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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Judging by the quantity of surviving texts – whether vitae or saints’ lives, libelli miraculorum or narratives of miracles for public reading in church, lectionaries or collections of liturgical readings, inventiones and translationes or accounts of relics found and later moved to a new location, popular receptivity to signs, wonders and miracles had reached a high point by the turn of the twelfth century. Whilst ordinary laypeople remained fascinated by supernatural phenomena, intellectuals were already beginning to challenge the preternatural in a process described by Chenu as the ‘desacralizing’ of nature. In the first book of his treatise, De Sanctis et eorum pignoribus (c.1120), Guibert, Abbot of Nogent, had contrasted the credulity of the faithful towards pseudo-miracles with the growing unease experienced by many scholars at inadequate written evidence for the authentication of relics. Andrew of Saint-Victor (d.1175), in an exposition on the literal interpretation of Scripture, found himself arguing for a natural explanation of events before any recourse to the miraculous. In the School of Pastoral Theology at Paris, Master Peter the Chanter (d.1197) vehemently criticized trial by ordeal as a flagrant tempting of God whereby a supposedly miraculous intervention was allowed to intrude into the regular legalistic operation of the courts. In the years immediately following the Chanter’s death, his former students, led by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) and like-minded clerical associates, developed a significant agenda, emphasizing rationality and record keeping to sustain the faith of the Church within a new and more firmly pastoral context.
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33 Ibid., 37–8.
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66 Kuttner and García, ‘New Eyewitness Account’, 125, 11. 66–8, suggest similarities with the first antiphon for the distribution of the palms on Palm Sunday.
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80 BAV, Galletti MS Vat. lat. 8051, fol. 13.
81 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 151r.
82 Ibid.: ‘in eodem quoque loco in fundamento terra madida inventa est, que expressa magis oleum quam aquam emittebat, quousque ad hec tempora, sicut expressa fuit, reservata apparet’.
83 LiberPontificalis, 1: 141; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 1–59.
84 Liber Pontificalis, 1: 8; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 24–65, for discussion of this complex problem.
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98 Ibid.; Kinney, ‘S. Maria in Trastevere’, 338–9.
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105 Ibid.
106 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 153v: ‘Gaudens et exultans versus est ad propria’.
107 Sermones de Tempore XXVII-XXIX, PL 217, 433–50.
108 Brenda Bolton, ‘“The Caravan Rests”: Innocent III’s Use of Itineration’, in Omnia disce, 41–60, 51–2 and 54–5.
109 PL 215, 1435–7.
110 MS Vat. lat. 10999, fol. 15 iv.
111 Moretti, De postrema dedicatione, fols 162r-163v.
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116 Ibid.: ‘… ad cuius tumulum, sicut dicitur, ceci, maniaci et aliis infirmitatibus detenti Deo favente sanati sunt’.
117 Gary Dickson, The 115 Cults of the Saints in Later Medieval and Renaissance Perugia: a Demographic Overview of a Civic Pantheon’, Renaissance Studies 12 (1998), 6–19, repr. in idem, Religious Enthusiasm in the Medieval West: Revivals, Crusades, Saints, Variorum Reprints, CS 695 (Aldershot, 2000), X, 18. But Innocent’s biographer does speak of fons papalis which flowed in Spoleto following his visit in 1198, Gesta Innocentii, X (bis), col. xxvi; Deeds of Pope Innocent III, transl. Powell, 12.
