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A Humanist&s Image of Humanism: the Inaugural Orations of Bartolommeo della Fonte*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2019

Charles Trinkaus*
Sarah Lawrence College
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Professor Kristeller in his ‘Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance’ as well as in his lecture on ‘The Humanist Movement’ in The Classics and Renaissance Thought emphasizes the professional nature of humanism, assigning to it the teaching of grammar, rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy at the universities of Italy under the designation of the studia humanitatis. While he would not, I am sure, deny the wide cultural significance of the writings and activities of the humanists within the Renaissance, he does take a more restricted view of them than those philosophers and commentators who look upon the Italian humanists as simply one phase of a broadly humanitarian philosophical and religious outlook stretching from the ancient world to modern times, be it Jacques Maritain or Corliss Lamont.

Research Article
Copyright © Renaissance Society of America 1960

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The following paper was read to the Columbia University Seminar on the Renaissance 5 May 1959. The microfilms used were purchased by Professor Kristeller with the aid of the Columbia University Fund for Research in the Social Sciences.


1 Byzantion XVII (1944-1945), 346-374; also Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Roma, 1956), 553-583.

2 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), pp. 3-23.

3 Ibid., p. 22.

4 Marchesi, Concerto, Bartolommeo della Fonte (Bartholotnaeus Fontius), contributo alia storia degli studi classici in Firenze nella seconda metà del quattrocento (Catania, 1900), states, p. 10 Google Scholar, that he was born in 1445 because in a letter of 1495 he speaks of its being his fiftieth year. Torre, Arnaldo della, Storia dell'Accademiaplatonica in Firenze (Firenze, 1902), p. 422 Google Scholar, n. 1, corrects this to 1446 on the basis that the letter in question was dated Florentine style and hence written in 1496.

5 Marchesi, pp. 55-56, 68-69, 72-73, holds that he was appointed in August 1481 after the death of Filelfo shortly after he had finally been called back to Florence to teach, that he was forced to leave in the fall of 1483 because of his quarrel with Poliziano, that, despite the statement of the deliberazioni of the university of 3 November 1484 reappointing him for this session, quoted by Marchesi in his notes (n. 1, p. 69), Fontius did not return until the following fall. The chronology I use is based on the manuscript dating of his inaugural orations, for which, and for the acts of the university officials given by Marchesi, see note 12 below.

6 Prezziner, Giovanni, Storia del publico studio … di Firenze (Firenze, 1810), 1, 163 Google Scholar, lists Chalcondylas, Landino, Poliziano, and Fonzio as the faculty in 1485 with the salaries given. He gives, pp. 164-165, the 1488 roll as the same with Naldo Naldi added and suggests, after a letter of Poliziano naming him a colleague (Epist., v, iii), that Bartolommeo Scala also had been added.

7 Marchesi, p. 55.

8 Cf. Part II, ‘Gli studi classici’.

9 The formal rather than rhetorical nature of the medieval introductions to not only the arts course but the entire curriculum is stressed by Hunt, R. W., ‘The Introductions to the Artes in the Twelfth Century’, Studia Mediaevalia in honorem admodum reverendi patris Raymundi Josephi Martin (Brussels, 1943), pp. 85112 Google Scholar, and by Quain, Edwin A., ‘The Medieval Accessus ad Auctores’, Traditio III (1945), 215264 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some of the inaugural orations and inaugural poems of della Fonte's illustrious colleague Angelo Poliziano as well as the inaugural ‘sermons’ of della Fonte’s contemporary, the professor of Greek letters at the University of Bologna, Antonio Urceo ‘Codro’, may be cited as other Renaissance examples. Lungo, Isidoro del, Florentia (Firenze, 1897), pp. 176182 Google Scholar, reconstructs the lecture courses and corresponding orations and sylvae of Poliziano. The orations may be found in Tomus tertius operum Angcli Politiani (Lugduni, 1537). The sylvae are reprinted by del Lungo in his Prose volgari inedite e poesie latine e grechc edite e inedite di Angelo Ambrogini Poliziano (Firenze, 1867). Some but not all of Codrus’ ‘sermones’ arc published, out of proper order, in a volume containing a miscellaneous selection of his works, ‘Impressum Bononiae per Ioanne Antonium Platonidem Benedectorum 1502’. Raimondi, Ezio, Codro e rumanesimo a Bologna (Bologna, 1950), pp. 147150 Google Scholar, establishes their correct order and dates them from internal evidence. Only in some of the fifteen orations published in 1502 is the subject of the lecture course indicated.

10 It is probable that all three incunabula were published in close association early in 1488 (1487 Florentine style). Copinger (1, 218) indicates that Hain 7227 was ‘Florent. S.J. de Ripolis’, but erroneously dates it 1478. Since the final oration was delivered in November 1487 (see note 18 below), it seems unlikely that the scries could have been put into print before the end of the year (modern style).

11 Professor Kristeller very kindly secured and allowed me to use a microfilm of this manuscript. Although it was copied later than the incunabula cited, Fontius probably made this copy himself or, at the very least, supervised its copying. A comparison with Florence, Bib. Lor. xxxix, 36 (a manuscript of Valerius Flaccus’ Argonantica, copied, according to Marchesi, p. 139, by Fontius for Francesco Sasetti) and with Florence, Bib. Rice. 539 (autographic notes and excerpts by Fontius) indicates the same or an extremely similar formal book hand. In general, whether an autograph or not, the Wolfcnbiittcl manuscript is textually more accurate and freer of errors than the incunabulum. It also, as succeeding notes indicate, supplies information as to date and subject of the orations and lecture courses that the incunabulum omits and makes it possible to correct Marchesi in several respects.

12 Wolfenbüttelel Cod. 43 Aug. Fol. (hereafter cited as 43 Aug.), f. 139r. I follow the datings given by the manuscript, since the incunabulum omits them. Marchesi, p. 56, relying on inductive evidence, dates the orations differently, crowding the first five orations into the three years 1481, 1482, and 1483, including two apiece in the last two. It is his hypothesis that Fontius left for Rome in the fall of 1483 but did not return until the fall of 1485 contrary to the archival evidence quoted in his own footnotes. It is also his hypothesis that no oration was delivered in the fall of 1485 in order not to offend Poliziano and that the sixth and last of the series came in 1486-1487 on the grounds of an internal reference to the granting of a tenth by Innocent VIII to clerics attending the university in 1487 —an argument equally applicable to the year 1487-1488 which the manuscript names (see note 18). It is not necessary to assume that Fontius remained in Rome until after the spring of 1485 simply because he wrote a latter from Rome describing an event which occurred at that time. He could have taught his course and then revisited Rome. The act of the university officials gave him a one-year appointment in November 1484 and a new act of June 1485 gave him a two-year appointment beginning the following November: Archivio di Stato fiorentino. Deliberazioni circa lo Studio Fiorentino e Pisano dal 1484 a! 1492 n. 416, f. 107. ‘Dicta die 3 novembris 1484. Supradicti officiales studii servatis servandis conduxerunt Bartholomaeum Fontium ad lecturam poetice et oratorie in Studio fiorentino cum eo vel iis concurrentibus. Pro tempore unius anni init. die primo dicti mensis novembris cum salario alias predictos officiales in una vice vel pluribus declarando in dicto anno et cum honoribus emolumentis privilegiis et aliis secundum ord. - Approbate fuit per dominos et collegia die 17 decembris 1484’ (Marchesi 69, n. 1). Deliberazioni circa lo Studio Fiorentino etc. f. 112v. ‘Die 23 Iunii 1485. Supradicti officiales studii florentini et pisarum servatis servandis conduxerunt ad legendum et docendum in studio fiorentino artem oratoriam et poeticam Bartholomaeum gianpieri fontium cum eo vel iis concurrentibus. Pro tempore duorum annorum initiandorum die primo mensis novembris proxime futuri 1485, quorum ultimus est ad beneplacitum dictorum officiales. Cum salario florenorum sexaginta etc.’ (Marchesi 73, n. 1). For these reasons it seems safer to follow the datings given in a manuscript copied or supervised by its author and prepared for the library of Matthias Corvinus while he was preparing a catalogue of the same library for the same king. These datings, furthermore, give one oration at the beginning of each academic year that Fontius most probably taught at the university. The Florentine archives supply further evidence as to Fontius’ appointments, in addition to that already cited (but misinterpreted) by Marchesi: Archivio di Stato, Firenze; Ufficiali dello Studio, 1484-1508 (shelf mark 1981), vol. 5, f. 124v. ‘Die 24 mensis Octobris 1487 (conduxerunt) Dominum Bartholomaeum Fontium ad legendum in studio Fiorentino artem poeticem et oratoriam facultatem. Pro tempore unius anni initiandi die primo mensis Novembris 1487, cum salario florenorum sexaginta…. Approbata fuit dictum conductum per dominos et collegia die 2 Novembris 1487.’ The ‘Rotulorum Designationes’ also indicate, f. 2llv,for 1484-1485, ‘Bartholomaeus Fontius Fl. 60 (107)’ (referring back to the folium on which appointment is recorded, which is the same as cited by Marchesi above); f. 213r for 1485-1486, ‘Bartholomaeus Fontius Fl. 60 (112)’; f. 214v for 1486-1487, ‘Bartholomaeus Fontius Fl. 60 (112)’;f.215vfor 1487-1488,'Bartholomaeus Fontius Fl. 60 (124)'. For 1488-1489 and succeeding years his name no longer appears. His salary payments are also listed, but because of the irregular and dilatory manner in which the commune paid its professors, little information is forthcoming as to the exact dates of his appointments. The total paid out between July 1485 and December 1488, however, adds up to four times the sixty florins annual salary for the four years of his teaching covered by these records, ff. I78r-186r.

13 43 Aug., f. 145r.

14 Marchesi, pp. 58-73 with corrections of note 12.

15 43 Aug., f. 153r. Indication of lecture subject on f. 159v. Hain 7227 (hereafter cited as 7227) omits mention of this.

16 43 Aug., f. 16or.

17 43 Aug., f. 165r. Indication of lecture subject in opening of next oration, f. 169'; also 7227.sig.d5'.

18 43 Aug., f. 169r.

19 Del Lungo, op. cit., p. 179.

20 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Cod. Palatino Capponi 109 (77), beginning on verso of 4th unnumbered sheet in front (transcribed in Appendix 1). Since the manuscript contains letters dated as late as 1513, the year of della Fonte's death, this list, made by Francesco Pandolfini, his heir and executor, may be considered fairly complete. However, it does not seem to mention his Annates, cited below in note 50. His letters have been edited by Juhász, Lászlo, Bartholomaeus Fontius, Epistolarum libri III (Budapest, 1931)Google Scholar. His poems have been edited by Fógel, Joseph and Juhász, Lászlo, Bartholomaeus Fontius, Carmina (Leipzig, 1932)Google Scholar. See Appendix II for a listing of some of the works of Fontius known to exist in manuscript or printed edition.

21 43 Aug., S. 118v-130v ; 7227 sigg. f2r-f12v

22 For Poliziano's orations see above, note 9. Those published in the Lugduni, 1537 edition, however, seem to be more concerned with the specific text or author that was the subject of the coming course and less with the general nature of the studia humanitatis than in the case of Fontius.

23 Fontius echoes the ideas but not the language of Cicero, De inventione 1, ii, 2.43 Aug., ff. 140v-141r ; 7227 sig. a3v: ‘Procedente deinde tempore, qui magis et animi ratione pollebat et suavi locutione, fidem inter se homines colere, iustitiam servare, matrimonia inire, seque in uan moenia cogere viribus eloquentiae compulit.’

24 43 Aug., f. I41r ; 7227 sigg. a3v-a4r.

25 43 Aug., f. 141; 7227 sig. a4: ‘Sed ea postea et civitatibus graecis libertate sublata et romana republica in servitutem redacta paulatim obmutuit. Vastatione deinde Italiae consecuta et crebris barbarorum incursioiiibus, frequentique romanae urbis eversione, tantam calamitatem perpessa est, atque adeo hostiliter agitata, ut permulta saecula in squalore ac tenebris latitarit. Sed prodiit tandem in lucem Francisci Petrarchae nobilissimi vatis opera; tanto tamen situ adhuc confecta, ut veteris formae non multa lineamenta reciperet. Erexit deinde de Eugenii quarti et Niccoli quinti et Alphonsi regis et Cosmi Medicis munificentia … ‘.

26 43 Aug., ff. 141v-142v; 7227 sigg. a4v-a5r : ‘Caetera brevi peritura sunt omnia; opes, honores, forma, valitudo, potentia. Sola oratoria studia sunt vitae nostrae munimenta firmissima, quae neque adversariorum viribus cedunt, neque brevi intervallo temporum corruunt. Sunt enim sive domi, sive foris semper nobiscum, nee igni, nee ferro, nee ulla a nobis violentia extorquentur. Unde vero maiora proveniunt privatis aut publicis rebus quam ex eloquentia commoda? Unde ampliora praemia ad omnem vitae usum et dignitatem? Quid porro excelsius est aut dignius quam eloquendo tenere hominum mentes, sedare incensas, inflamare extinctas, et unde velis deducere ac rursus quo velis impellere? Quid vero tarn necessarium quam muniri his armis quibus ipse te tuosque tegere, improbos laedere, bonos tueri, patriam ornare, et omne genus humanum iuvare possis? Quid tandem suavius quam a multis quotidie recoli non pecuniae magnitudine, non superborum fascium potestate, sed suo ipsius proprio ingenii (7227 ingenio) et faciundae bono? Ulla ne tanta in invidiosis divitiis et periculosa potentia quanta in homine dicendi copiam consecuto esse unquam voluptas potest? Denique cum rebus plurimis superemur, hac una longe brutis praestamus: quod et animi rationem habemus et earn aperte ostendimus cum colloquimur inter nos et dicendo sensa nostra exprimus. Quare nihil humanius, nihil rectius, nihil laudabilius facere possumus quam ut ea in re caeteros homines excellamus in qua maxime beluas superamus.’

27 43 Aug., ff. 142v-143r ; 7227 sig. a5: ‘Neque vero a communibus studiis vos deterreat quod semibarbari quidam ea detestantur et damnant tanquam Christianae religioni contraria. Nam hi nostram humanitatem perfidiae non coarguunt sed ignorantiam suam detegunt… . Qui si tamen dignoscerent (7227 discernerent) quantum latinus barbaro, disertus inculto ac rudi praestet, erubescerent sane ac tanquam divinum numen hanc excultam humanitatem incolerent dicendi quoque ac scribendi elegantia praestiterunt.’

28 43 Aug., f. 143r ; sig. a5v: ‘Quod si quis eloquentiam propterea minus iudicat expetendam, quod hoc tempore in iudiciis nulla vox oratoris adhibeatur, etsi mos ille temporum vitiis obsolevit, non propterea tamen ab oratoriae facultatis cognitione cessandum est, cum presertim nullam aliam artem atque scientiam aut dicendo aut scribendo extollere sine huius praesidio valeamus.’ Rossi, Vittorio, II quattrocento (5th ed., Milano, 1953). P. 154 Google Scholar, also states: ‘L'oratoria giudiziale era in balia degli awocati, e nei tribunali si soleva disputare, piuttosto che per via di discorsi, a botta e risposta', referring (n. 57) to a passage from P. P. Vergerio, De ingenuis moribus which speaks of the decline not only of judicial, but of deliberative and demonstrative oratory as well. Although there are some instances of trials at which humanists made orations, Rossi's further remark that the humanists, taken with Cicero's famous judicial orations, found a substitute in the invectives they addressed to each other is well taken. Certainly it is the fact that Roman judicial procedure was not prominent in his own day that Fontius here laments.

29 43 Aug., f. 143; 7227 sig. a6r : ‘ … aut in ocio litterato viventes, aut aliquod publicum munus gerentes, quocunque loco ac tempore de omni re copiose, ornate, dilucide pertractemus. At quoniam totius humani generis eloquentia moderatrix non solum natura sed usu quoque et arte et imitatione ac maximarum rerum cognitione percipitur … ‘.

30 43 Aug., f. 144r ; 7227sig. a6v.

31 43 Aug., f. 144v; 7227 sig. a7r: ‘Vos autem adolescentes charissimi iis itineribus cognitis, quae ad summum politioris humanitatis fastigium possint perducere, ad illud mecum studiose contendite.’

32 Although the question of form is of no concern to the purposes of this paper, Fonzio's expanded rhetoric may be compared with the concise statements of the medieval introductions to commentaries on classical authors: ‘Vita auctoris, titulus operis, intentio scribentis, materia operis, utilitas, cui parti philosophiae supponatur’—all succintly put. Cf. Quain, op. cit., and note 9 above.

33 In bonas artis of 1484. Cf. belowp. 114 and notes 70, 71.

34 43 Aug., f. 145r; 7227 sigg. a7v-a8r : ‘Qua fit ut qui a maiorum nostrorum aetate longe distemus, eorum facta legentes et temporibus illis vixisse et rebus eisdem interfuisse videamur. Quae sane cognitio ex aliorum cum prosperis turn adversis rebus percepta cum doctrinam habeat omnium periculorum expertem, plurimum debemus iis qui ut nos posterosque nostros praeteritarum rerum participes facerent, historiam condiderunt. Sua enim industria et labore maximam utilitatem vitae mortalium afferentes quid sequi quid vitari oporteat docuere. Nanque maiorum recte aut perperam facta cum legimus, eorumque consilia, varietates, eventus perpendimus, quid maxime nobis expediat admonemur. Cum vero multarum rerum experientia prudentiam gigni sapientes existiment, frequenter historiam lectitantes maiores natu consilio et prudentia facile superant. Quanto enim plura exampla rerum longi diuturnitas temporis, quam unius hominis aetas complectitur, tanto est prudentior censendus is qui non suae tantum gentis aetatisque, sed omnium nationum et temporum memoriam accurata lectione complectitur (7227 consequitur). Itaque ad bene degendam vitam uberrimos fructus capiunt, cum iuniores, quos rerum gestarum lectio senioribus aequat prudentiam, turn aetate maturi, quos praeter experientiam rerum exampla quoque praeteritorum erudiunt.’

35 43 Aug., f. 146r; 7227 sig. a8r.

36 43 Aug., f. 147r; 7227 sig. bIr : ‘Polybius quadraginta volumina quorum quinque tantum supersunt accuratissime dissertissimeque descripsit.’

37 43 Aug., f. I47v; 7227 sig. bIv : ‘Quos omnes ut aetate posterior ita eloquentia prior est.’

38 43 Aug., ff. 148r-149r; 7227 sig. b2r. Incidentally Fontius uses language that is suggestive of an early version of the ‘failure of nerve’ theory of the decline of the ancient world. He says (148r, b2r): ‘una cum caeteris disciplinis historiae nervi torpescere, debilitarique incepere…’.

39 43 Aug., f. 149r ; 7227 sigg. b2v-b3r: ‘Non enim in historia perinde accidit atque in caeteris sapientiae disciplinis, in quibus consequentia ex his quae praecesserunt ratiocinando colliguntur… . Historia nanque non rationibus, sed rebus adhibita oratione conficitur. Cuius tuendae atque servandae duo sunt pracipua adminicula memoria ac litterae.’

40 43 Aug., f. 149r ; 7227sig. b3r : ‘gothica… tempestate’.

41 43 Aug., f. 149v; 7227 sig. b3 : ‘ … ex quibus umbras quasdam potius quam veras res et absolutas imagines haurimus. Neque vero caeteris quae successere temporibus usque adeo litterae exularunt, quin in quibusdam munitioribus locis religiosi aliqui viri procul a bellorum incendiis constituti chronica scripserint. Sed ii neque certam seriem rerum, neque verum ordinem temporum; neque integrum unum corpus historiae servaverunt, quando apud hunc caput, apud ilium lacerti, apud alium humeri sine ullo delectu locati fuerint. Accessit ad hanc tantam iacturam et deformitatem monumentorum, quibus rerum gestarum cognitio haberetur, quod nonnulli boni quidem sed parum eruditi homines, quae passim occurrerant absque delectu aliquo rerum orationis et temporum veluti lapsorum aedificiorum ruinas in vastum quendam aggerem contulerunt.’

42 43 Aug., ff. 149v-150r ; 7227 sig. b3v. Vincent of the Dominicans turned out to be the eleonly Vincent of the five in J. Quetif et J. Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedkatorum (Paris, 1719-1721) who wrote a history, namely the well-known Vincent of Beauvais and his famous Speculum historiale. Giovanni Colonna, died 1290, wrote Mare historiarum ab orbe condito ad sancti Galli regis Ludocvici IX temporar inclusive libri VIII. The Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence has a manuscript of this work running to 245 folia: Cod. Aedil. 173. Martin, one of nine of that name in Quetif et Echard, is certainly Martinus Polonus, fl. 1278, who wrote Chronica de constitutione Romae tarn summorumpontificum quam imperatorum Romanorum ex multis chronicis compilata.

43 43 Aug., f. 150; 7227 sig. b4r.

44 43 Aug., ff. 150v-151r; 7227sig. b4r : ‘Est vero et Platone auctoreet longa experientia cognitum ut quales principes in re publica fuerint, talis quoque sit reliqua civitas, et quaecunque commutatio morum in illis apparuerit, eadem in omnem populum erfundatur. Quoniam igitur ineruditi antea erant principes, caeteri quoque rudes erant atque indocti. Quod siqui forte se ad nostra studia conferebant, nullus honos, nulla dignitas, nullum praemium proponebatur. Quae res in primis homines excitare ad rectas artis consuevit. Nam sicuti caeli temperies et benignitas aeris gignit segetes laetiores, ita humanitas et beneficentia principum homines ad studia reddit alacriores. Ergo postquam illi liberalissimi viri caepere ad se honoribus et muneribus ingeniosos allicere, multi spe praemii gloriaeque erecti ad studia litterarum incumbebant; et pro sua quisque facultate aut Vetera conquirebat, aut graeca transferebat, aut nova opera componebat. Itaque tunc a multis doctis viris cum aliae quaedambonae artes, turn etiam historia est adiuta.’

45 43 Aug., f. 151; 7227 sig. b4v.

46 43 Aug., ff. 151v-152r ; 7227 sig. b5r : ‘Quae pares verbis res gestas referens omnem utilitatem complectitur. Nam et infamiae metu a scelere ac turpitudine vitae deterret improbos, et aeternae laudis cupiditate ad virtutem accendit probos. Eius enim lectione privati quidam viri maiorum exemplis ad res magnas exequendas ingentibus animis inflammati, sese dignos maximis imperils praestiterunt. Ipse vero reges ac principes ob immortalem gloriam per historicos assequendam ad praeclara facinora sunt incensi.’

47 43 Aug., f. 152v; 7227 sig. b5v.

48 43 Aug., ff. 152v-I53r ; 7227 sig. b6r : ‘Sed ut finem dicendi faciam, quicunque hanc civilem historiam audituri estis, adhortor ut eius utilitate amplitudineque perspecta Lucano et Caesari auctoribus elegantissimis et ad eloquentiam consequendam et magnarum rerum scientiam percipiendam utilissimis, totis animis incumbatis…’.

49 Cf. Ferguson, Wallace K., The Renaissance in Historical Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1948)Google Scholar, ch. 1; Baron, Hans, ‘Das Erwachen des historischen Denkens im Humanismus des Quattrocento’, Historische Zeitschrift CXLVII (1932), 520 Google Scholar; Mommsen, T. E., ‘Petrarch's Conception of the Dark Ages’, Speculum XVII (1942), 239 Google Scholar ff.; Ullman, B. L., ‘Leonardo Bruni and Humanist Historiography’, Medievalia et Humanistica IV (1946), 59 Google Scholar ff.

50 Possibly a historical work more worthy of the name, but unlocated, is his Principiorttm et temporum libri VIII, listed among his works by Francesco Pandolfini. Cf. note 20 above and Appendix I. Giovanni Lami published his Annals as part of his catalogue of the Biblioteca Riccardiana from Cod. Ric. 1172: Adnotationes in Livium et Iuvenalem et annales suorum temporum (1448-1483), ff. 84r-127r ; printed Io. Lami, , Catalogus Cod. manuscriptorum qui in Bibliotheca Riccardiana Florentina adservantur (Liburni, 1756), 193197 Google Scholar. Cf. Morpurgo, S., manoscritti della R. Biblioteca Riccardiana di Fircnze (Roma, 1893), p. 219 Google Scholar. Reprinted, Galletti, G. C., Philippi Villani Liber de … famosis civibus …ctde Florentinorum Htteratura (Florentiae, 1847), pp. 153159 Google Scholar.

51 Cf. Beatrice Reynolds’ analysis of these later treatises in ‘Shifting Currents in Historical Criticism’, Journal of the History oj Ideas XIV (1953), 471-492.

52 43 Aug., ff. 161r-l62r ; 7227 sigg. C5v-c6v: ‘Verum qui sine musarum numine ad poeticos postes venit, artificio et doctrina se vatem posse fieri putans, vana est eius poesis et puerilis. Nobiles enim vates, qui perpauci sunt, non arte neque scientia sed divino spiritu potius praeclara poemata concinunt… . Deus etenim solus furorem poetis incutit ac tanquam administris et oraculorum suorum utitur nuntiis. Quibus de rebus maiores nostri sapientissimi viri confirmavere, caetera bonarum artium studia fieri exercitationibus et praeceptis, poetam vero ingenii viribus excitari et divino spiritu inflamari… . Ipsaque poetice prae caeteris rectissimis artibus honoratur et colitur, quod a divinitate procedens erigit in caelum immortalesque reddit praestantis vates. Nam ex omnibus studiis liberalibusque doctrinis tametsi facultas oratoria praestare putatur caeteris, nemo tamen apud graecos inventus est qui non magis Homerum quam Demosthenem coluerit, pluribusque Euripidis et Sophoclis quam Hiperidis et Lisiae famam fecerit.’ Cf. Plato’s Phaedrus 245A; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations I, xxvi, 64; Marsilio Ficino, Theologica Platonica, lib. xiii, cap. ii, ‘De Poetis’ (Of era, Basel, 1576, 1, 287): ‘ … non hominum inventa esse praeclara poemata, sed coelestia munera, cuius illud affert signum in Phaedro, quod nullus unquam licet diligentissimus, et omnibus artibus erudidus, excelluit in poesi, nisi ad haec accesserit ferventior ilia animi concitatio quam sentimus quando est Deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo. Impetus ille sacra semina mentis habet.’

53 43 Aug., f. 162r ; 7227 sig. c6v: ‘Apud nos quoque permulti sunt qui Vergilium magis quam Tullium admirantur, et antiquorum aevo nulla tantum Messalae aut Pollionis oratio quantum Ovidii Medea aut Thyestes Vari celebrabatur. Neque iniuria. Nam si musico studio, quod aurium solum est, excellentes quidam viri tam percupide serviere, quanto magis carmina poetarum non aurium tantum sed etiam animorum nostrorum perfectam musicem debemus tota mente percipere? cum praesertim ex gravissimis poetarum sententiis, praeceptisque sanctissimis cum summa delectatione utilitatem quam maximam referamus?’ Cf. Marsilio Ficino’s Epistola de divino furore of I December 1457 (Opera, 1, 614): ‘Hanc Plato graviorem musicam poesimque nominat, efficassimam harmoniae coelestis imatricem, nam levior ilia, de qua paulo ante mentionem fecimus, vocum duntaxat suavitate permulcet, poesis autem, quod divinae quoque harmoniae proprium est, vocum atque motuum numeris gravissimos quosdam, et ut Poeta diccret, delphicos sensus ardentius exprimit, quo fit, ut non solum auribus blandiatur, verum etiam suavissimum, et ambrosiae coelestis similimum menti pabulum afferat, ideoque ad divinitatem proprius accedere videatur.’

54 43 Aug., f. 162; 7227 sigg. c6v-c7r: ‘Praeterea quot in locis de virtutibus, de vitiis, de humanis affectibus, de inferis, de superis, de rerum omnium creationibus, et naturis vates ipsi elegantissime tractaverunt.’

55 43 Aug., ff. 162v-164v ; 7227 sig. C7r-c8v.

56 43 Aug., ff. 164v-165r; 7227sig. c8v-dIr : ‘Verum si divina poetice raro caelitus paucis purgatissimis excelentissimisque ingeniis munere deorum concessa est. Si eius oblectatio et voluptas animis hominum dominatur et imperat. Si summa utilitas cum summa omnium magnarum rerum cognitione coniuncta omnem humanam commoditatem exuperat. Si non populi modo et urbes et principes et caelites earn diligunt, sed etiam ferae immites et furiae venerantur, Vos quoque Florentini viri omnium semper humanissimi habiti summo studio et ardore animi ad poeticam complectandam honestandamque iilnitimini, ne soli ex omnibus neglexisse suavissimas musas huius urbis alumnas videamini. Quae ita Dantem, Petrarchamque cives nostros suo numine ornaverunt, nullis ut aliis tantum de rebus quantum eorum vatum ingeniis admirandisque poematis nostra haec florentissima civitas apud omnes gentes et nationes in omnem aeternitatem celebratissima sit commendatissimaque futura.’

57 43 Aug., f. 165; 7227 sig. dIv : ‘Superioribus meis orationibus cum seiunctim oratoriam facultatem, historiamque ac poeticen, coniunctim vero cunctas rectissimas artis concelebrarim, saepe mecum cogitavi, quid hodierna die ab officio meo non alienum possem referre Dicam enim et dicam quae brevissime potero de Sapientia rerum omnium intellectu, quae honoratissime ac praestantissime sunt natura, qua sola homines vere sapiunt et caelestia numina se percipiunt.’

58 Cf. Eugene F. Rice, Jr.'s recent book, The Renaissance Idea of Wisdom (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), especially chapters 2 and 3. Rice does not refer to this oration of della Fonte's but intends only to be representative.

59 43 Aug., f. 166r ; 7227 sig. d2r : ‘ … ipsa profecto non humani est generis sed divini, quoniam nihil in deo est divinae conditionis non particeps.’

60 43 Aug., ff. 166v-167r ; 7227 sig. d2v-d3r : ‘Hanc propter non se tantum, sed rationem quoque suam deus, essentiamque intelligit neque secus quam presentia, praeterita, et futura cognoscit. Haec rerum perpetua exemplaria in divinam mentem coegit, seque ipsam inter formas, mentemque mediam collocavit, ac tanquam artifex quaedam absolutissima ornatissimum hunc mundum et quaecunque in eo sunt admirabili ratione perfecit. Ab hac essentia et potestas et ordo et multitudo et varietas rerum amnium emanavit. Quarum nonnullae sunt a materia ita disiunctae ut solo mentis acumine cognoscantur; quaedam ita coniunctae ut ipso statim sensu percipiantur; pleraeque ita partim semotae, partim connexae, atque ita gradibus inter se perfectionis distantes ut modo superentur modo exuperent (43 Aug. exuperentur). Has tam multas, tam varias, tam eleganter dispositas, collocatasque naturas ipsa sapientia cum divina mente percepit et inefFabili arte produxit, gubernatque productas.’ This passage obviously reflects the influence of Marsilio Ficino’s Neoplatonist philosophy, but Fontius, as will be seen, was more of an eclectic than a devotee of one view.

61 43 Aug., f. 167; 7227 sig. d3: ‘Verum haec provida rerum omnium generatrix quasi non satis esset gubernare caelestia, magnificentissimo dei munere ad nos delapsa, mentes quoque nostras incoluit… . Quae dociles ingressa animos furore, metu, cupiditate, libidine, ignorantiaque remota in primis moribus optimis eos imbuit. Deinde rem ipsam familiarem curare docuit. Postea in unum locum coactis hominibus civitatem constituit, remque publicam institutis, legibus, iudiciis, artibus, omnique bene vivendi ratione munivit. Ab hac litterarum erudimenta, ab hac vatum sanctissimorum carmina, ab hac facultas persuadendi emanavit. Haec sola humanum animum compulit ad rerum naturas eo ordine contemplandas quo cum mente divina eas ab initio procreaverat…. O admirandam et a vobis humanissimi viri complectendam sapientiam, cuius tantas opes et vires cernitis, ut nihil tam sit summum, tarn mediocre, tam infima, quod non ilia cum deo produxerit et sapientissime conservaverit.’

62 43 Aug., ff. 167v-168r ; 7227sig. d3v: ‘Caeterum quando nobilissimam patriam et immortale genus sapientiae prospexistis, quantumque in divinis humanisque rebus valeat cognovistis, reliquum est, litterarii praefecti, ut eius professores, qui pro hac egregia iuventute florentina erudienda, proque liberis et nepotibus vestris instituendis dies noctesque invigilant, non negligatis. Quos vel ex eo debetis pro vestra humanitate atque prudentia tractare munificentius ut illis etiam qui nondum hunc locum ornatissimum ascenderunt maiorem spem detis et honorum et praemiorum.’

63 43 Aug., f. 168; 7227 sigg. d3v-d4v: ‘Quanquam si honestam expetimus voluptas, quanta dii immortales suavitas, quantum gaudium, quanta iocunditas insidet semper animo contemplanti… . Quod cum divina sapientia sola praestet, quid divitius, quid potentius, quid honestius, quid formosius, quid voluptuosius ea quaerimus? Sapientia non in temeritate fortunae, ut opes et honores et potestates. Sapientia non in naturae necessitate, ut egregia forma et valitudo. Sapientia non in alieno dominio, ut mortalia caetera. Sed in nostra libera voluntate locata est. Sapientia quorum animis haeret, vita prudenter fortiterque peracta reddit eos felices et perbeatos.’

64 Cf. Rice's discussion of wisdom and the active life, op. cit., pp. 43-49. Note echoes of Cicero's views in De inventione II, ii, 2 in this oration, particularly in the passage in note 61 above.

65 43 Aug., f. 154; 7227 sig. b7: ‘Quid vero praeclarum quid excellens, quid delectabile in se habet aut medicorum, aut iurisconsultorum, aut philosophorum facultas, nisi hac erudita comite exornetur? Est quidem huius artis peculiaris ac maxima laus quod sine hac scientiae sublimiores non possunt consistere, haec autem in se sola perficiatur… . Haec autem grammatices professio, quam non nulli ut ieiunam tenuemque fastidiunt, multo plus intra se quam foris ostendat complectitur. Nam et recte loquendi scientiam et poetarum et historiarum cognitionem et verborum interpretationem continet non sine philosophiae in plurimis poetarum locis inspectione.’ This oration of Fontius’, as well as the next one discussed, may be compared with earlier humanists’ discussions of the superiority of one or another profession or discipline. Cf. especially Salutati's Tractatus de nohilitate legum et medicinae, ed. Eugenio Garin (Firenze, 1947), and the works discussed by Thorndike, Lynn, ‘Medicine Versus Law at Florence’, ch. 11 of Science and Thought in the Fifteenth Century (New York, 1929)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and by Garin, Eugenio, La disputa delle arti net quattrocento (Firenze, 1947)Google Scholar. A contemporary humanist inaugural oration on this theme is Filippo Beroaldo senior, Declamatio philosophi, medici, et oratoris (Opuscula varia, Basel, 1513), which, like Fontius, favors the humanistic study. Codrus’ 13th ‘sermon’ (op. cit., sigg. Q2V ff.) is ‘In laudem liberalium artium’. This and Fontius’ oration may also be compared with medieval attempts to define and classify the liberal arts, reconciling the traditional trivia and quadrivia with the various faculties of the medieval universities. Fontius seems here to reclassify the arts so as to make them conform to the studia humanitatis and also to subordinate medicine, law, and theology to the general heading of philosophy, which was in part one of the root humanistic studies. Cf. the diagram of his scheme in note 77 below. For medieval schema cf. Grabmann, Martin, Die Geschichte der Scholastischen Methode, II (Berlin, 1957)Google Scholar, ch. ii, ‘Ungedruckte Wissenschafteinteilungen und Wissenschaftslehren’ and the literature there cited.

66 43 Aug., f. 154v; 7227 sig. b7v: ‘divinus furor puras mentes ad verum sonantibus numeris describendum decoro figmento impelles’.

67 43 Aug., f. 155; 7227 sig. b8: ‘Nam cum primi homines mitiorem vitam edocti in unum cogere se coeperunt, vir quidam excellentissimus cogitavit nullam humanitatem sine divinae religionis affectu durare posse diutius. Itaque suo ingenio immortali admirabilia naturae opera contemplatus unum aliquem esse censuit mundi huius moderatorem, quern et ipse primus incoluit et caeteris adorandum institutit. Huic solennia vota persolvens non communi ac vulgata oratione, qua ad homines utebatur, sed numerosa quodam concentu divina numina precabatur. Caeteri postea subsecuti omnia (ut solet) in maius adaugentes non solum laudes superis cecinerunt, sed deos consulentibus etiam carmine responderunt, poemata quoque ad caelites pertinentia conscripserunt.’

68 43 Aug., f. 155v; 7227 sig. b8v: ‘Sed quamquam heroicarum rerum coelestiumque fictores vere tantum poetae dicendi sunt, omnium tamen utilitas et delectatio magna est, vel ad eleganter dicendum vel ad beate feliciterque vivendum.’

69 43 Aug., f. 156; 7227 sig. CI: ‘Nam equidem si existimo nullam esse doctrinam quae magis ostendat quantum homo bestiis et mutis animantibus praestet, quam haec, qua loqui apte, distincte, ornateque valemus… . Deus inquam in terris ille fuit qui primus composita oratione iustitiam colere, pietatem servare, fortitudinem retinere, pudicitiam custodire prioribus ipsis incultis hominibus persuasit. Magna nimirum res et omni laudum genere digna fuit agrestes et feros homines suavitate dicendi compellere ut qui superiores vi et robore corporis essent posthabita violentissima consuetudine se inferioribus adaequarent. Age vero quot seditiones compressae, quot coniurationes extinctae, quot hostilia bella composita, quot ferae gentes et nationes vi sunt orationis pacatae.’ Cf. Cicero, De inventione, I, ii, 3: ‘Profecto nemo nisi gravi ac suavi commotus oratione, cum viribus plurimum posset, ad ius voluisset sine vi descendere, ut inter quos posset excellere, cum eis se pateretur aequari et sua voluntate a iucundissima consuetudines recederet quae praesertim iam naturae vim obtineret propter vetustatem.’

70 Cf. Reynolds, Beatrice, op. cit., pp. 473478 Google Scholar.

71 43 Aug., f. 157r; 7227 sigg. CIv-c2r: ‘Ab hac imagines fortissimorum atque optimorum virorum litteris per historicos eleganter expressas ad imitandum assumimus. Est enim historia magna pars facultatis rhetoricae, quae licet separatim non sit expressa rhetorum praeceptionibus, ita tamen ab eis emanat atque dependet, ut sine hac ipsa dicendi arte inculta et rudis et debilis videatur. Veroborum enim contexendorum rationem, et genus orationis cum lenitate quadam aequali profluens, et concionum nervos atque acumen, et rerum ac temporum ordinem, et consiliorum actorumque et eventuum expectationem ex oratoriis disciplinis sumunt historici…. Sed his breviter de rhetorice explicatis, quod est ultimam nostrae narrationis philosophiam donum ingens deorum absolvamus.’

72 43 Aug., f. 157; 7227 sig. C2r: ‘Est autem philosophia humanarum divinarumque rerum cognitio, naturarumque inquisitio constans opinione atque scientia.’ Eugene Rice, op. cit., especially p. 39 and n. 32, makes much of the humanist variations on a Ciceronian theme in the definition of wisdom. Fontius defines ‘philosophy’ in the same language, which suggests again that his oration on widsom, discussed above, was intended to cover another large area of the humanist’s disciplinary concern. See below in this present oration how much of'philosophy’ he makes the concern of the humanist also. Cicero, Tusc. Disp., IV, xxvii, 57: ‘sapientiam esse rerum divinarum et humanarum scientiam cognitionemque, quae cuiusque rei causa sit’.

73 43 Aug., f. 157v; 7227 sig. C2: ‘Propria virum ipsum, moresque viri optime instruit. Domestica domum familiamque disponit. Civilis civitatem moderatur ac regit.’

74 43 Aug., ff. 157v-I58r ; 7227 sig. C2v-C3r: ‘Huic subiacet iruisconsultorum facultas, quae legum aequitatem complectens et magna existens et late patens et ad multos pertinens summo in honore habetur.’

75 43 Aug., f. 158; 7227 sig. C3: ‘Naturalis quae immersa penitus in materia sunt, ut quattuor rerum elementa, quaeque ex his corpora constant et componuntur considerat. Huic ars medicinae subest, quae abditarum et morbos continentiam causarum notitiam, deinde evidentium, posthaec etiam naturalium actionum, novissime partium interiorum scientiam requiret. Quae quidem facultas ab Apolline primum inventa, deinde ab eius filio Aesculapio celebrata, mox a Podalirio et Machaone troiani belli temporibus illustrata, ab Hippocrate demum perfecta apud Graecos, Latinosque ac barbaros clarissimos habuit professores. Supernaturalis autem substantias ab ipsa materia separatas considerans theologiam sibi vendicat, qua supergressi visibilia, de divinis et caelestibus contemplamur. Disciplinalis vero his intendit, quae partim seiungi partim etiam non disiungi a materia possunt. Cuius quattuor sunt partes: Arithmetica, quae a Phoenicibus orta numeros comprehendit; Geometria, quae ab Aegyptiis adinventa dimensiones continet; Musicamque ab eisdem Aegyptiis, unde Pythagoras assumpsit, principium trahens est vocis ac soni certa dimensio cum constantia perfectae modulationis; Astrologia, quae a Chaldaeis primo comperta, deinde ab Aegyptiis edita caelum ac Stellas complectitur.’

76 43 Aug., f. 159; 7227 sigg. C3v-C4r: ‘Zeno enim et omnis Eleatica disciplina rationali solummodo studuit. Lycurgus vero et Pittacus et Periander et Solon de gubernandis hominum caetibus conscripserunt. Thales autem et Anaximenes atque Anaxagoras de naturalibus rebus considerarunt. Plato deinde post hos omnes natus vir natura praestans et vere divinitus missus nullam partem philosophiae imperfectam reliquit. Sed omnes diligenter complexus nee in necessariis defuit, nee ad inutilia delapsus est. Ipse quidem caeterique fere omnes graecorum philosophi ab Hebraeis fundamenta totius philosophiae acceperunt, ad Graecosque transfuderunt. Philosophia autem vitae nostrae magistra et dux ambitionem, avaritiam, libidinem, invidiam, caeteraque animorum iniquinamenta longe fugat atque excludit. Philosophia bonas artis et scientias et virtutes summo studio et diligentia indagata humanae semper vitae recte consuluit. Ipsa enim leges ac iura invenit. Ipsa bonos mores edocuit. Ipsa rectam vivendi disciplinam instituit. Ipsa omnia, supera, infera, prima, ultima media inquisivit.’

78 43 Aug., ff. 159v-160r ; 7227 sig. C4: ‘Vos autem adolescentes optimi et animo meo charissimi, qui me Silium hoc anno interpretantem et vestris studiis incumbentem prosecuturi estis… . Nihil autem vos tutius atque expeditius ad earn potest perducere quam vel omnes si potestis, vel aliquam saltern earum scientiarum quas modo recensui cognovisse. Ita enim omni inerti ocio, cupiditate, libidineque reiecta ad bonam frugem et vitae maturitatem pervenientes, earn optime vivendi tationem tenebitis quae summam nobis utilitatem et perpetuam afferat dignitatem.’ 7227 omits the phrase ‘Silium hoc anno interpretantem et’ which indicates the subject of his lectures for the year. Since Marchese, op. tit., p. 56, used this incunabulum but not this manuscript, he lists this oration without a lecture subject and as has been seen, note 12 above, dates the oration as in 1482 rather than 1484, most probably an error, unless, of course, Fontius was inventing a subject and a date in committing the oration to this manuscript copy.

79 43 Aug., ff. 169r-172v; 7227 sigg. d5r-d7v contain the section on satire.

80 43 Aug., ff. 172v-173r ; 7227 sig. d8r : ‘Nullae unquam bene institutae civitates ac nationes non summopere liberalia studia coluerunt. Nam ut ommitam aegyptios et assyrios graecosque omnium doctrinarum generibus claros. itali quoque nostri, romanique nulla re quondam fuere insignes magis quam honestissimis et rectissimis artibus. Sed posteaquam ambitione, luxuria, cupiditate, libidine moribus depravatis pessum iere, omnes quoque simul bonae artes cum romano imperio concidere. Verum italia tandem fugatis hostibus immanissimis barbaris, ex quo partim liberis civitatibus, partim etiam sub principibus regere ipsa se coepit ac moderari; paulatim se rectae artes, quae permulta saecula iacuerant, erexerunt. Sed in primis quae ad curationem corporum pertinet medicina, et ad lites et causa iuris scientia conductis magistris ac doctoribus legi ceptae. Religionis quoque ac fidei causa philosophia omnis in sacris conventibus culta est. Solae quidem oratoriae et poetice annos circiter (7227 circa) noningentos ad Dantis et Petrarchae tempora in squalore et tenebris iacuerunt.’

81 43 Aug., f. 173; 7227 sig. d8.

82 43 Aug., ff. 173v-174r ; 7227 sigg. d8v-eIr : ‘Neque vero Pius picolomineus pontifex ct Federicus urbinas merita laude fraudari debent eloquentium hominum amatores. Sed extinctis his clarissimis litteratorum luminibus ardor ille ingeniorum magna ex parte consumptus est. Quanquam in hac nostra florentissima civitate ut a Dante poeta coepit, ita quoque ad hanc diem perseveratum est in studiis communibus excolendis. Nam post eum Petrarcha fuit percelcbris. Cui successit Boccaccius aetatis suae facundissimus omnium. Post quem Coluccius Salutatus eloquentiae satis habuit, sed plus multo doctFinae atque prudentiae. Nicholaus deindi Nicoli etsi nihil scripsit, liberalis tamen et doctus vir multis mortalibus ad studia et litteras opem tulit. His natu minores Leonardus Brunus et Ambrosius monachus elegantia et vitae dignitate praestitere. Carolus postea Martiopinus publice profitendo et Poggius aperte dilucideque scribendo floruerunt. Baptista subinde Albertus plurimum certe contulit nostris studiis. Novissime Donatus Acciaiolus cum orando, turn scribendo insignis fuit. Quosdam vero viventium non patitur me referre eorum pudor. Sed clari olim erunt, neque in postremis numerabuntur. Hi sane doctissimi ac disertissimi homines hanc florentem patriam per omnem terrarum orbem fulgore sui nominis illustrarunt. Magna enim profecto atque adeo maior, quam dici queat utilitas et honestas et gloria ab eloquentibus viris et ingenio, doctrinaque excellentibus redundat in patriam. Quare maiores nostri mortales sapientissimi et erga hanc rem perpientissimi hoc bonarum artium gymnasium posuerunt et officiales annuos e primoribus urbis ac senioribus elegerunt, ut maiore auctoritate studia haec nostra celebrarentur.’

83 43 Aug., f. 174v; 7227 sig. eIv : ‘decet vos … adiuvare studiosos humanitatis’.

84 43 Aug., ff. 174v-175r ; 7227 sigg. eIv-e2r : ‘Nam siquis ex opinionum dissensionibus, quae semper erunt inter earundem artium studiosos, existimat voluntates quoque eorum adversas esse, vehementer errat. Ego enim, ut nemini unquam sum adversatus, ita quoque nunquam putavi adversarium quempiam me habere praeterquam in referenda opinione atque sententia. Qua quidem in re et utilius multo fuit et gloriosius contendisse quam omino aemulis caruisse.’

85 43 Aug., f. 175r; 7227 sig. e2r : ‘Cum vero per omnes gentes ac nationes magnis praeconiis celebremur, censeamürque Florentini eloquentissimi omnium, debetis hanc constantem et futuram famam vel maiore numero augere atque aliis spem praebere maximorum honorum et praemiorum.’

86 43 Aug., f. 175; 7227 sig. ez: ‘Neque vero quisquam vestrum existimet maiorem curam habendam esse artium reliquarum quam eloquentiae. Nam caeterae facilitates certos limites habent, quos ultra earum professores non spatiantur. Quae enim ad conservandam aut restituendam pertinent sanitatem procurant medici. Consulti iuris, quae ad controversias componendas. At nos per omnia evagantes omnium rerum scientiam temporum, locorum, hominumque complectimur. Nam siquis erit qui asserat ad nos spectare historiarum ac poetarum et oratorum cognitionem, fatebor equidem in his magis assidue versari nostram interpretandi professionem. Sed tamen in his ipsis explicandis multo plura et excellentiora sunt quam videant homines nostrarum artium imperiti. Quotiens enim de caelo ac stellis, de superis atque inferis, de virtutibus ac vitiis, de moderandis urbibus, deque mille id genus caeteris scribunt oratores ac poetae, totiens nos oportet oratione gravi et perpolita et audientium senibus accommodata ea exponere. Quae facere non valemus sine multa omnium doctrinarum cognitione. Verum quaecunque res incident, cum a nobis sit explicanda memoriter et prudenter et eleganter cum quadam actionis etiam venustate, quis non aliarum artium nos doctoribus anteferat?’ Cf. note 65 above.

87 Cf. above p. 100 and 43 Aug., f. 145r ; 7227 sig. a7v: ‘Magnos inter fructus … quos affert humano generi facultas et eruditio litterarum, ilium vel maximum censeo quod earum ope gestarum rerum memoria conservatur.’ Cf. also above p. 108 and note 57, p. 112 and note 65, p. 123 and note 86 for instances where Fontius groups oratory, history, and poetry together, with moral philosophy pervading all three and as a separate branch of letters.

88 Fontius’ civic-mindedness would not be an unexpected tendency in a pupil and protégé of Donato Acciaiuoli. On Baron see The Crisis of the Early Renaissance (Princeton, 1955), passim, as well as his many earlier articles on this theme. For Garin's view, L'umanesimo italiano:filosofia e vita civile nel Rinascimento (Bari, 1952) is most representative.

89 See above p. 96 and note 24.

90 Plato, Protagoras 320c ff. On the relation of humanism to sophism, cf. Jaeger, Werner, Paideia (2nd ed., tr. Highet, New York, 1945), 1, 297 Google Scholar, 300-303, 312-313. Professor Kristeller also points to the connection with the sophists and cites Jaeger in his Classics and Renaissance Thought, pp. 11-12 and note 9. App 1 Sic, read ‘oppressa’. 1 So far as possible, the spelling of the manuscript has been preserved. The only exception has been in the case of what seemed to be obvious scribal errors. On the other hand, modern conventions of word-separation, contraction of prepositions and articles, capitalization, and punctuation have, wherever possible, been adopted. Readers may well find alternative usages preferable.

page 133 note 1 Sic, read ‘oppressa’.

page 134 note 1 So far as possible, the spelling of the manuscript has been preserved. The only exception has been in the case of what seemed to be obvious scribal errors. On the other hand, modern conventions of word-separation, contraction of prepositions and articles, capitalization, and punctuation have, wherever possible, been adopted. Readers may well find alternative usages preferable.

page 134 note 2 Faded; ‘TIO’ is a safe conjecture.

page 134 note 3 Perhaps Paolantonio Soderini, a correspondent of Ficino, though not included in Fontius’ collection of his own letters. Fontius did correspond with Francesco, Pietro, and Tommaso di Gianvittorio Soderini and was close to Bernardo Rucellai, to whose circle Paolantonio Soderini also belonged.

page 135 note 4 I.e., Bernardo Lapini, da Mont'Alcino, da Siena, variously known as Bernardo Ilcino, Ilcini, Glicino, Glicini, author of a commentary on the Trionfi of Petrarca frequently printed in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. I quote from the copy of the Venice, 1478, edition at the Pierpont Morgan Library (Hain 12767, Stillwell, P 340), sig. a2r:

Ad Illustrissimum Murine Ducem Divum Borsium Estensem Bernardi Glicini Medicine ac philosophic discipuli in triomphorum Clarissimi Poetae Francesci Petrarche expositio Incipit.

‘Publio Lomelio Scipione Illustrissimo P. Nesuna Magiore victoria o più singulare triumpho essere …

[Explicit (sig. ggI0r):] ‘Sicondo la voluntà tua et vechi piu te ama desidera et ad opera mantenerti in gloria per infinita seculorum Amen.

‘Finisse il comento deli triumphi del Petrarcha composto per il praestantissimo philosopho chiamato Bernardo da Sena impresso nella inclita città da Venexia per Theodorum de Reynburch et Reynaldum de Novimagio compagni nelli anni del signore Mcccclxxviii a di vi del mese de Febraro.’

References will be to this edition. In addition there are H. 12768, Venice, 1481; H. 12769, Venice, 1484; H. 12770, St. P 344, Venice, 1488; H. 12772, Venice, 1492; H. 12775, Milan, 1495; H. 12777, Venice, 1500; H. 12786, St. P 370; Bologna, 1475 (1st ed.?); H. 12787, Venice, 1488; H. 12788, St. P 343, Venice, 1488; Venice, 1512; Venice, 1519; Venice, 1522; and presumably others. Obviously this was a popular work.

page 136 note 5 References to the Trionfi will be given according to Francesco Petrarca, Rime, Trionfi e Poesie Latine a cura di F. Neri, G. Martellotti, E. Bianchi, N. Sapegno (Milano-Napoli, [I955], La letteratura italiana, Storia e testi VI), designated as ‘Neri’, editor of I trionfi in this volume. Variations from the text cited in the manuscript will be given from this edition. Comparisons with the Florence, 1499, per S. A. & Lorenzo Venetiano edition of the Trionfi (cited as ‘1499’) will also be made and its variants indicated. Neri, 505, Cupidinis IV, 100-101, ‘Un’isoletta'; 1499, sig. a8r, as in Cap. III, ‘oltre’.

page 136 note 6 H. 12767 (so citing the edition indicated above in note 4, as in subsequent references) sigg. e8v-fIr : ‘… dicendo che dove sospira et pare che piangi il mare Egeo v’è collocata una delicatissima et amena isoletta molto piu che altra che sia bagnata dal mare o illuminata et scaldata dal sole nel laquale e inmezo uno aprico ameno et placidissimo colle fiorito et verde nominato Citero, la dove a Venere si sacrificia…. la quale isola e regione piacque a Venere per sua habitatione et allei fu consecrato.’

page 136 note 7 Neri, 493, Cupidinis II, 160-161, ‘Esperia’; 1499, as in Cap. IV, sig. b2v, ‘Lungho costor, pensoso Exaco stare | Cercando Eperia,…’

page 136 note 8 H. 12767, sig. g2: ‘Narra dipoi messer Francesco un altro exemplo amoroso dicendo come vide doppo costoro accostarsi pensosi Alcione et Ceice cercando Hesperia et talvolta volar si in alto et talvolta volare sotto acqua talvolta assidarsi sopra d’uno duro saxo et cosi sempre dolcemente viversi come Amore facti gli haveva compagni eterni et in vita et in morte. Onde dice: “Quei duo che amor fece compagni eterni | Alcyone et Ceice in riva di mare | Far i lor nidi a’ piu suavi verni: | Lungo costor pensosi et se accostare | Cercando hesperia: hor sopra un saxo assiso | Et hor sotto acqua: et hor alto volare.” ‘ Italics added.

page 137 note 9 Ms., ‘dimosterro’.

page 137 note 10 Cf. note 6.

page 137 note 11 Servius Grammaticus, In Vergilii carmina commentarii I (Leipzig, Teubner, 1923), 193, on Aen. I, 680-681, merely says, ‘CYTHERA sicut supra dictum est genere neutro pluraliter, ut alibi sunt alta Cythera’; II (Leipzig, 1883), 390, on Aen. x, 51, ‘CYTHERA insula est contra Laconicam, Veneri consccrata.’

page 137 note 12 Neri, 505, Ctipidinis, IV, 106-107, ‘Quest’'; 1499 as in Cap. III, sig. a8r.

page 137 note 13 Cf. note 6.

page 137 note 14 Ms. ‘itende’.

page 137 note 15 Diodorus Siculus, Bibl. Hist, v, 77, 5-6 (Loeb ed. III, 308-309), but the text does not bear out Fontius, who mistranslates

page 138 note 16 Cf. note 5.

page 138 note 17 Cf. note 5.

page 138 note 18 Cf. note 5; Neri, 101-102; 1499, ibid.

page 138 note 19 Ovid, Metam. XI, 410-748.

page 138 note 20 Ibid, XI, 732-795.

page 138 note 21 Cf. Neri, 493, Cupidinis II, 161-162; 1499, Cap. IV, sig. b2v.

page 139 note 22 Neri, 533, Fame I, 58-59; 1499 as in Cap. II, sig. cyr.

page 139 note 23 H. 12767, sig. 04: ‘Lucio Quinto el quale da la molta et bene composta quantita de capegli et dal lo exercitio del | seminare sorti il cognome di Cincinnato Serano fu prestante et degno cittadino Romano: “Cincinnato et Serano che solo un passo | Non van senza costoro”.’ Italics added.

page 139 note 24 Neri, 534-535, Fame I, 94-96, ‘ebbe nome’; 1499 as in Cap. II, sig. c7v, ‘dallesser’, ‘Hebbe nome’.

page 139 note 25 H. 12767, sig. pI : ‘ “ … et vidi poi | Quel che del esser suo presto et legicro | Hebbe ‘1 nome in sul fiore degli anni suoi” … Per intelligentia de’precedenti versi è da sapere che questo el quale Meser Francesco descrive in questo luogo fu Lucio Cornelio Sylla, dove è da intendere che essendo Sylla anchora piccolo in fasce apparve allui una donna laquale come scrive Plutarcho gli disse: Salve puer tibi et rei / publice tue felix et incontenente dette queste parole…'.

page 139 note 26 Neri, p. 535, Fame I, 98, ‘Tanto quei che’l seguia, Corvo, benigno,'; 1499 as in Cap. II, sig. C7v.

page 139 note 27 H. 12767, sig. pIv : ‘Sogiugne dapoi il nostro poeta dicendo che quanto Sylla nell’ arme fusse stato severo et crudele tanto quello che el seguia mostrava nella vita essere benigno. Onde non sapeva discernere quale fusse stato da giudicare megliore o più sufficiente o veramente Ducha et Conductore o vero Cavaliero combattente. Onde dice: “Et quanto in arme fu crudo et severo | Tanto quel che il seguia era benigno. | Non so se meglior duca o cavaliero.” ‘ Sig. p2r : ‘Onde secondo questa interpretatione cosi si expognano i versi. Et quanto Sylla fu crudo et severo nell’arme tanto quello ch'il seguiva nel ordine del triumphare cioe Valerio Corvino era benigno … L'altra interpretatione è che qui intenda il poeta Gn. Pompeo … La terza et ultima interpretatione è che intenda 1 Poeta Julio Cesare…’.

page 140 note 28 Conjectural; original blotted.

page 140 note 29 Neri, 566, Appendice, Fame I, redazione anteriore, 70, ‘e Cincinnato con la etc.’; 1499 as in Cap. I, sig. C5r, ‘conla’.

page 140 note 30 Cf. Aen. VI, 844 (Loeb ed., I, 566-567), ‘vel te sulco Serrane serentem?’

page 140 note 31 Cf. Hist. Nat. XVIII, 20 ff.

page 140 note 32 Cf. note 25.

page 140 note 33 Ab. urb. cond. IX, xvi, 11-13 (Loebed., IV, 222-223).

page 140 note 34 I.e., Sextus Aurelius Victor, De vir. ill., cap. xxxi.

page 140 note 35 Cf. note 26 and note 28.

page 140 note 36 Cf. note 27.

page 140 note 37 Cf. Ab. urb. cond. VIII, xxix, 8-10, XXX-XXXV.

page 140 note 38 Conjectural, original blotted.

page 141 note 39 Neri, 535, Fame I, 107-108, ‘Ma l'un rio'; 1499 as in Cap. II, sig. c8r, ‘Quei tre folghori… I Mario successor … ‘

page 141 note 40 H. 12767, sig. p3r , ‘‘Ma l'un non subcessor …’

page 141 note 41 H. 12767, sig. p3v, ‘Dove tacitamente messer Francesco descrive M. Sergio havere perduta la dextra et solo restare subcessore della fama per la degna leva et sua sinistra mano.’

page 141 note 42 Neri, 535, Fame I, 112-114, ‘… e solo un Gracco | … gran nido … | Che de'l …’ (italics added); 1499, as in Cap. II, sig. c8r, ‘graccho’.

page 141 note 43 H. 12767, sig. p4v: ‘ ”… Et solo un gracco | Di quel gran nido et garulo inquieto | Che fe’l (incun., fe'l el) popol roman più volte stracco.” … Chiama postremo Messer Francesco Sardigna Garulo et inquieto Nido el quale ha facto più volte straccho il populo Romano nella guerra.’ Italics added.

page 141 note 44 Neri, 536-537, Fame II, 8-9, ‘… cantato … | . . ebbe …’; 1499 as in Cap. III, sig. c8v, ‘canto’.

page 142 note 45 H. 12767, sig. q3v: ‘Sogiugne apresso di Hannibale Messer Francesco uno altro exemplo degno dicendo che doppo lui era quel duca el quale canto in versi per excitare li suoi militi alia sanguinolente (i.e., sanguinolenta) battaglia. Onde dice, “et quel che canto in versi”… . Per la qualcosa Tirteo cominzo ad exhortare i suoi militi cantando in versi che dovesseno exporsi a battaglia … Adduce consequentemente messer Francesco lo exemplo d’achille dicendo ch'insieme con Tirteo provedeva Achille el quale hebbe grandissimc lode et grandi fregi di fama. Onde dice, “Achille che di fama hebbe gran fregi.'“

page 142 note 46 Neri, 535, Fame I, 106-107; 1499 a s in Cap. II, sig. c8r; cf. note 39.

page 142 note 47 Neri, 535, Fame I, 109, ‘Mario poi, che Jugurta e’ Cimbri atterra’, | 110, ‘E’l tedesco furore … ‘ ; 1499, sig. c8r; Fontius paraphrases but does not directly cite these two verses. Cf. above, note 41, for Bernardo’s interpretation to which Fontius is referring. The passage continues, ‘Soggiogne dapoi Messer Francesco lo exemplo di Mario dicendo che doppo costoro seguitava Mario el quale aterra Jugurtha re di Numidia aterra i Cimbri et il Tedescho furore. Onde dice “Mario poi etc.“’

page 142 note 48 Cf. Aen. I, 664-665 (Loeb ed., I, 286-287).

page 142 note 49 Cf. note 42.

page 143 note 50 Cf. note 44.

page 143 note 51 Cf. note 45.

page 143 note 52 Priapea LXVIII, 15-16, in Müller, L., Catulli… carmina. Accedunt… Priapea (Leipzig, Teubner, 1880), p. 112 Google Scholar.

page 143 note 53 Heroides III, 113 and 117-119 (Loeb ed., 40-41).

page 143 note 54 Sylvae IV, iv, 35-36 (Loeb ed., 230, 231).

page 143 note 55 Purg. XXI, 88-91.

page 143 note 56 Eusebii Pamphili Chronici canones Latine vertit, adauxit, ad sua tempora produxit S. Eusebius Hieronymus, ed. J. K. Fotheringham (London, 1923), p . 264, lines 12-14.

page 144 note 57 Noetes Atticae IV, XX, 12-13.

page 144 note 58 Cf. Eusebius, , op. cit., p. 220 Google Scholar.

page 144 note 59 Cf. note 56. The passage reads, ‘Statius Ursulus Tolosensis celeberrime in Gallia rhetoricam docet’.

page 144 note 60 Cf. Sylvae III, v and v, iii.

page 144 note 61 Neri, 566, Fame I, redazione anteriore, 47, ‘prima Affrica’; 1499 as in Cap. I, sig. C5r, ‘prima aphrica’.

page 144 note 62 Neri, 567, Fame I, redazione anteriore, 83, ‘e larghi…o tre Deci’; 1499 as in Cap. I, sig. C5V, ‘Elarghi … in tra Deci’.

page 144 note 63 Neri, 547, Fame III, 106-111: ‘ Contra ‘ l … | … . | S'armò … sua … | Ardito a dir, ch'ella … I Cosi allume … fumoso…. | Co la brigata … eguale'; 1499 as in Cap. IIII, sigg. d3v-d4r, ‘… Syro … l’humana … | … . | … . sua … | Ardito a dir chella … | Cosi illume … . | Con la … ‘.

page 144 note 64 H. 12767, sig. cc6v: ‘Sogiugne dapoi messer Francesco dicendo che vide doppo Cameade Epicuro el quale s’armo contra del buono et diligente Siro, el quale alzo la humana speranza ponendo et affirmando Panima nostra essere al tutto immortale. Volendo esso Epicuro et essendo ardito dire non essere tale, ma corruptibile et caduca. Onde per questo assai geme et si diminuisse sua fama. La qualcosa per contrario affirmare era si famosa et excellente al suo lume. Onde dice: “Conta l'buon sire che la humana speme | Alzo, ponendo 1'anima immortale | S'armo epicuro, onde sua fama geme, | Ardito a dir la non fusse tale | Cosi al suo lume si famoso …” ‘. Italics added.

page 145 note 65 H. 12767, sig. ddIr : ‘Adduce consequentemente Messer Francesco insieme più disciepoli stati d’Epicuro dicendo che doppo di lui vide Lippo e l'altra brigata e quala al maestro Epicuro cioe Metrodoro et con seco Aristippo e quale nella secta epicurea con grande ragione furo giudicati più excellenti et famosi. Onde dice: ”… et Lippo | Con la brigata al suo maestro equale | Di Metrodoro parlo et di Aristippo.” ‘

page 145 note 66 Strabo, Geographikon x, 5, 8 (Loeb ed., v, 170).

page 145 note 67 Cf. notes 64, 65.

page 145 note 68 Neri, 567, Fame III, 97; 1499, as in Cap. IIII, sig. d3v.

page 145 note 69 De Oratore II, xlviii, 277.

page 145 note 70 Saturae I, iv, lines I, 3-5.

page 146 note 71 Cf. note 61.

page 146 note 72 Cf. note 62.

page 146 note 73 Hain 12789, Stillwell P 779, Jacopo di Messer Poggio a Lorenzo di Piero di Cosimo de Medici Sopra el Triumpho della Fama di Messer Francescho Petrarcha Proemio (sig. a2r) Impresso in Firenze per ser Francesco Bonaccorsi A petitione di Alexandro di Francesco Varrochi Cittadino Fiorentino Nel anno MCCCCLXXXV a di xxiiii digennaio (sig. q5r). I was able to use the Pierpont Morgan Library copy of this edition. Another edition: Milan, 1494 (Copinger 4706). Rome, 1475 (Stillwell P 778) is perhaps the earliest.

page 146 note 74 Ms ‘prevento’.

page 146 note 75 Cf. note 61.

page 146 note 76 H. 12789, sigg. e7v-e8r: ‘ “E que’ che prima africa assalta” I [Incun. e] primi che andorono con lo exercito ro | mano in Africa nella prima guerra che hebbono i Romani cho’ Carthaginesi furono Marco Attilio et Lucio Manlio … ‘.

page 146 note 77 Istorion I, caps. 26-29.

page 146 note 78 Neri, 567, Fame I, redazione anteriore, 73-74, ‘Regolo Attilio’; 1499, as in Cap. I, sig. C5V, ‘actilio’.

page 147 note 79 Neri, 533, Fame I, 67-68, ‘nemici’; 1499, as in Cap. 11, sig. C7V.

page 147 note 80 H. 12789, sig. h7r: ‘É dua larghi di lor sangue e tre deci.’

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