GLOSSA ORDINARIA AND GLOSSA HEBRAICA MIDRASH IN RASHI AND THE GLOSS

¹ Kamin, Sarah, “Affinities between Jewish and Christian Exegesis in Twelfth-Century Northern France,” in Jews and Christians Interpret the Bible, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem, 2008), xxi–xxxv ; Signer, Michael, “ Peshat, Sensus Litteralis, and Sequential Narrative: Jewish Exegesis and the School of St. Victor in the Twelfth-Century,” in The Frank Talmage Memorial Volume, ed. Walfish, Barry, 2 vols. (Haifa, 1993), 1:203–16.

² van Liere, Frans, “Andrew of Saint Victor, Jerome, and the Jews,” in Scripture and Pluralism: Reading the Bible in the Religiously Plural Worlds of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Heffernan, Thomas and Burman, Thomas (Leiden, 2005), 67–70 ; Berndt, Rainer, “The School of St. Victor in Paris,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, ed. Sæbø, Magne, vol. 1, pt. 2, From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages: The Middle Ages (Göttingen, 2000), 479–84, 486–89; Abulafia, Anna Sapir, Christians and Jews in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (London, 1995), 94 ; Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1983), 123, 126, 154–72; Merchavia, Chen, The Church versus Talmudic and Midrashic Literature [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1970), 161 .

³ In her study of the literal interpretation of the Song of Songs, Mary Dove estimated that only twenty years separated the composition of the Gloss (ca. 1110–20) and Rashi's Commentary on this book. Dove, Mary, “Literal Senses in the Song of Songs,” in Nicholas of Lyra: The Senses of Scripture, ed. Krey, Philip and Smith, Lesley (Leiden, 2000), 138 ; eadem, “Introduction,” in Glossa Ordinaria Pars 22: In Canticum Canticorum, CCM 170 (Turnhout, 1997), 38–39 .

⁴ An obvious point of comparison is the layout of the Gloss and of the Rabbinic Bible (Mikraʾot Gedolot), in which the Hebrew text is surrounded by medieval commentaries, though this study has yielded differing results. Colette Sirat stated that Jewish scribes saw and imitated Christian glossed books while Frans van Liere has suggested that it was the printed Rabbinic Bible that imitated the Gloss. David Salomon has asserted that the Gloss layout was derived from that of the Babylonian Talmud. The studies of Malachi Beit-Arié, Guy Lobrichon, and E. Ann Matter suggest greater caution in this comparative study. Sirat, Colette, Hebrew Manuscripts of the Middle Ages, trans. de Lange, Nicholas (Cambridge, 2002), 129 ; van Liere, Frans, An Introduction to the Medieval Bible (Cambridge, 2014), 49–50 ; Salomon, David, An Introduction to the Glossa Ordinaria as Medieval Hypertext (Cardiff, 2012), 43 ; Beit-Arié, Malachi, Hebrew Manuscripts of East and West: Towards a Comparative Codicology (London, 1993), 95 ; Lobrichon, Guy, “Une nouveauté: les gloses de la Bible,” in Le Moyen Âge et la Bible, ed. Riché, Pierre and Lobrichon, Guy (Paris, 1984), 98 ; Matter, E. Ann, “The Bible in the Center: The Glossa Ordinaria ,” in The Unbounded Community: Papers in Christian Ecumenism in Honor of Jaroslav Pelikan, ed. Caferro, William and Fisher, Duncan G. (London, 1996), 38 .

⁵ Hailperin, Herman, Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh, 1963), 144 ; Schoenfeld, Devorah, Isaac on Jewish and Christian Altars: Polemic and Exegesis in Rashi and the Glossa Ordinaria (New York, 2013), 71–76 .

⁶ Smith, Lesley, The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible Commentary (Leiden, 2009), 17–38 ; eadem, “The Glossed Bible,” in The New Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 2, From 600 to 1450, ed. Marsden, Richard and Matter, E. Ann (Cambridge, 2012), 363–79. Alexander Andrée has questioned the authorship of books of the Gloss attributed to Anselm, suggesting that Anselm may have composed continuous commentaries that were transformed by his pupils and successors into glossed biblical texts. Andrée, Alexander, “Anselm of Laon Unveiled: The Glosae super Iohannem and the Origins of the Glossa Ordinaria on the Bible,” Mediaeval Studies 73 (2011): 217–60, at 250; idem, “Laon Revisited: Master Anselm and the Creation of a Theological School in the Twelfth Century,” Journal of Medieval Latin 22 (2012): 257–81, at 274.

⁷ On the use of the Gloss as a teaching text, see the article of Alexander Andrée in this volume. See further Smalley, Study, 56; Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 193–228 (particularly 207).

⁸ Ibid., 1; Gibson, Margaret, “The Twelfth-Century Glossed Bible,” Studia Patristica 23 (1989): 232–44, at 244.

⁹ Smalley, Beryl, “Glossa ordinaria,” in Theologische Realenzyklopädie, ed. Müller, Gerhard, 13 (Berlin, 1984), 452–57; Guy Lobrichon, “Une nouveauté,” 101–3. On the meaning of the title Glossa Ordinaria, see Froehlich, Karlfried, “The Shaping of the Biblical Glossa Ordinaria,” in Biblical Interpretation from the Church Fathers to the Reformation (Farnham, 2010), art. 3, pp. 9–10 ; idem, “The Glossa Ordinaria and Medieval Preaching,” ibid., art. 4, pp. 2–3; Lobrichon, “Une nouveauté,” 96–97; Andrée, Alexander, Gilbertus Universalis: Glossa Ordinaria in Lamentationes Ieremie Prophete (Stockholm, 2005), 8–9 ; Smalley, Study, 51–57; Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 5.

¹⁰ Ibid., 1; the Gloss is described as the “twelfth-century bestseller” in de Hamel, C. F. R., Glossed Books of the Bible and Origins of the Paris Book Trade (Woodbridge, 1984), 9 ; cf. Zier, Mark, “The Development of the Glossa Ordinaria to the Bible in the Thirteenth Century: The Evidence from the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,” in La Bibbia del XIII Secolo: Storia del Testo, Storia dell'Esegesi, ed. Cremascoli, Giuseppe and Santi, Francesco (Florence, 2004), 156 .

¹¹ Gelles, Benjamin, Peshat and Derash in the Exegesis of Rashi (Leiden, 1981), 139–43.

¹² The comments attributed to Rashi on these books, and also on the last chapters of Job (40:25 to the end), are pseudepigraphous. Grossman, Avraham, Rashi, trans. Linsider, Joel (Oxford, 2012), 74 .

¹³ “Shenayim mikra ve-ʾeḥad targum,” “Bible twice and Targum once.” See Grossman, Rashi, 106–7; idem, The Early Sages of France [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 2001), 213–15; idem, “The School of Literal Interpretation in Northern France,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, vol. 1, pt. 2, Middle Ages (n. 2 above), 344; Penkower, Jordan, “The Canonization of Rashi's Commentary on the Pentateuch” [in Hebrew], in Study and Knowledge in Jewish Thought, ed. Kreisel, Howard (Beer-Sheva, 2006), 126–28; Gross, Avraham, “Spanish Jewry and Rashi's Commentary on the Pentateuch” [in Hebrew], in Rashi Studies, ed. Steinfeld, Zvi Arie (Ramat-Gan, 1993), 37–39 ; Peretz, Yosi, “Shenayim Mikra ve-ʾEḥad Targum” [in Hebrew], Talelei ʾOrot 14 (2008): 53–62 . Manuscripts and printed books that present the biblical text alongside Rashi facilitate this study. For instance, in MS Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Cod. Hebr. 12a (Ashkenaz, 1402–3?), the biblical text alternates verse by verse with Rashi's commentary. See Shalev-Eyni, Sarit, Jews among Christians: Hebrew Book Illumination from Lake Constance (London, 2010), 9–10 .

¹⁴ On Herbert of Bosham and Nicholas of Lyra, see de Visscher, Eva, Reading the Rabbis: Christian Hebraism in the Works of Herbert of Bosham (Leiden, 2014), 81–105 ; Goodwin, Deborah, Take Hold of the Robe of a Jew: Herbert of Bosham's Christian Hebraism (Leiden, 2006), 139–41, 169–226; Klepper, Deeana, The Insight of Unbelievers: Nicholas of Lyra and Christian Reading of Jewish Text in the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 2007), 48–52 ; Frans van Liere, “The Literal Sense of the Books of Samuel and Kings: From Andrew of St Victor to Nicholas of Lyra,” in Nicholas of Lyra: The Senses of Scripture (n. 3 above), 59–81; and Hailperin, Rashi, 137–246.

¹⁵ According to Ariel Danan; cited in Sirat, Hebrew Manuscripts (n. 4 above), 57; Blondheim, D.-S., “Liste des manuscrits des commentaires bibliques de Raschi,” Revue des études juives 91 (1931): 71–101, 155–74.

¹⁶ According to Grossman's estimate, there are over 150 supercommentaries on Rashi on the Torah. Krieger lists 380 printed supercommentaries; Freimann lists 134 manuscripts. Grossman, “The School,” 344; Krieger, Pinchus, Parshan-Data: Supercommentaries on Rashi's Commentary on the Pentateuch [in Hebrew] (New York, 2005), 1–194 ; Freimann, Aron, “Manuscript Supercommentaries on Rashi's Commentary on the Pentateuch,” in Rashi Anniversary Volume (New York, 1941), 73–114 . Studies of Rashi supercommentaries include Lawee, Eric, “The Omnisignificant Imperative in Rashi Supercommentary in Late Medieval Spain,” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 10 (2014): 169–92; idem, “The Reception of Rashi's Commentary on the Torah in Spain: The Case of Adam's Mating with the Animals,” Jewish Quarterly Review 97 (2007): 33–66 ; idem, “From Sepharad to Ashkenaz: A Case Study in the Rashi Supercommentary Tradition,” AJS Review 30 (2006): 393–425 ; and idem, “Biblical Scholarship in Late Medieval Ashkenaz: The Turn to Rashi Supercommentary,” Hebrew Union College Annual 86 (2015): 265–303 .

¹⁷ Hailperin, Rashi, 131–33, 139, 207, 285n24; Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith, “A School of Christian Hebraists in Thirteenth-Century England: A Unique Hebrew-Latin-French and English Dictionary and Its Sources,” European Journal of Jewish Studies 1 (2007): 249–77, at 261; Loewe, Raphael, “The Medieval Christian Hebraists of England: The Superscriptio Lincolniensis ,” Hebrew Union College Annual 28 (1957): 205–52, at 212; Banitt, Menahem, Rashi: Interpreter of the Biblical Letter (Tel Aviv, 1985), 131–32. The exception that proves the rule is the De differentia nostrae translationis ab Hebraica littera in Veteri Testamento of Nicholas of Lyra. True to his cruel sobriquet “simius Salomonis,” Lyra explains in the preface that “glosa” is shorthand not for the Glossa Ordinaria but for Rashi: “Where ‘glosa’ is stated without [further] qualification, it is to be understood [as a reference to] the Glosa Hebraica.” MS Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio di San Pietro D202, fol. 1r. Cf. Klepper, The Insight, 51.

¹⁸ Urbach, Ephraim, “How did Rashi Merit the Title Parshandata,” in Rashi 1040–1990, ed. Sed-Rajna, Gabrielle (Paris, 1993), 387–98; Grossman, Rashi, 42–51; Gruber, Mayer, Rashi's Commentary on Psalms (Leiden, 2003), 116–26; Gross, “Spanish Jewry,” 27–55; Friedman, Shamma, “Rashi's Talmudic Commentaries and the Nature of the Revisions and Recensions” [in Hebrew], in Rashi Studies, ed. Steinfeld, Zvi Arie (Ramat-Gan, 1993), 147–75; Lawee, Eric, “The Reception of Rashi’s Commentary on the Torah in Spain: The Case of Adam’s Mating with the Animals,” Jewish Quarterly Review 97 (2007): 33–66 .

¹⁹ This is expressed starkly in what may be the earliest record of the epithet, the Kelalim of Moses ibn Danon (fl. 1510): “‘The scholars who came after [Rashi] / Said of his commentaries: / All of the commentaries of France / Can be thrown into the bin / Except for Parshandata / And Ben Porata.’ / This means, ‘except for Rashi and of Rabbenu Tov Elem (of blessed memory),’ whose words are few but contain much.” (והחכמי׳ שבאו אחריו אמרו על פירושיו כל פירושי צרפתא השלך לאשפתא חוץ מפרשנדתא ובן פורתא שר״ל חוץ מרש״י ורבינו יוסף טוב עלם ז״ל שדבריהם מועטים וכוללים הרבה.) MS Oxford, Bodleian Library Or. 620 (Neubauer 850), fol. 14b.

When Abraham ibn Ezra (1089–1164), famous for his grammatical interpretations of Scripture, censured the prominence of midrashic expositions in Rashi's commentaries, he nevertheless acknowledged the latter's popularity: “Rabbi Solomon (of blessed memory) interpreted the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings by way of derash, thinking this to be the plain meaning [peshat]. However the plain meaning appears in his books not once in a thousand. Nevertheless the sages of our generation boast of these books.”  See Abraham ibn Ezra, Safah Berurah, ed. Wilensky, Michael, Devir 2 (1924): 274–302, at 288. See further Lawee, Eric, “Words Unfitly Spoken: Two Critics of the Role of Midrash in Rashi's Commentary on the Torah ,” in Between Rashi and Maimonides: Themes in Medieval Jewish Thought, Literature, and Exegesis, ed. Kanargofel, Ephraim and Sokolow, Moshe (New York, 2010), 401–30; idem, “Maimonides in the Eastern Mediterranean: The Case of Rashi's Resisting Readers,” in Maimonides after 800 Years: Essays on Maimonides and His Influence, ed. Harris, Jay (Cambridge, MA, 2007), 183–206 ; and Mondschein, Aharon, “‘Only One in a Thousand of His Comments May Be Called Peshat’: Toward ibn Ezra's View of Rashi's Commentary to the Torah” [in Hebrew], in Studies in Bible and Exegesis, vol. 5, Presented to Uriel Simon, ed. Garsiel, Moshe et al. (Ramat Gan, 2000), 221–48.

²⁰ Touitou, Elazar, “Rashi's Commentary on Genesis 1–6 in the Context of Judeo-Christian Controversy,” Hebrew Union College Annual 61 (1990): 159–85; Cohen, Shaye, “Does Rashi's Torah Commentary Respond to Christianity? A Comparison of Rashi with Rashbam and Bekhor Shor,” in The Significance of Yavneh and Other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (Tübingen, 2010), 513–33. Among recent studies, see further Grossman, Rashi, 10–11, 101–4, 172–73; 198–207; idem, The Early Sages of France, 142–46, 205–7, 477–80; Signer, Michael, “God's Love for Israel: Apologetic and Hermeneutical Strategies in Twelfth-Century Biblical Exegesis,” in Jews and Christians in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. Signer, Michael and van Engen, John (Notre Dame, 2001), 123–49; and Harris, Robert A., “Rashi and the ‘Messianic’ Psalms,” in Birkat Shalom: Studies in the Bible, Ancient Near Eastern Literature, and Postbiblical Judaism Presented to Shalom M. Paul on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, ed. Cohen, Chaim et al. (Winona Lake, 2008), 845–62. On anti-Jewish polemic in the Gloss, see Linda Stone, “Anti-Jewish Polemic in the Glossed Psalms of the Twelfth Century,” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 2014).

²¹ Smalley, Study (n. 2 above), 149–72, 365–66.

²² Dahan, Gilbert, “Les interprétations juives dans les commentaires du Pentateuque de Pierre le Chantre,” in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, Katherine and Wood, Diana (Oxford, 1985), 131–55, at 133–34; Van Liere, “The Literal Sense,” 74–75; Berndt, “The School” (n. 2 above), 488.

²³ De Visscher, Reading the Rabbis; Goodwin, Take Hold of the Robe of a Jew. See further Smalley, Study, 186–95; eadem, “A Commentary on the Hebraica by Herbert of Bosham,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 18 (1951): 29–65; Loewe, R., “Herbert of Bosham's Commentary on Jerome's Hebrew Psalter,” Biblica 34 (1953): 44–77, 159–92, 275–98.

²⁴ Manuscripts of Rashi's commentary owned by medieval Christian scholars include MS Oxford, Corpus Christi College 165 (France, ca. 1200), and MS Oxford, Corpus Christi College 6 (early thirteenth century). See Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, Les manuscrits hébreux dans l'Angleterre médiévale: Étude historique et paléographique (Paris, 2003), 39–40, 283–88 (cf. 43–44); eadem, “Robert Wakefield and His Hebrew Manuscripts,” Zutot 6 (2009): 25–33, at 32–33; eadem, “The Knowledge and Practice of Hebrew Grammar among Christian Scholars in Pre-Expulsion England: The Evidence of ‘Bilingual’ Hebrew-Latin Manuscripts,” in Hebrew Scholarship in the Medieval World, ed. de Lange, Nicholas (Cambridge, 2001), 107–28; eadem, “Rachi en Latin: les gloses latines dans un manuscrit du commentaire de Rachi et les études hébraïques parmi des chrétiens dans l'Angleterre médiévale,” in Héritages de Rachi, ed. Sirat, René-Samuel (Paris, 2006), 137–50.

²⁵ One occasion for exegetical discussion between Jews and Christians at the beginning of the twelfth century was the endeavor of Abbot Stephen Harding of Cîteaux to create an accurate text of the Vulgate. See Dahan, Gilbert, Les intellectuels chrétiens et les juifs au moyen âge, ed. Marsden, Richard and Ann Matter, E. (Paris, 1990), 273–74 (also 230–31, 293–94); Anna Sapir Abulafia, “The Bible in Jewish-Christian Dialogue,” in The New Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 2 (n. 6 above), 616–37, at 630; Signer, Michael, “Polemic and Exegesis: The Varieties of Twelfth-Century Hebraism,” in Hebraica Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe, ed. Coudert, Allison and Shoulson, Jeffrey (Philadelphia, 2004), 21–32, at 23–24; and Smalley, Study, 72. On the Jewish interpretations in an anonymous commentary on Leviticus dated to the second quarter of the twelfth century, see Smalley, Beryl, “An Early Twelfth-Century Commentator on the Literal Sense of Leviticus,” in Studies in Medieval Thought and Learning: From Abelard to Wyclif (London, 1981), 27–48 .

²⁶ I have standardized spellings for clarity: “Terah” for Abraham's father, “Haran” for his brother, and “Charan” for the place.

²⁷ The account may be traced to Jubilees 12:12–14, Pseudo-Philo's Biblical Antiquities 6:15–18, and The Apocalypse of Abraham 8:1–6; see Charlesworth, James H., ed., The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2 vols. (London, 1983–85), 1:693; 2:80, 312. The transmission of the narrative in Jewish sources is the subject of Tohar, Vered, Abraham in the Furnace of Fire: A Rebel in a Pagan World [in Hebrew] (Ramat-Gan, 2010). See further Vermes, Geza, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism, 2nd ed. (Leiden, 1961), 85–90 ; Ginzberg, Louis, The Legends of the Jews, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 2003), 1:177n33; Weinberg, Joanna, “Abraham, Exile, and Midrashic Tradition,” in Abraham, the Nations, and the Hagarites: Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Perspectives on Kinship with Abraham, ed. Goodman, Martin et al. (Leiden, 2010), 223–242, at 228–29; Hayward, Robert, Targums and the Transmission of Scripture into Judaism and Christianity (Leiden, 2009), 227 ; Kister, Menahem, “Observations on Aspects of Exegesis, Tradition, and Theology in Midrash, Pseudepigrapha, and Other Jewish Writings,” in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, ed. Reeves, John (Atlanta, 1994), 1–34, at 6–7; and Kugel, James, Traditions of the Bible (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 252–54, 267–70. On the reception of the account in Latin, Greek, and Syriac Christian sources, see Brock, Sebastian, “Abraham and the Ravens: A Syriac Counterpart to Jubilees 11–12 and Its Implications,” Journal for the Study of Judaism 9 (1978): 135–52; Adler, William, “Abraham and the Burning of the Temple of Idols: Jubilees’ Traditions in Christian Chronography,” Jewish Quarterly Review 77 (1987): 95–117 ; Gutmann, Joseph, “Abraham in the Fire of the Chaldeans: A Jewish Legend in Jewish, Christian and Islamic Art,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 7 (1973): 342–52; and Brugger, Laurence, “Un florilège royal: Les sources juives dans les Bibles moralisées,” Cahiers archeologiques 51 (2003): 105–24, at 108–10. On the account in Qur'an 21:68–69 and 37:97, see Bakhos, Carol, The Family of Abraham: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Interpretations (Cambridge, MA, 2014), 91–105 .

²⁸ “ʾAtun nurhon de-khasdaʾei”; Gen. 11:28, 11:31, 15:7. See Neophyti 1: Targum Palestinense ms. de la Biblioteca Vaticana, ed. Macho, Alejandro Díez, 6 vols. (Madrid, 1968–79), 1:61, 63, 79; Targum Neofiti 1: Genesis, trans. McNamara, Martin (Edinburgh, 1992), 85–86, 95.

²⁹ Gen. 11:28, Targum Palaestinense in Pentateuchum: Additur Targum Pseudojonatan ejusque Hispanica Versio, ed. Alejandro Díez Macho, 5 vols. (Madrid, 1977–88), 1:71; Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Genesis, trans. Michael Maher (Edinburgh, 1992), 51.

³⁰ See Josh. 24:2.

³¹ Translated from Midrash Bereshit Rabba, ed. Theodor, J. and Albeck, C. (Berlin, 1903–29), 363–64. Further rabbinic sources that transmit this account include Genesis Rabba 34:9, 38:13, 39:3, 44:13; Tanḥuma (Buber) Lekh Lekha 2, 13, 22, Tetsaveh 8; Tanḥuma (printed) Lekh Lekha 2, 6, 10, 18, Va-Yera 3, Toledot 4; Tetsaveh 12; b.Pesaḥim 118a, b.Eruvin 53a.

³² See n. 31 above. The texts may be read in translation in The Babylonian Talmud: Translated into English with Notes, Glossary and Indices, ed. Isidore Epstein (London, 1935–52).

³³ Abraham's ordeal in the furnace is counted as the second of his ten trials (chapter 26) and the first of the seven wonders since the creation of the world (chapter 52). Pirke de-Rabbi Elieser, ed. Dagmar Börner-Klein (Berlin, 2004), 285, 725; Pirḳê de Rabbi Eliezer, trans. Gerald Friedlander (London, 1916), 188, 420. It may be dated to the late eighth to early ninth century; see Katharina Keim, “Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer: Structure, Coherence, Intertextuality, and Historical Context” (PhD diss., University of Manchester, 2015), 15.

³⁴ Midrash Psalms 117, 3; 118, 11; Midrash Tehillim, ed. Solomon Buber (Jerusalem, 1966), 480, 484; The Midrash on Psalms, trans. Braude, William, 2 vols. (New Haven, 1959), 2:230–31, 238–39. Midrash Psalms 1–118 may be dated to the tenth century; see the discussion in Stemberger, Günter, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, 9th ed. (Munich, 2011), 358–59.

³⁵ Included among the expositions of the second commandment, “Thou shalt have none other gods but me.” Midrash Aseret ha-Dibrot, ed. Shapira, Anat (Jerusalem, 2005), 39–44 . On the dating to the tenth century, see ibid., 12.

³⁶ Maḥzor la-Yamim ha-Noraʾim: le-fi Minhagei benei ʾAshkenaz, ed. Goldschmidt, Ernst, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1970), 1:116–17.

³⁷ MS Oxford, Bodleian Library Or. 135, fols. 303b–305a. Beit-Arié dates the manuscript to the second quarter of the thirteenth century and locates its production to Champagne. Malachi Beit-Arié, “Ms Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodl. Or. 135” [in Hebrew], Tarbiz 54 (1984–85): 631–34; Yassif, Eli, The Hebrew Collection of Tales in the Middle Ages [in Hebrew] (Tel-Aviv, 2004), 136–65; Tohar, Abraham, 48–50, 114–16.

³⁸ This is already explicit in Genesis Rabba 42:7 and Tanḥuma (printed) Lekh Lekha 2, 18. The chronicle of the First Crusade attributed to Solomon bar Simson (mid-twelfth century) invokes this understanding of the narrative by likening the persecution of the Jews of Mainz to the testing of Abraham and of Daniel's companions in the furnace. By means of a play on the words ʾur (fire) and ʾor (light), both spelled אור, Isaac ben David's martyrdom in the burning synagogue is presented as his means of attaining the “great light” (ha-maʾor ha-gadol). Haverkamp, Eva, ed., Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgungen während des ersten Kreuzzugs (Hanover, 2005), 26, 36–38 (English translation in Chazan, Robert, European Jewry and the First Crusade [Berkeley, 1987], 255, 263–64); Cohen, Jeremy, Sanctifying the Name of God: Jewish Martyrs and Jewish Memories of the First Crusade (Philadelphia, 2004), 100–103 . See also Ephraim of Bonn's Sefer Zekhirah where the sanctity of the three Jews of Blois condemned to death by burning in 1171 was demonstrated by their bodies’ resistance to fire. On the allusion to the fate of Daniel's three companions, see Einbinder, Susan, Beautiful Death: Jewish Poetry and Martyrdom in Medieval France (Princeton, 2002), 53–55 . Ephraim of Bonn, The Book of Memoirs [in Hebrew], ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1970), 32; Einbinder, Susan, “The Jewish Martyrs of Blois,” in Medieval Hagiography: A Sourcebook, ed. Head, Thomas (New York, 2000), 537–60, at 546. See further Baumgarten, Elisheva, “Seeking Signs? Jews, Christians, and Proof by Fire in Medieval Germany and Northern France,” in New Perspectives on Jewish-Christian Relations, ed. Carlebach, Elisheva and Schacter, Jacob (Leiden, 2012), 205–26, at 218–21.

³⁹ ben Saruk, Menaḥem, Maḥberet, ed. Sáenz-Badillos, Angel (Granada, 1986), 58*.

⁴⁰ על פני תרח. בחיי אביו ומדר׳ אגד׳ או׳ שעל ידי תרח אביו מת שקבל תרח על אברם בנו לפני נמרוד על שבירת צלמיו השליכוהו לכבשן. והרן יושב ואומ׳ בלבו. אם אברם נוצח אני משלו ואם נמרוד נוצח אני משלו. וכשניצל אברהם אמרו [לו] להרן משל מי אתה אמ׳ משל אברהם אני השליכוהו לכבשן ונשרף. וזהו אור כשדים. ומנחם פיר׳. אור בקעה. וכן באורים כבדו את ייי. וכן מאורת צפעוני כל חור ובקע עמוק קרוי אור:. MS Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek B.H. 1, fol. 7a (cf. Solomon b. Isaac [Rashi], Perushei Rashi ʿal ha-Torah, ed. C. Chavel [Jerusalem, 1982], 43).

⁴¹ Ibid., 16–17. Among the many studies on the relationship between the “plain meaning” and midrashic interpretations in Rashi's commentary, see Grossman, Rashi (n. 12 above), 78–96; Japhet, Sara, “The Pendulum of Exegetical Methodology: From Peshat to Derash and Back,” in Midrash Unbound: Transformations and Innovations, ed. Fishbane, Michael and Weinberg, Joanna (Oxford, 2013), 249–66; Gelles, Peshat and Derash (n. 11 above), 9–27, 42–65, 114–16; Cohen, Mordechai Z., “Reflections on the Conception of Peshuto Shel Miqra at the Beginning of the Twenty-First Century” [in Hebrew], in “To Settle the Plain Meaning of the Verse”: Studies in Biblical Exegesis, ed. Japhet, Sara and Viezel, Eran (Jerusalem, 2011), 5–58 ; Touitou, Elazar, “Darko shel Rashi be-Shimusho be-Midrashei Ḥazal: ʿIyun be-Ferush Rashi le-Shemot 1:8–22,” Talelei ʾOrot 9 (2000): 51–78 ; Ahrend, Moshe M., “The Concept ‘Peshuto Shellamiqra’ in the Making” [in Hebrew], in The Bible in the Light of Its Interpreters, ed. Japhet, Sara (Jerusalem, 1994), 237–61; and idem, “L'adaptation des commentaires du Midrash par Rashi et ses disciples à leur exégèse biblique,” Revue des études juives 156 (1997): 275–88.

⁴² Kamin, Sarah, “Rashi's Exegetical Categorization with Respect to the Distinction between Peshat and Derash according to His Commentary to the Book of Genesis and Selected Passages from His Commentaries to Other Books of the Bible,” Immanuel 11 (1980): 16–32, at 25–26.

⁴³ See Elwolde, John, “The ‘Mahberet’ of Menahem: Proposals for a Lexicographic Theory, with Sample Translation and Notes,” in Words Remembered, Texts Renewed: Essays in Honour of John F. A. Sawyer, ed. Davies, Jon, Harvey, Graham, and Watson, Wilfred G. E. (Sheffield, 1995), 426–79; Sáenz-Badillos, Angel, “Hebrew Philology in Sefarad: The State of the Question,” in Hebrew Scholarship and the Medieval World, ed. De Lange, Nicholas (Cambridge, 2001), 38–59 ; and idem, “Early Hebraists in Spain: Menaḥem ben Saruq and Dunash ben Labraṭ,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, vol. 1, pt. 2, Middle Ages (n. 2 above), 96–109.

⁴⁴ Kamin, “Rashi's Exegetical Categorization,” 13–32; eadem, “Affinities” (n. 1 above), xxxiii; eadem, Rashi's Exegetical Categorization in Respect to the Distinction between Peshat and Derash [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1986), 62–77, 158–208.

⁴⁵ Solomon b. Isaac (Rashi), Perushei Rashi ʿal ha-Torah, 85 (cf. MS Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek B.H. 1, fol. 17b); see also Rashi's commentary on the verses from Isaiah cited above.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 51 (cf. MS Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek B.H. 1, fol. 9b) has a comment that relates the interpretation found at Genesis Rabba 42:7.

⁴⁷ Smith, Glossa Ordinaria (n. 6 above), 29; Smalley, Beryl, “Gilbertus Universalis, Bishop of London (1128–34), and the Problem of the ‘Glossa Ordinaria,’” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 7 (1935): 232–62, at 253–59; 8 (1936): 24–64, at 48–50; eadem, Study, 60; Wielockx, R., “Autour de la Glossa ordinaria ,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 49 (1982): 222–28, at 225. Patricia Stirnemann identified MS Paris, BNF Latin 14398, as the earliest extant manuscript, likely produced in Laon between 1120 and 1135, and suggested that Genesis was one of the books glossed there. Mary Dove thus includes it among the books likely attributed to Anselm or Ralph. The question is further complicated by indications that the Gloss on Genesis was revised in the mid-twelfth century (see n. 60 below). Clearly the revised texts in circulation when the Gloss became known as the Glossa Ordinaria cannot be the original work of any one glossator. Stirnemann, Patricia, “Où ont été fabriqués les livres de la glose ordinaire dans la première moitié du Xlle siècle,” in Le XIIe siècle: Mutations et renouveau en France dans la première moitié du XIIe siècle, ed. Gasparri, Françoise (Paris, 1994), 258–64; Dove, Mary, The Glossa Ordinaria on the Song of Songs (Kalamazoo, 2004), xii ; Alice Sharp, “In Principio: The Origins of the Glossa Ordinaria on Genesis 1–3” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2015); Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 143–44; cf. Lobrichon, “Une nouveauté” (n. 4 above), 103n19. I hope to devote a future study to the glosses in MS Paris, BNF Latin 14398, marked “H.” (e.g., fols. 38v, 42r), their relationship to the commentary Burton Van Name Edwards attributed to Haimo of Auxerre, and their significance regarding the origins and development of the interlinear gloss on Genesis. See Van Name Edwards, Burton, “In Search of the Authentic Commentary on Genesis by Remigius of Auxerre,” in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre: de Murethach à Remi, 830–908, ed. Iogna-Prat, Dominique et al. (Paris, 1991), 399–412 .

⁴⁸ For instance, in the Questions on the Heptateuch, Augustine begins his exposition with the question, “If Abraham's father Terah was 70 years old when he fathered him, and thereafter he dwelt in Haran with his household, living for 205 years before he died, how can it be accepted that God told Abraham to leave Haran, and that he did so, when Abraham was 75?” Augustine, Quaestionum in Heptateuchum libri VII, ed. Fraipont, J. and de Bruyne, D., CCL 33 (Turnhout, 1958), 8 . In the Gloss, the three solutions that follow have been extracted from the question and answer structure of the Questions and presented in abbreviated form.

⁴⁹ Citations and translations of the Glossa Ordinaria on Genesis 11 and 12 are from the text of Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria: Facsimile Reprint of the Editio Princeps; Adolf Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81, ed. Karlfried Froehlich and Margaret Gibson (Turnhout, 1992), 44. I refer also to MS Paris, BNF Latin 14399, the manuscript of the Glossa Ordinaria on Genesis from the library of the Abbey of Saint Victor dated to 1150/60 (digitized and available online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/). The text of Gen. 11:31–12:8 is similar to that of Rusch. I have also consulted MS BNF Latin 14398, likewise from Saint Victor. As noted above, it has been identified as the earliest extant manuscript of the Gloss on Genesis, copied at Laon between 1120 and 1135. See Buc, Philippe, L'ambiguïté du livre: Prince, pouvoir, et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen Âge (Paris, 1994), 87–96 ; Stirnemann, “Où ont été fabriqués,” 262; and Zier, “The Development” (n. 10 above), 163–64.

⁵⁰ Beryl Smalley demonstrated the interdependence of certain interlinear and marginal comments, where “the Marginal Gloss is unintelligible except as a complement to the Interlinear,” Smalley, “Gilbertus Universalis” (1936), 26–27. On occasions in which the two glosses appear to pursue different interpretive agendas, see Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 83–87; and Signer, Michael, “The Glossa ordinaria and the Transmission of Medieval Anti-Judaism,” in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard E. Boyle, O.P., ed. Brown, Jacqueline and Stoneman, William (Notre Dame, 1997), 591–605, at 595.

⁵¹ Signer, “The Glossa ordinaria,” 593.

⁵² The interlinear gloss also associates “father” with Psalm 45:11, citing “forget your people and your father's house.” On the relationship between Abraham's migration and Psalm 45 in Jewish and Christian exegesis, see Weinberg, “Abraham” (n. 27 above), 223–41. A further marginal gloss is attributed to Walafrid Strabo; see Van Name Edwards, Burton, “The Commentary on Genesis Attributed to Walahfrid Strabo: A Preliminary Report from the Manuscripts,” Proceedings of the PMR Conference 15 (1990): 71–89 ; idem, “Deuteronomy in the Ninth Century: The Unpublished Commentaries of Walahfrid Strabo and Haimo of Auxerre,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Van Name Edwards, Burton and Chazelle, Celia (Turnhout, 2003), 97–113 ; and de Blic, J., “L'oeuvre exégétique de Walafrid Strabon et la Glossa ordinaria ,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 16 (1949): 5–28 .

⁵³ “In ur chaldæorum. Hier. In Hebræo in ur cesim, id est, in igne chaldæorum hic fabulantur hebræi quod abram in ignem sit missus, quia ignem noluit adorare, quem chaldæi colunt, et dei auxilio liberatus de ydolatriæ igne effugerit. Unde ad eum dicitur, Ego sum qui eduxi te de ur chaldæorum.” Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, 43; cf. MS BNF Latin 14399, fol. 50r.

⁵⁴ “Ab igne consumptus, vt aiunt hebrei, quem adorare noluit.” Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, 43; cf. MS BNF Latin 14399, fol. 50r. In MS BNF Latin 14398, fol. 37r, the two interpretations are presented in a single marginal gloss.

⁵⁵ On Jerome's Jewish teacher Baranina, see Apologia contra Rufinum I, 13, ed. Lardet, Pierre, CCL 79 (Turnhout, 1982), 12 ; and his epistle to Pammachius and Oceanus (84, 3 in Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae, pt. 2, ed. Isidor Hilberg, CSEL 55 [Vienna, 1912], 123). See Salvesen, Alison, “‘Tradunt Hebraei’: The Problem of the Function and Reception of Jewish Midrash in Jerome,” in Midrash Unbound: Transformations and Innovations, ed. Weinberg, Joanna and Fishbane, Michael (Oxford, 2013), 57–81 ; Stemberger, Günter, “Exegetical Contacts between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, vol. 1, pt. 1, From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages: Antiquity (Göttingen, 1996), 569–86; Rebenich, Stefan, “Jerome: The ‘Vir Trilinguis’ and the ‘Hebraica Veritas,’” Vigiliae Christianae 47 (1993): 50–77, at 60–63; and Grypeou, Emmanouela and Spurling, Helen, The Book of Genesis in Late Antiquity: Encounters between Jewish and Christian Exegesis (Leiden, 2013).

⁵⁶ Hayward, Robert, “Some Observations on St Jerome's ‘Hebrew Questions on Genesis’ and the Rabbinic Tradition,” Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association 13 (1990): 58–76 ; idem, “Saint Jerome and the Aramaic Targumim,” Journal of Semitic Studies 32 (1987): 105–23; idem, “Jewish Traditions in Jerome's Commentary on Jeremiah and the Targum of Jeremiah,” Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association 9 (1985): 100–120 ; Graves, Michael, Jerome's Hebrew Philology: A Study Based on His Commentary on Jeremiah (Leiden, 2007), 76–127 ; Kamesar, Adam, Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Hebrew Bible: A Study of the Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim (Oxford, 1993), 176–91; Salvesen, Alison, “A Convergence of the Ways? The Judaizing of Christian Scripture by Origen and Jerome,” in The Ways that Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Becker, Adam and Reed, Annette (Tübingen, 2003), 248–57.

⁵⁷ Ἐκ τῆς χώρας τῶν Χαλδαίων; Septuaginta: Editio altera, ed. Alfred Rahlfs and Robert Hanhart (Stuttgart, 2006), 16.

⁵⁸ “Et mortuus est Aran ante patrem suum in terra, qua natus est, in regione Chaldaeorum. Pro eo, quod legimus in regione Chaldaeorum, in hebraeo habet in ur Chesdim, id est in igne Chaldaeorum. Tradunt autem Hebraei ex hac occasione istius modi fabulam quod Abraham in ignem missus sit, quia ignem adorare noluerit, quem Chaldaei colunt, et dei auxilio liberatus de idololatriae igne profugerit — quod in sequentibus scribitur egressum esse Tharam cum sobole sua de regione Chaldaeorum pro eo, quod in hebraeo habetur de incendio Chaldaeorum — et hoc esse, quod nunc dicitur mortuus est Aran ante conspectum Tharae patris sui in terra natiuitatis suae in igne Chaldaeorum: quod uidelicet ignem nolens adorare igne consumptus sit. Loquitur autem postea dominus ad Abraham ego sum, qui eduxi te de igne Chaldaeorum.” Jerome, Hebraicae Quaestiones in Libro Geneseos, ed. de Lagarde, Pierre, CCL 72 (Turnhout, 1959), 15 .

⁵⁹ Smith, Lesley, Medieval Exegesis in Translation: Commentaries on the Book of Ruth (Kalamazoo, 1996), xv .

⁶⁰ “Septuagintaquinque annorum. Hier. Si thare pater abraæ in regione chaldæa lxx annorum genuit abram, et in charram ducentesimoquinto anno mortuus est, quomodo post mortem thare abram exiens de charra lxxv annorum memoratur, cum a natiuitate eius vsque ad mortem patris cxxxv anni fuisse doceantur. Vera est igitur hebræorum traditio quod egressus sit thare cum filiis suis de igne chaldæorum, et quod abram vallatus babilonio incendio, quia illud adorare nolebat, liberatus sit auxilio dei, et ex illo tempore reputetur ei tempus ætatis ex quo confessus est deum, spernens ydola chaldæorum. Potest autem fieri, vt quia scriptura reliquit incertum, ante paucos annos thare de chaldæa profectus veniret in aran quam morte obiret, vel statim post persecutionem, et ibi diutius moratus sit.” Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, 44. Cf. Jerome, Hebraicae Quaestiones, 15–16; and Jerome, Hebrew Questions on Genesis, trans. Hayward, C. T. R. (Oxford, 1995), 43–44 .

This comment is present in MS BNF Latin 14399, fol. 51r (also MS Troyes, Médiathèque du Grand Troyes 195, fol. 46r–v; MS Troyes, Médiathèque du Grand Troyes 65, fol. 33v). However, it is not found in several early manuscripts, including MS BNF Latin 14398 (also Codex S. Petri Salisburgensis a.VIII.34; MS London, Lambeth Palace Library Cod. 349). It appears that the comment was added as part of a twelfth-century revision of the Gloss on Genesis. See Buc, L'ambiguïté (n. 49 above), 87–96; Stirnemann, “Où ont été fabriqués” (n. 47 above), 262; Schoenfeld, Isaac (n. 5 above), 131–33; Alexander Andrée, Gilbertus Universalis (n. 9 above), 91; Dove, Glossa Ordinaria, 28–40; Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 73–76, 105; and eadem, “Job in the Glossa ordinaria on the Bible,” in The Brill Companion to Job, ed. Franklin T. Harkins and Aaron Canty (Leiden, forthcoming).

⁶¹ That Abraham was rescued from the fire is indicated in the text of the Vulgate itself. Neh. 9:7, “You are the one, O Lord God, who chose Abram and brought him out of ʾur kasdim,” is rendered “tu ipse Domine Deus qui elegisti Abram et eduxisti eum de igne Chaldeorum.” 2 Esr. 9:7, Biblia Sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, ed. Gryson, Roger, 5th ed. (Stuttgart, 2007), 666 .

⁶² Augustine, De civitate dei 16:15, ed. Bernhard Dombart and Alfons Kalb, 5th ed. (Stuttgart, 1981), 2:151.

⁶³ Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, 43–44; cf. MS BNF Latin 14399, fol. 50r–v, and MS BNF Latin 14398, fol. 37r.

⁶⁴ Bede, Libri quatuor in principium Genesis, ed. Jones, Charles W., CCL 118A (Turnhout, 1967), 1:166–67, 196; idem, On Genesis, trans. Kendall, Calvin (Liverpool, 2008), 242, 244, 274.

⁶⁵ Rabanus Maurus, Commentarium in Genesim, PL 107, cols. 531–34.

⁶⁶ Remigius of Auxerre, Expositio super Genesim, ed. Van Name Edwards, Burton, CCM 136 (Turnhout, 1999), 103 .

⁶⁷ Thus Rupert of Deutz introduces the narrative: “Hebraei tradunt, et ecclesiastici illustres uiri ueram esse defendunt.” See his comment at Gen. 5:2 in De Sancta Trinitate et operibus eius, ed. Haacke, Hrabanus, CCM 21 (Turnhout, 1971), 333 .

⁶⁸ The following, by no means an exhaustive list, locates each interpretation in the Glossa Ordinaria and in Rashi's Commentary on Genesis. A dedicated analysis of each would be needed to reveal in full the relationship between the interpretations in the two sources. The edition of the Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria referred to is given in n. 49 above. The edition of Perushei Rashi ʿal ha-Torah is given in n. 40 above. The generation of Enosh (Gen. 4:26; Gloss, 33; Rashi, 25); Abraham's migration from Egypt (Gen. 13:2; Gloss, 45; Rashi, 48); the identification of Melchizedek with Shem (Gen. 14:18; Gloss, 47; Rashi, 53); the dwelling of Ishmael's descendants in the desert (Gen. 16:12; Gloss, 50; Rashi, 59); the naming of Sarai as Sarah (Gen. 17:15; Gloss, 51; Rashi, 61); the idolatry of Ishmael (Gen. 21:9; Gloss, 58; Rashi, 78); the burial of the patriarchs at Kiryath Arba (Gen. 23:2; Gloss, 61; Rashi, 83); the naming of Ephron as Ephran (Gen. 23:16; Gloss, 62; Rashi, 85); Isaac's business in the field (Gen. 24:63; Gloss, 65; Rashi, 89); the healing of Jacob's thigh (Gen. 33:18; Gloss, 84; Rashi, 124–25); the breeding of mules by Anah (Gen. 36:24; Gloss, 87; Rashi, 131); Potiphar's lust for Joseph (Gen. 37:35, Gloss, 90; Gen. 41:45, Rashi, 146); Joseph's elevation (Gen. 41:43; Gloss, 95; Rashi, 145); the naming of Joseph as Zaphenath-Paneah (Gen. 41:45; Gloss, 96; Rashi, 146).

⁶⁹ Burton Van Name Edwards, “Introduction” (n. 47 above), xlix–l, liii–lv.

⁷⁰ Saltman, A., “Rabanus Maurus and the Pseudo-Hieronymian ‘Quaestiones Hebraicae in Libros Regum et Paralipomenon,’” Harvard Theological Review 66 (1973): 43–75 ; idem, Pseudo-Jerome: Quaestiones on the Book of Samuel (Leiden, 1975), 35–38 ; Van Liere, “The Literal Sense” (n. 14 above), 64–65.

⁷¹ See nn. 2 and 22 above; cf. William McKane, Selected Christian Hebraists (Cambridge, 1989), 42.

⁷² “Ante oculos eius obiit, in ignem, quem adorare noluit (ut tradunt Hebraei), proiectus.” Andrew of Saint Victor, Expositio super Heptateuchum, ed. Lohr, Charles and Berndt, Rainer, CCM 53 (Turnhout, 1986), 58 . On Andrew's use of the Gloss on Genesis, see ibid., pp. xviii, 239–42; Buc, L'ambiguité, 72–73n9; van Liere, Frans, “Introduction,” in Andreae de Sancto Victore Opera, vol. 2, Expositio Hystorica in Librum Regum, CCM 53A (Turnhout, 1996), xxi–xxviii ; Smith, Glossa Ordinaria, 208–9.

⁷³ “Dicunt tamen Hebraei, quod anni Abraham non computantur nisi, ex quo ignem adorare nolens, a Chaldaeis in ignem proiectus est, et a Domino liberatus et angelico ministerio ad alium locum transportatus est, ubi multis affluebat deliciis.” Andrew of Saint Victor, Expositio super Heptateuchum, 58; a translation of Andrew's comments is in Schroeder, Joy, The Book of Genesis (Grand Rapids, MI, 2015), 133–38.

⁷⁴ See no. 47 in Berndt, Rainer, “Les interprétations juives dans le Commentaire de l'Heptateuque d'André de Saint-Victor,” Recherches augustiniennes 24 (1989): 199–240, at 211. The sources listed, Peter the Chanter and Stephen Langton, do not relate the motif of Abraham's transportation. See no. 13 in Dahan, “Les interprétations juives” (n. 22 above), 146; and Dahan, Gilbert, “Exégèse et polémique dans les Commentaires de la Genèse d’Étienne Langton,” in Les Juifs au regard de l'histoire: Mélanges en l'honneur de Bernhard Blumenkranz (Paris, 1985), 129–48, at 138.

According to the Maʿaseh ʾAvraham ʾAvinu ʿAlav ha-Shalom, a late-medieval midrash first printed in Constantinople in 1580, Abraham was rescued when the furnace was transformed into a royal pavilion, a motif also found in Islamic sources; see Mehlman, Bernard H., “A Literary Examination of Maaseh Avraham Avinu Alav HaShalom,” Review of Rabbinic Judaism 2 (1999): 103–25, at 118, 122; idem, “The Maaseh Avraham Avinu Alav HaShalom: Translation, Notes, and Commentary,” Reform Jewish Quarterly (Spring 2012): 3–28, at 22; Tohar, Abraham, 97; and Gutmann, “Abraham” (n. 27 above), 348–49. A similar motif is found in earlier midrashic accounts of Daniel's three companions; see Ginzberg, Legends (n. 27 above), 2:1099–1100n87, Song of Songs Rabba 7:8, Tanḥuma (Buber) Tsav 3, and Tanḥuma (printed) Tsav 2. In medieval Ashkenaz, the heavenly reward granted to martyrs was elaborated in detail in twelfth-century crusader narratives (see n. 38 above). However, Andrew's commentary is the only source I have found indicating that the story of Abraham's ordeal ended with angelic transportation to this paradise. See Shepkaru, Shmuel, “To Die for God: Martyrs’ Heaven in Hebrew and Latin Crusade Narratives,” Speculum 77 (2002): 311–41; and idem, “From after Death to Afterlife: Martyrdom and Its Recompense,” AJS Review 24 (1999): 1–44 .

⁷⁵ Andrew introduces his interpretation of the words of Lamech at Gen. 4:24 with “dicit Hebraeus meus.” As Berndt notes, the comment that Joseph Bekhor Shor attributed to Joseph Kara is almost identical. Andrew of Saint Victor, Expositio super Heptateuchum, 44; Perushei Rabi Yosef Bekhor Shor ʿal ha-Torah, ed. Nevo, Yehoshafat (Jerusalem, 1994), 14–15 . Hugh of Saint Victor, Peter Comestor, and Peter the Chanter give less detailed interpretations. See no. 21 in Berndt, “Les interpretations juives,” 206–7; Hugh of Saint Victor, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon, PL 175, col. 45; Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, PL 198, col. 1079; no. 7 in Dahan, “Les interprétations juives,” 145. Regarding the expression “dicit Hebraeus meus,” Beryl Smalley wrote: “The expression Hebraeus meus in a medieval commentary arouses our caution. The quotation which it introduces may derive from St. Jerome, who perhaps took it from Origen. Coming from Andrew it usually means a contemporary.” Smalley, Beryl, “Andrew of St. Victor, Abbot of Wigmore: A Twelfth Century Hebraist,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 10 (1938): 358–73, at 362.

⁷⁶ Berndt, Rainer, André de Saint-Victor (†1175): Exégète et théologien (Paris, 1992), 201–13, 221–24; and Signer, Michael, “Introduction,” in Andreae de Sancto Victore Opera, 6: Expositio in Ezechielem, CCM 53E (Turnhout, 1991), xxi–xxxii .