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Anti-clericalism in pre-independence Greece c 1750–1821

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Richard Clogg
Richard Clogg*
Affiliation:
University of London, Kings’ College
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Extract

Writing in the 1820s, during the Greek war of independence, of his tour of the Peloponnese Sir William Gell noted that there was ‘a saying common among the Greeks, that the country labours under three curses, the priests, the cogia bashis, and the Turks; always placing the plagues in this order’. This kind of sentiment is a commonplace of the sources, both Greek and non-Greek, relating to pre-independence Greece and it is clear that anti-clericalism was deeply rooted, and not only among the intelligentsia, but among virtually all classes of Greek society. The prevalence, and indeed, the virulence of anti-clerical attitudes in Greece during the pre-independence period must call into question the view still advanced by authorities on this period that the church played a central role in the forging of the Greek national movement. Sir Steven Runciman, for instance, has written that ‘Hellenism survived, nurtured by the Church, because the Greeks unceasingly hoped and planned for the day when they would recover their freedom’, while Douglas Dakin has written that ‘so closely knit was the national existence of the Greeks with their Church that in their liberation movement there was no hostility to the Greek patriarchate comparable to that which the Italians displayed towards the Papacy’.2 Views of this kind also constitute the common currency of Greek historiography. D. A. Zakythinos, for instance, has written that ‘it is universally admitted that die Church saved the Greek Nation during the dark years of slavery’. But he goes on to say that earlier and more recent historians, the ‘healthy minded’ among them, as well as those having ‘certain special political tendencies’, do not subscribe to such a view in toto. He quotes the founding father of modern Greek historiography, Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos, to the effect that ‘the ancestral religion did not cease to constitute one of the principal moral mainsprings of Hellenism, but it did not itself alone constitute Hellenism’.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 13: The Orthodox Churches and the West , 1976 , pp. 257 - 276
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1976

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References

1 Gell, William, Narrative of a Journey in the Morea, (London 1823) pp 65-6Google Scholar.

2 Runciman, Steven, The Great Church in Captivity. A Study of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from the Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of Independence, (Cambridge 1968) p viii Google Scholar and Dakin, Douglas, ‘The Greek Unification and the Italian Risorgimento Compared’, Balkan Studies, 10 (Thessaloniki 1969) p 8 Google Scholar. See also Hammond, Peter, The Waters of Marah: The Present State of the Greek Church, (London 1956) p 25 Google Scholar: ‘during the dark days of oppression every national aspiration was fostered and preserved by the Church’.

3 Zakythinos, D. A., Ή Τουρκοκρατΐα, (Athens 1957) P 27 Google Scholar.

4 Διδασκαλία Ποτρική συντεδεΐσα ττσρά τοϋ Μακαριωτάτου Πατριάρχου της Άγΐα; Πόλεω? Ίερουσαλήμ Κύρ ΆνθΙμου etę ώφέλειαν τών Όρθοδόξων Χριστιανών νθν προτον τυττωθεΐσα δι’ Ιδΐα; δαπάνη; τοθ ΠαναγΙου Τάφου. Έν Κωνσταντινουττόλει τταρά τφ Τυττογράφφ Πογώ$ Ίωάννου έξ ΆρμειΗων αψγη (1798) pp 133-14.

5 Άδελφική Διδασκαλΐα πρός тоОѕ εύρισκομίνους κστά πασαν τήν ‘Οθωμανικήν έττικράτειαυ Γραΐκούξ, Ets άντρησι Kcrrà τήξ ψευδωνύμωξ iv όνόμστι τοϋ Μακαριωτάτου Πατριάρχου Ίεροσολύμων έκδοθεΐση; êv Κωνσταντινουπόλει Πατρική Διδασκαλ1α Έν ‘Ρώμη [Paris], èv frei A’ Tfjí ΈλευθερΙαΐ φγγτ (1798).

6 Neos Ραψάκης ήτοι ζλεγχοΐ καΐ στηλίτευσίς έυ εΐδει άττολογίαξ γινομένη, ттроѕ τά τταρά TITOS τών λιμττερτΐνων àimôéous βλασψημΐθξ γενομέναξ κατά тѓјѕ εθσεβώΐ καΙ λ(αν λυσιτελώξ, Cmò τη; Εκκλησιαστικήΐ trpovolaç, Ttpòs uávTcts тоОѕ χριστιανούΐ, ττροεκδοθΕΐσηΐ TTorrpiKtis τταραινέσεω;...

7 See Koumarianou, A., ‘О Néoç Ραψάκηΐ, ‘O Έρανιστής, 6 (Athens 1968) pp 5–6 Google Scholar. In a letter of 27 January 1807 Korais clearly approved thoroughly of their action in robbing the ‘blockhead’, Iakovos Rotas, “Απάνθισμα εττιστολων ΆδαμαντΙου Κοραή, (Athens 1839) i p 118.

8 See Makraios’s Ύπομνήματα Έκκλησιαστικήξ ΊστορΙσΐ (17JO-1Í00) in Sathas, K.N., Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη, з 3(Venice 1872) p 394 Google Scholar.

9 Dr Frank Walton, director of the Gennadius library, Athens, has conclusively established that the Gennadius copy of this rare tract is a second printing (letter to the author 6 May 1972). Dr Vasileios Phoris of the university of Thessaloniki is preparing for publication an authoritative edition of the Didaskalia Patriki.

10 One likely proclamation of this kind was the patriarchal encyclical issued in 1806 to accompany the imperial ferman urging the destruction of the klefis. In 1807, when the English fleet appeared before Constantinople, the patriarch Grigorios V personally helped in the construction of the city’s defences, Mathas, Z.N., КатоЛоуоѕ Ισ-ropiKÒs τών πρώτων έτησκόπωυ καΐ τών έφεξή5 Πατριαρχών τή$ év ΚωνστανπνουτΓΟλει άγίαξ- κσί μεγάληΐ τοθ ΧριστοΟ Έκκλησΐο (Athens 1884) p 164 Google Scholar.

11 Argyriou, Astérios, Sur Mahomet et contre les Latins. Une oeuvre inédite d Anastasios Gordios, religieux et professeur grec (XVIIe-XVIIIes.) (Strasbourg 1967) pp 81-2Google Scholar, cited in Vakalopoulos, A., ‘H Тоиркократіа, IV (Thessaloniki 1973) p 317 Google Scholar. On Gordios, see A.K. Dimitrakopoulos, , ΌρθόΒοξος Έλλάς ήτοι περί τών Έλλήνων τωυ γραψάντωυ κατά Λατίνων καΐ περί τώυ συγγραμμάτωυ αύτων (Leipzig 1872) pp 174-5Google Scholar.

12 Kyprianos, , Ίστορία χρονολογική Tfļs Νήσου Κύπρου (Venice 1788)Google Scholar, quoted in Cobham, C.D., Excerpta Cypria (Nicosia 1895) p 251 Google Scholar. See also Koumas, [Konstantinos], [Ίστορΐαι τών ΆνθρωττΙνων Πράξεων,] 12 (Vienna 1832) p 600 Google Scholar: Ήσαν καί ττολλοΐ θρησκευτικοΐ, οΐτινεξ ек ^ήλου έκκλησιαϊττικοθ έδίδασκαυ, οτι ή θεία πρόνοια μαξ ύττέβαλευ et; то Όβωμανικόν σκητττρον διά νά μά; φυλάξη δι’ ccírroü άττό таѕ αΐρέσεΐξ καΙ érrrò τήν ε!$ χριστιανικάΐ -nvas χώραΐ έμφιλοχωρήσασαν άδιαφορΐαν περΙ τά θεΐα.

13 Agioreitis, Nikodimos, . . . Πηδάλιον-rřjs νοητη5 vnós, τής plos oryicts, καθολικήί, καΐ άτΓθστολικής τών Όρδοδόξων Έκκλησΐαΐ, ήτοι δτταντες οΐ Upol, καΐ θεΤοι κανόνεξ, τών τε άγΐων καΐ πανευφήμων άττοστόλων, τών άγΐων οίκουμενικών σννόδων, των τοπικών, καΐ τώιι κατά μέροΐ θεΐων ττατέρων . . . (Leipzig 1800) p 36 Google Scholar, quoted in part in Ware, T., Eustratios Argenti. A Study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule (Oxford 1964) p 102 Google Scholar. Although printing costs at this period were twice as high in Leipzig as in Venice, there was greater freedom for the publication of anti-Latin books, which may explain why the Pidalion was printed there. See the remarks of Polyzois Lambanitziotis in the preface to his edition of Too μακαρΐου Συμεών άρχιεπισκόπου θεσσαλονικη?, τά órrrairra . . . (Leipzig 1791) quoted in Russo, D., Studii istorice greco-române, г, 2 (Bucharest 1939) p 358 Google Scholar.

14 Mikhail Perdikaris, , ‘Ρήγ-as fļ κοτά Υευδοφιλελλήνων in Βασική Βιβλιοθήκη, ed Vranousis, L., 11 (Athens 1955) p 193 Google Scholar.

15 Έλληνική Νομαρχία [ήτοι Лоуоѕ тгері ‘ЕАєивєрІосс, 6ι’ oö άποδεικνύεται, ττόσον εΐναι καλλιοτέρα ή Νομαρχική ΔιοΙκησι$ énrò таѕ λοιπά$...4τι τάχιστα ή Έλλάΐ πρέπει νά συντρίψη таѕ ĆCAOCTOUS tnę, ποϊαι έστάθησαν at αΐτΐαι όπού μέχρι τη$ σήμεροντήυ έφύλαξαν δούλην, καΐ όποΐσι εΐναι όπού μέλλει υά τήν ¿λευθερώσωσι...] (‘Italy’ 1806) reprinted and edited by G. Valetas (Athens 1957) p 174.

16 Panteleimon Codex 755. I am most grateful to Dr Leandros Vranousis of the Kentron Erevnis tou Mesaionikou kai Neou Ellinismou tis Akadimias Athinon for allowing me to conult his transcript of this important text which he is to publish.

17 Chrysostomos Papadopoulos, , Ίστορικά σημειώματα, y’. Μεθόδιος Άνβρσκ1τη5, θεολογΐα, 4 (Athens 1926) pp 10–17 Google Scholar and Anghelou, Alkis, ‘ H δΐκη TOO Μεβοδΐου ΆνβρακΙτη (διτω; τήν άφηγεϊται ό Ібіос), Άφιέρωμα els τήν Ήττειρον Ets μνήμην Χρΐστου Σούλη, (Athens 1955) PP 168-82Google Scholar.

18 See Pappadopoulos, G. and Angelopoulos, G.P., Ta κατά τόν . . . Γρηγόριον τόν E’ . . ., 2 (Athens 1865) pp 496-7Google Scholar and my ‘Some Protestant Tracts printed at the press of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople: 1818-1820’, Eastern Churches Review, 2 (Oxford 1968) pp 158-9.

18 Anghelou, Alkis, Прбѕ τήν άκμή топ νεοελληνικοο διαφωτισμοθ (01 διενέξευ τοΰ Λέσβιου στήν Σχολή Κυδωνιων), Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά, 7 (Athens 1956) pp 1–81 Google Scholar.

20 Gkinis, D., Κρ1τωνο5 ΣτοχασμοΙ, ‘Eporvos Els Άδαμάνπον Κορσην, (Athens 1965) p 145 Google Scholar.

21 The 1703 edition of Maximos Kallioupolitis’s modern Greek version of the new testament had also been burnt, Helladius, Alexander, Status Praesens Ecclesiae Graecae (?Altdorf/Nümberg 1714) p 247 Google Scholar.

22 Dimitrakopoulos, Andronikos, Έττανορθώσει; σφαλμάτων év τη Νεοελληνικη ΦιλολογΙα Κ. Σάθα, μετά καΐ τινων προσθηκών (Trieste 1872) p 51 Google Scholar. For a German version of Kanelos’ letter see Iken, Karl, Leukothea. Eine Sammlung von Briefen eines geborenen Griechen über Staatswesen, Literatur und Dichtkunst des neueren Griechenlands (Leipzig 1825)pp 3–12 Google Scholar.

23 Characteristic examples of this fascinating genre are Antonios Manouil, , Τρώτταιον τη5 Όρβοδάξου nicrrecos . . . (Vienna 1791)Google Scholar; Rodios, Kelestinos, Ή Άβλιότης τών Δοκησισόφων, ήτοι άπολογΐα ύττέρ τή5 ττΐστεωΐ τών Χριστιανών upòs άναΐρεσιν τινων φιλοσοφικών ληρημάτων (Trieste 1793)Google Scholar; Makraios, Sergios, Τράτταιον ек τή5 έλλαδική? ■travo-trAla; κστά τών όΐΓαδών τοθ ΚοπερνΙκου . . . (Vienna 1797)Google Scholar; Parios, Athanasios, Χρκττισνική Άπολογΐα . . . (Constantinople 1802)Google Scholar and ΆλεξΙκακον Φάρμακον ήτοι ττνευματικόν έγγειρΐδιον . . . (Leipzig 1818). The whole subject is discussed in detail by Camariano, Ariadna in ‘Spiritul filosofic şi revoluţionar francez combatut de Patriarhia Ecumenică şi Sublima Poartă, Cercetari Literare, 4 (1941) pp 114-36Google Scholar and Spiritul Revolutionţr Francez şi Voltaire in Limba Graecă şi Română, (Bucharest 1946) passim.

24 See the characteristic injunction of the author of the Stokhasmoi tou Kritonos (Athens 1819): Μήν Οττοφέρετε và διαρκέση, πλέον ή ττένθιμος άβελτηρΐα των άττογόνων, διά τήν όποίαν ττροδίδουν κάθε ήμέραυ τούς προγονικού^ θησαυρού^ πωλοθυ, λέγω, els îvav Κλάρκ τόν Πλάτωνα, εΐ; 2ναν Έλγιν τά υττάρχοντα τή; Άθηνδ, καΐ ϊσωΐ μέ τοο θεμιστοκλέουΐ τό μνήμα κστασκευά^ουν τοίχους! p 153.

25 Dimaras, C.Th., La Grèce au Temps des Lumières, (Geneva 1969) p 13 Google Scholar, and Magasin Encyclopédique, 8 (1803) pp 488-9.

26 Neokaisareos, Nathanail [Parios], Athanasios, Άντιφώνησΐΐ πρό; τόν τταράλογον jfjAov των τών άπό Tfļc Εύρώπης έρχομένωυ φΐλοσόφων δεικνύσα δτι μ&ταιος кос! άνόη-ros εΐναι ό ταλανισμός δττον κάνουσι τοΰ yévouç μας καΐ διδάσκουσα ποία εΐναι ή ÖVTCOÇ καΐ άληθινή φΐλοσοφία. ToOrois ττροσετέθη καΐ παραίνεσι$ ώφελιμωτάτη irpòç TOUÇ άδεώς πέμΉ, οντα$ TOUS UIOOÇ των eis τήυ Εύρώπην χάριν πραγματε(α5 . . ., (Trieste 1802) pp 15–16 Google Scholar.

27 Koumas, p 514.

28 Dimaras, K.Th., ‘О Kopafļs καΐ ή Έττοχή του, Βσσική Βιβλιοθήκη 9 (Athens 1953) PP 302-4.Google Scholar

29 Dimaras, K.Th., Τό κεΐμενο τοο Ροσσαγγλογάλλου, “Ελληνικά, 17 (Thessaloniki 1962) pp 190-1Google Scholar.

30 ‘Ελληνική Νομαρχΐα, p 168. An oka is the equivalent of approximately two and three quarter pounds.

31 Pantazopoulos, N.J., Church and Law in the Balkan Peninsula during the Ottoman Rule (Thessaloniki 1967) pp 44-5Google Scholar.

32 Ibid pp 107-8.

33 Ibid pp 107-9 and Papadopoulos, K.S., ΕΙδήσεις περί τη; Κοινότητθΐ καΐ τήΐ Δημογεροντίας Σμύρνης ττρο τήξ Έτταναστάσεως τοΰ 1821 καΐ ή τότε κατά тоттоиѕ άνύηττνξις τοθ Κοινοτισμοο καΙ ή χειραφέττ\σις αύτοϋ άπ6 τη$ ΈκκλησΙαΐ, Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά, 9 (Athens 1961) pp 11 Google Scholar seq. See also Έλληνική ΝομαρχΙα, pp 166-7.

34 Έλληνική Νομαρχία, p 164. See also Ypsilantis, A.K., . . . Τά Mera τήν “Αλωσιν . . . (Constantinople 1870) p 238 Google Scholar.

35 Asdrachas, S.I., Πραγματικότητε? ornò τόν έλληνικό 18 αΐώνα in ΣταθμοΙ ттроѕ τήν tita ■Ελληνική ΚοινωνΙα, ed Dimaras, K.Th. (Athens 1965) pp 37–40 Google Scholar. See also Antoniadis, G.A. and Papaioannou, M.M., Ίωάννου Οΐκονόμου Λσρισσαίου 1783-1842 ΈπιστολαΙ Διαφόρων (Athens 1964) PP 169 Google Scholar seq; BoubouHdis, Ph., ‘H Ήθική ΣτιχουργΙσ τοθ Άλεξάνδρου Κάλφογλου, Έτπστημονική ‘Етг£тпр1ѕ т% Φιλοσοφική$ Σχολή? топ ΠανετπστημΙου Άθηνών, 17 (Athens 1966-7) pp 416 Google Scholar seq. and Leake, William, Travels in Northern Greece, 4 (London 1835) p 281 Google Scholar.

36 Korais, Adamantios, Πάρεργα 7, p 36 Google Scholar quoted in Guillou, M.J.Le, ‘Aux sources des mouvements spirituels de l’Eglise Orthodoxe de Grèce: 1. La renaissance spirituelle du XVIIIe siècle’, Istina, 7 (Brussels 1960) p 112 Google Scholar.

37 Γεωγρσφΐα νεωτερική [έρανισθεΐσα ćmo διαφώρου; συγγραφεΤ; ™=ρά Δσνιήλ Ιερομονάχοα καΐ Γρηγορΐου Ιεροδιακόνου τών ΔημητρΙεων . . .] (Vienna 1791) repr, ed A. Koumarianou (Athens 1970) p 136.

38 Baggally, J.W., The Klephtic Ballads in relation to Greek History (1715-1821) (Oxford 1936) p 10 Google Scholar. A factor tending to undermine popular respect for the monastic order was that two of the most powerful motives leading men to the monastic life at this time were poverty and the tyranny of the Turks, Apostolopoulos, P.D., ‘44 Documents ecclésiastiques inédits du XVIIIe siècle (Du Suppl. Grec. 708 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris)’ Έλληνικά, 27 (1974) p 87 Google Scholar.

39 Τήΐ ΣμυρναΙωυ έκκλησΐα; τό σκάφοϊ, κυβερνώμενον άττό ττροεστώτα φιλοσόφον ко) τήν μέσην όδόν εύβννόμενον, μακράν καΐ άπο τήν σκύλλαν τη$ amoríoc καΐ άπο τήν χάρι/βδιν τη; δεισιδαιμονΐαξ, θέλει φθάστι εΐ; τόν λιμένα τηΐ σωτηρΙα$, οπου καΐ ό κυβερνήτηΐ καΐ οΐ κυβερνώμενοι θέλει άπολαύσωσι τήν άμοιβήν, 6 μέν τήξ καλήξ οΐκονομΐαΐ, οΐ δέ τη; ύττακοηΐ, letter of 20 November 1785 in Άδομάντιο; Kopcriįs, i {іТЦ-ľJlS), ed К. Th. Dimaras (Athens 1964) p 61.

40 MS Vivliothiki Korai, Chios: 493. Korais’s religious beliefs are discussed in D. S. Balanos, Al θρησκευτικαΐ Ιδέαι топ Άδσμαντίου Κοραή, (Athens 1920). See also Γεωγραφία Νεωτερική, ρ 137.

41 Μέλισσα ř Συλλογή Έλληνική, 3 (Paris 1821) p 262.

42 Άπολογία [Ιστορική каі κριτική Стер τοΰ Ιεροΰ κλήρου τή$ Άνοττολικής ‘ЕккАг ст(аѕ κατά τών συκοφαντιών τοΰ Νεοφύτου Δούκα συγγραφεΐσα тгара Κυρΐλλου Κ. κοττ’ επΐμονον 3ήτησιν τών όμογενών] ([Pisa] 1815). A defence of the clergy of Moldavia was put forward by the Comte d’Hauterive, secretary to the hospodar Alexandros Mavrokordatos Phyraris, Memoriu asupra vechei şi actualei stari a Moldova présentât lui Alexandru Voda Ipsilante Domnul Moldovei la 1787, (Bucharest 1902) pp 146-8.

43 Έτπστολή ттрос τον Παναγιώτατον Πατριάρχηυ Κύριον Κύριλλον περί Έκκλησιαστική$ ΕύταξΙο^ τοΰ Νεοφύτου Δούκα (Vienna 1815), continued as Καλόγερο; ήτοι Έτπστολή upòs Μοναχουξ ιτροτρεπτική eîs φιλολογΐαν.

44 Ignatios, ΆπολσγΙα, pp 74-5 and passim.

45 Ibid pp 79, 61,74. Perhaps the most judicious assessment of the question is that of that most acute observer of pre-independence Greece, colonel William Leake: ‘It is a common sentiment among the laity of Greece, that the bishops have been a great cause of their present degraded state, nor have the Greeks in general any higher esteem for their higher clergy, or for the monastic order from which the prelates are promoted. This, however, is in some degree an injustice; for although the clergy are often an instrument of oppression, and a bishop can hardly avoid acting like a Turk in office, the regular clergy have kept the Greek language alive, and have prevented, perhaps, the dissolution of all national union’, Travels, pp 281-2.

46 See article 24 of the Troezen Constitution of 1827: ‘O κληροΐ, κατά τού; Ravivas •riįs ‘Aylas καΐ ‘lepas ήμων ΈκκλησΙαΐ, 6 iv Εμττερπτλέκεται ils κανίνα δημόσιονυττούργημα... Πολιτικόν Σύνταγμα τηΐ ‘Ελλάδο?, συιταχθέν, άνακριθέν, καΙ ίπικυρωθέν κατά τήν Γ’έθνικήν Σννίλευσιν (Troezen 1827) P 8. Interestingly enough Rigas Velestinlis in his project for a New Political Constitution of the Inhabitants of Rumeli, Asia Minor, the Archipelago, Moldavia and Waliachia of 1797, which he intended as the basis of government for the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the Ottoman tyranny had been overthrown, had made no provision for any part to be played by the church in secular government.

47 A full analysis of Otto’s church settlement may be found in Frazee, Charles, The Orthodox Church and Independent Greece (Cambridge 1969) pp 110-18Google Scholar.