritt W., “Public Pensions to Widows; Experiences and Observations Which Lead Me to Favor Such a Law,” in Bullock, Edna D., Selected Articles on Mothers' Pensions (White Plains and New York, NY: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1915), 139. Reprinted from Child 1 #5 (July 1912): 43–50. Leff, Mark H., “Consensus for Reform: The Mothers'-Pension Movement in the Progressive Era,” Social Service Review 47 #3 (September 1973): 397–417.
125. The connection between these various activities is clearly demonstrated by Sabina Marshall, director of the WTUL's immigration committee and resident of the Chicago Commons settlement. Marshall, who was graduated from Smith College in 1902, moved to Tewksbury, Massachusetts where, for a number of years, she was in charge of unmarried mothers in the state infirmary. A participant in the Cleveland Conference on Illegitimacy in 1915, Marshall was then appointed probation officer to the Municipal Court in Cleveland [Survey 34 (July 31, 1915), 405]. She was a student in the school of civics and philanthropy in Chicago 1905–1906, director and secretary of the league for protection of immigrant girls 1907–1908, a worker at Denison House (Boston) following that and a resident at the South Chicago Settlement until 1910 (Smith College Alumni Association 1911, Catalog of Officers, Graduates, and Non-Graduates of Smith College), 128; accessed at http://books.google.com/books?id=NVVAAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA128&dq=%22chicago+commons%22+sabina+marshall&hl=en&sa=X&ei=LNOST4uPHn06QGOz822BA&sqi=2&ved=0CEcQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=%22chicago%20commons%22%20sabina%20marshall&f=false).
126. Ritchie v. People 155 IL 98 (1895). See Breckinridge, S. P., “The Illinois Ten-Hour Law,” Journal of Political Economy 18 (June 1910): 465–70, for the history of the Illinois legislation and court response. See also Forbath, William E., Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 43–45; Sklar, Kathryn Kish, “Hull House in the 1890s: A Community of Women Reformers,” Signs 10 (Summer 1985): 658–77, esp. 665–66; and Tax, Meredith, The Rising of the Women (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1980), ch. 4. According to Tax (68, 89), the Illinois Woman's Alliance (1888–1894) “brought together most of Chicago's women's organizations under the leadership of working-class and socialist women” and included “church groups, professional women's organizations, the labor movement, and the suffragists.”
127. Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power, 74–75.
128. Muller v. Oregon 208 U.S. 412 (1908); Ritchie v. Wayman (Ritchie II) 244 ILL 509; 91 N.E. 695 (1910); Breckinridge, “The Illinois Ten-Hour Law,” 466, 468, 470 mentioning Freund. The National Consumers' League, of which Florence Kelley of Hull-House was serving as director in 1908, brought the Muller case and then defended the Illinois ten-hour law. See Vose, Clement E., “The National Consumers' League and the Brandeis Brief,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 1 #3/4 (1957): 267–90. The National Consumers' League, though led by strong national leaders, accorded the views of state and local affiliates great weight, sparking grass-roots initiatives (Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power,” 68).
129. Costin, Two Sisters for Social Justice, 69. Grace had been pursuing graduate work at the University of Chicago in both law and political science. Sister Edith had received her Ph.D. in Economics from the University of Chicago in 1905 and became assistant director of the School of Civics and Philanthropy, where Graham Taylor, of the Chicago Commons Settlement, was director and Breckinridge was head of research. See http://www.ssa.uchicago.edu/edith-abbott. On Breckinridge's association with the WTUL, see http://www.uic.edu/depts/lib/specialcoll/services/rjd/findingaids/SBreckinridgef.html. Also see Lissak, Rivka Shpak, Pluralism and Progressives: Hull House and the New Immigrants, 1890–1919 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 32.
130. Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League,” 273.
131. Rosenwald was first elected to serve for 1909–1911, then again for 1912–1914 and 1915–1917, and he was consistently among the top three donors, many years contributing $1,000 or more per year through at least 1917; sometimes, his contributions represented nearly 10% of all contributions received for the year. League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report 1909–1910, 2; IPL Annual Reports 1909–1917. Internet Archive: http://archive.org/details/annualreportofim1919091917immi. See also IPL Records, Series I, Box 5, Folder 53a, UIC.
132. On Freund and Mead's membership on the executive board, see Lissak, Pluralism and Progressives, 64.
133. Costin, Two Sisters for Social Justice, 70.
134. Social worker Marion Schibsby directed the staff and remained with the organization through the early 1920s when funds were scarce. On Schibsby, see Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 653.
135. Statistics from Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 648–49 and tables III and IV studying thirty-three League leaders 1908–1917 for whom background information could be found.
136. For some of these connections, see Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built.”
137. Quote from Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 651.
138. League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report, 1909–1910, 43. Separate contributions were made by the Chicago Woman's Club's Reform Department and its Philanthropy Department.
139. Report of the Director (Grace Abbott), League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report, 1909–1910, 31.
141. Report of Director, Immigrants Protective League, Annual Report, 1910–1911, 24. The YMCA was trying to make connections with young men arriving at railway stations with YMCA cards from European or American ports, and the YWCA was reportedly soon to do similar work.
142. Report of Director, League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report, 1909–1910, 31–32.
143. For example, a male relative should not be younger than the young woman, and the relatives should be deemed capable of supervising the new arrival.
144. Report of the Director (Grace Abbott), Immigrants' Protective League Annual Report 1910–1911, 14–15. The point was made about Russian Jewish girls.
145. See IPL Records, Box 3 Folder 37, UIC about “English Classes for Immigrants in Chicago,” (Master's dissertation, Emil L. Kerchner, University of Chicago, SSA, 1926). The author looked at three kinds of English classes for adults—public, private nonindustrial, and private industrial. In the middle group “are the classes maintained in the settlements and conducted either by settlement workers or by teachers supplied by the Board of Education.” His conclusion, surveying all the Chicago settlements, was that the adult English language courses offered by the settlements were not done particularly seriously or effectively.
146. On the effort to stem the high incidence of disease in immigrant neighborhoods and advocacy of public funding for midwives, and health education programs serving immigrants, see Abbott, Grace, The Immigrant and the Community (New York: The Century Company, 1917), 145–65; and Abbott, Grace, “The Midwife in Chicago,” American Journal of Sociology 20 (March 1915): 684–99, pointing to the Joint Committee of the Chicago Medical Society and Hull-House study of 1908 and reporting on IPL follow-up investigation beginning in 1913. “Examination and licensing are considered the first steps in a proper control of midwifery,” (“Midwife in Chicago,” 688), but Abbott and the IPL consider training, supervision, and enforcement in Illinois entirely inadequate. Immigrant women wanted to be attended to by females, and infant care nurses attached to neighborhood dispensaries have been successfully displacing midwives only in some Russian Jewish neighborhoods (“Midwife in Chicago,” 694).
147. They named and considered a number of other organizations as their collaborators in securing such classes.
148. The Revised Statutes of Illinois 1912, Chapter. 48: Act Relating to Private Employment Agencies (approved June 15, 1909); accessed at http://books.google.com/books?id=fKJLAQAAIAAJ&dq=1909+illinois+private+employment+agency+act+history&source=gbs_navlinks_s.
149. See IPL Annual Reports and also Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League,” 279–80. Leonard points out, from IPL Annual reports, that the YMCA and B'Nai Brith cooperated with the League to establish an employment bureau that placed a few hundred applicants each year.
150. Grace Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 105, 118–19.
151. Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League,” 280–81; Grace Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, ch. V particularly.
152. Immigrants' Protective League Records, Series 1, Box 2 Folders 21-25, UIC on deportation raids, especially 1919–20, 1921, 1926. See also Folder 21, bound report entitled “The Deportation Cases of 1919–1920,” A Study by Constantine M. Panunzio, M.A./Commission on the Church and Social Service/Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America (NYC), 1921.
153. Edith Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part I,” 390. A number of these girls had grown up in the United States and would be returned to a country where they had no remaining relatives and where they would face possible anti-Semitic violence.
154. Fox, Cybelle, Three Worlds of Relief: Race, Immigration, and the American Welfare State from the Progressive Era to the New Deal. (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2012), 143–44.
155. Report of Director, League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report, 1909–1910, 32.
156. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2.
157. That this was the first is reported in “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2–3. Many of the pamphlet versions of these studies, which are numbered, can be found in the IPL Records, UIC. Abbott, Grace, “The Chicago Employment Agency and the Immigrant Worker,” American Journal of Sociology 14 (November 1908): 289–305.
158. Abbott, “The Chicago Employment Agency,” 300–302, comparing to Pennsylvania, New York, Wisconsin, California, Maine, and Colorado.
159. Ibid., 289–305.
160. Edith Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part I,” 385. Litigation was not always successful, but the IPL helped bring and fund some of these cases. On IPL's sponsorship of the legislation, see Report of the Legislative Committee (Ernst Freund, Chairman), League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report 1909–1910, 37.
161. Report of Director, League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report, 1909–1910, 32. This study was also published in Charities XXI #15 (January 9, 1909).
162. Abbott, Grace, “A Study of the Greeks in Chicago,” American Journal of Sociology 15 (1909): 393.
164. See Ladd-Taylor, Molly, Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890–1930 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995). 23. “In 1910, long after childbirth had been medicalized for middle-class whites, midwives attended at least half of all births in the United States.”
165. Julian Mack, Report of the President, League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report 1909–1910, 5–6.
166. Report of the Legislative Committee, League for the Protection of Immigrants, Annual Report 1909–1910, 38.
167. Ibid., 37.
168. Report of the Secretary (Sophonisba P. Breckinridge), Immigrants Protective League (Formerly League for the Protection of Immigrants), Annual Report 1910–1911, 8.
169. Report of the Secretary (S.P. Breckinridge), Fourth Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1913, 5–6.
170. Report of the Secretary (Sophonisba P. Breckinridge), Immigrants Protective League (Formerly League for the Protection of Immigrants), Annual Report 1910–1911, quote at 8; Grace Abbott—Britannica online profiles at http://www.britannica.com/women/article-9003254.
171. Balogh, A Government Out of Sight, 354, writing of new liberals' support of associative action, including state action, toward the end of the nineteenth century.
172. Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 654. Some of the press releases are found in the IPL Records at UIC.
173. Leonard, “The Immigrants' Protective League,” 271–84; 277. See various Annual Reports.
174. Ibid., 271–84; 273.
175. Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, quoted in Daniel Guérin, Anarchism: From Theory to Practice, trans. Klopper, Mary (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1970), 15–16, and reprinted in Scott, James C., Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 183. Scott attributes the quote (although Guérin does not) to Proudhon's 1840 work, What Is Property?; however, it does not appear to be from what is commonly known as the First Memoir, nor the Second Memoir, and most likely derives from a separate and later work.
176. Scott, Seeing Like a State, 183.
177. Koven, “Borderlands,” 127, including quote. Koven, writing about the British case, argues that: “Most major child-welfare measures passed between 1906 and 1920 mandated” home visits of this sort, largely implemented by women's voluntary organizations.
178. For example, Seth Koven, “Borderlands,” 123.
179. Hacker, Jacob S., The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Theda Skocpol and co-authors have viewed late nineteenth-century federal pension programs as products of a “precocious social spending state.” See Orloff, Ann Shola and Skocpol, Theda, “Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900–1911 and the United States, 1880s–1920,” American Sociological Review 49 #6 (December 1984): 726–50, quote at 729. On the “Precocious Social Spending Regime,” see also Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, Part I.
180. Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League,” 275–76.
181. Porter, Trust in Numbers, 43.
182. Scott, Seeing Like a State; Kersch, Kenneth I., Constructing Civil Liberties: Discontinuities in the Development of American Constitutional Law (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 30.
183. Ibid., 183; Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties, 30–31.
184. Scott, Seeing Like a State, 183.
185. The phrase appears in Report of the Director (Grace Abbott), Fourth Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1913, 11. Note that the IPL also recruited male home visitors.
186. Although a penciled notation indicates this particular form, which seems to have been used to support naturalization requests, dates from 1926, a good deal of these data were already being collected by the IPL. IPL Supplement II, Box 5, Folder 64, blank form (pencil: new form 11-22-26), UIC.
187. See also Schneiderhan, “Pragmatism and Empirical Sociology, 606, making the point that Addams came to realize how hard it was to participate in the labor market through social relations with working-class girls and women, and that these relations changed her understanding of the world—an example of pragmatism at work.
188. The particular phrase is from “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2.
189. Balogh, A Government Out of Sight, 361.
190. See, for example, remarks made at Grace Abbott's memorial service by Marshall E. Dimock, Assistant Secretary of Labor, “The Inner Substance of a Progressive,” University of Chicago, October 18, 1939, during the Annual Meeting of the Illinois Conference of Social Welfare. IPL Papers, Supplement II, Folder 3, UIC.
191. Gwendolyn Mink believes progressive era women helped produce the particularly invasive form of control of welfare recipients that became manifest in New Deal social policy. See The Wages of Motherhood: Inequality in the Welfare State, 1917–1942 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 8 and passim.
192. Nackenoff, “Gendered Citizenship,” 143.
193. Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics  (New York: Macmillan, 1920), 11.
194. Schneiderhan, “Pragmatism and Empirical Sociology,” 609. He relates the story of offering foods at Hull-House prepared according to the latest thinking of nutritional science, but the local residents did not like the food; a far more successful coffee house was substituted for the Diet Kitchen (608–9).
195. See Schneiderhan, “Pragmatism and Empirical Sociology,” 594–97; the phrase “habits of intelligence” is Dewey's (597). Michael C. Dorf and Charles F. Sabel examine case studies of democratic experimentalism in terms of pragmatic methods inherited in part from the progressives, examining collaborative learning by monitoring and directly deliberative polyarchy. See Dorf and Sabel, “A Constitution of Democratic Experimentalism,” Columbia Law Review 98 #2 (March 1998): 267–473.
196. Dorf and Sabel, “A Constitution of Democratic Experimentalism,” 317.
197. Deegan, Mary Jo, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892–1918 (New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books, 1988), 255, citing Ellsworth Fuhrman's The Sociology of Knowledge in America, 1883–1915. In Race, Hull-House, and the University of Chicago (Westport, CT and London: Praeger, 2002), Deegan considers Hull-House pragmatism and sociology of knowledge in the context of its application to race relations, noting the persistence of a color line at Hull-House in this period and the fact that the “Hull-House life and worldview” was “neither particularly comfortable nor welcoming to black Americans” (38).
198. Addams, “A Function of the Social Settlement,” 48.
199. See below (“A Period of Bureaucratic Incorporation”) for the example of Grace Abbott's (and the IPL's) involvement with Illinois State Immigrants' Commission.
200. See Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 255.
201. For one exploration of this tension, see Stivers, Camilla, Bureau Men, Settlement Women: Constructing Public Administration in the Progressive Era (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2000).
202. Dorf and Sabel, “A Constitution of Democratic Experimentalism,” 267–473.
203. Ibid., 296.
204. Ibid., 314.
205. Ibid., 315.
206. Ibid., 322.
207. See Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built.”
208. This argument about a sense of ownership and desire to remain involved is made by Nackenoff and Sullivan, “The House that Julia (and Friends) Built” with regard to the juvenile court.
209. On decentralization and the progressives, see McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige, 107.
210. Baker, “Domestication of Politics,” 640.
211. Report of Director, Immigrants Protective League, Annual Report 1910–1911, 10.
212. See Fifth Annual Report, 1913, 8–9; Buroker, 654; and Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community.
213. See “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 5–6.
214. Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 6. The case was Henderson v. Mayor of City of New York 92 U.S. 259 (1875). Beneficial legislation in New York enacted prior to the Civil War had, Abbott notes with admiration, regulated boarding houses, runners, passenger and baggage agents, those offering advice to immigrants, and others who practiced ruses on immigrants; transportation companies were compelled to furnish the mayor with statements for conveying immigrants. But Abbott argues (6) that this legislation was wiped out by the Court.
215. Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 21.
217. Costin, Two Sisters, 74–75. The Commercial Club, founded in 1877, united with the Merchants Club (founded 1896) in 1907. “The purpose of The Commercial Club of Chicago is to promote the social and economic vitality of the metropolitan area of Chicago by co-operative effort, social intercourse, and a free interchange of views.” The Commercial Club underwrote the Plan of Chicago that Daniel Burnham and Edward H. Bennett designed. Overlap between the Commercial Club and the IPL included then-IPL President, Alexander A. McCormick and Julius Rosenwald, serving on the Board for a three-year term (1912, 1913, 1914). Quote and information from http://www.commercialclubchicago.org/purpose/index.html and Commercial Club of Chicago Year Book (Vol. 1909), accessed at http://www.ebooksread.com/authors-eng/commercial-club-of-chicago/year-book-volume-1909-ni9/page-2-year-book-volume-1909-ni9.shtml.
218. Sklar, “Historical Foundations of Women's Power,” 71.
219. Report of the President (Alexander A. McCormick), Fourth Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1913, 8.
220. Adolph J. Sabath, a Bohemian Jew who immigrated as a teenager, began his political career under reform governor Peter Altgeld and became Democratic representative from the 5th District of Illinois, incorporating the west side, in 1907. On Abbott's testimony, see Costin, Two Sisters, 75. The “most active” description is from the President's Report, Fourth Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1913, 8. The Department of Labor became a separate cabinet department partly through efforts of progressive organizations, signed into law in March 1913.
221. Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 21, including quote.
222. Ibid., 22, including quote. Abbott says that the Report of the Secretary of Labor for 1914 claimed that delay in operating the station was owing to the requirement that immigrants pay a transfer fee once they arrived in Chicago.
223. Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 655; Report of the Director (Grace Abbott), Sixth Annual Report of the Immigrants' Protective League for the Year Ending January 1st, 1915, 6–7; Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community.
224. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 1.
225. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” quoted in note 20a, 496.
226. Ibid. The Illinois Immigrant Commission is to keep in “friendly and sympathetic touch” with the foreign-born and it is to conduct investigations and advise the state about how to protect the immigrant against exploitation and better adjust to the new American environment. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 1.
227. Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 656. According to the Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920, the Illinois Commission thought its appropriation was $15,000 per annum, but it seems that the authorization of this amount was to cover two years. Massachusetts, New York, and California had commissions with larger budgets.
228. Quoted in Grace Abbott, “The Educational Needs of Immigrants in Illinois,” Bulletin of the Immigrants Commission No. 1, State of Illinois, Department of Registration and Education, Springfield, Illinois, 1920, 2. IPL, Series 1, Box 1, Folder 1, UIC.
229. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 2, both quotes.
231. Addams, “A Function of the Social Settlement,” 48. “The settlements from the first have done more or less work under the direction of the bureaus.” Addams continues with an example that indicated a lack of congruence between a federal bureau's view of dietary information and what the settlement had learned from experience; simply to put information into readable form was insufficient. “It is to confuse a simple statement of knowledge with its application” (48).
232. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” 518.
233. Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920, Grace Abbott, Secretary. IPL Papers, Supplement II, Box 4, Folder 58, UIC.
234. Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920.
235. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” 517.
236. Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920.
237. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” 517; Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920.
238. Meeting minutes, State of Illinois Immigrants' Commission, March 19, 1920.
239. See Clemens, “Lineages of the Rube Goldberg State”; Carol Nackenoff and Julie Novkov, “Statebuilding in the Progressive Era: A Continuing Dilemma in American Political Development,” ch. 1 in Nackenoff and Novkov, Statebuilding from the Margins.
240. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” 518.
241. Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 656; see also Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 228, where most of this information appears.
242. Abbott, Edith and Breckinridge, Sophonisba, Truancy and Non-Attendance in the Chicago Schools (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917), ch. III, 45–47, quote at 47; accessed at http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/Abbott/Abbott_Breckinridge_1917/Abbott_Breckinridge_1917_03.html.
243. Abbott and Breckinridge, Truancy and Non-Attendance, ch. XVIII, “The Special Problem of the Immigrant Child,” 264; accessed at http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/Abbott/Abbott_Breckinridge_1917/Abbott_Breckinridge_1917_18.html.
244. Abbott, The Immigrant and the City, 233. The interior quote is from recommendations of the Massachusetts Commission on Immigration. Though she noted considerable opposition from Catholics, she regarded this as “an honest and not unfriendly effort on the part of the State to raise the standard of teaching,” much like efforts to improve professional standards in medicine (234).
245. Abbott, “Grace Abbott and Hull House—Part II,” 517–518; quote at 517. Edith adds that this approach was even more effective when done by a public commission than it had been under the IPL in Chicago.
246. “Eleven Years of Community Service,” 8–9.
247. Ibid., 9, including quote in previous sentence.
248. See Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 527.
249. Ibid., 531.
250. Abbott was considered, by a number of women's organizations and organizations of social workers, the best candidate for Secretary of Labor when that position turned over in 1930. [A. L. Bowen, Illinois Department of Public Welfare, remarks at the memorial service for Grace Abbott, University of Chicago, October 18, 1939, during the Annual Meeting of the Illinois Conference of Social Welfare and reprinted February 1940 from the Welfare Bulletin, published by the State Department of Public Welfare; Immigrants' Protective League Records, Supplement II, Folder 3, UIC.] Frances Perkins, who got the job under the Roosevelt Administration in 1933, had followed a rather similar route to that of Abbott. At the time the IPL began working on immigrant aid in Chicago, Perkins was secretary of the Philadelphia Research and Protective Association, formed to help immigrant girls and black female southern migrants in their search for work; Perkins authored a major report on living and working conditions for self-supporting young women in Philadelphia, and she worked to combat exploitation of working girls and to improve conditions of boarding houses; http://www.ssa.gov/history/fpbiossa.html. The phrase “proto-bureaucratic association” is from Buroker, “From Voluntary Association to Welfare State,” 660.
251. On legal training as another route to women's progressive policy goals, see Nackenoff, “Women Lawyers Forging Visions of Political Change and Shaping Public Agendas, 1900–1925,” (presented at the Meetings of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, April 12–15, 2007); and Carol Nackenoff and Kathleen Sullivan, “Women Lawyers and Governance in the Progressive Era”(presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, Toronto, September 3–6, 2009).
252. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (522–23), is careful to point out that Sheppard-Towner was vulnerable to maneuvers in Congress and short-term shifts in support as a result of the annual appropriations process that was triggered after five years of automatically renewed appropriations. Therefore, it never achieved the status of successful cross-class entitlement programs that were differently funded. Despite the vision and intention of women reformers and the organizations supporting Sheppard-Towner, broader plans for a maternal welfare state were thus hobbled by conservative political forces in the 1920s.
253. Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, 295.
254. On this point and on the scope of the vision, see also Leonard, “Immigrants' Protective League,” 282–83.
1. The author would like to thank Swarthmore college student Minh-Duyen Nguyen (2013) for research assistance, and three anonymous reviewers and the editors of SAPD for extremely helpful comments on this manuscript. I owe additional debts to Kathleen S. Sullivan, Julie Novkov, Eileen McDonagh, and James Greer for helping me think through this material. I owe special thanks to the librarians at the Special Collections and University Archives Department of the Richard J. Daley Library, University of Illinois at Chicago, and the Special Collections Research Center, Regenstein Library, University of Chicago. The term in quotations comes from “Eleven Years of Community Service: A Summary of the Work of the Immigrants Protective League” (January 1920), 1. IPL Reports—Supplement II, Box 4, Folder 60a, Richard J. Daley Library, University of Illinois at Chicago [henceforth, UIC].
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