1. The 1983 finds at Zhangjiashan were augmented two years later by the discovery of the related Han dynasty tombs M327 and M336. Some three hundred bamboo slips were found at tomb M327, the majority of which seem to consist of an almanac of auspicious and inauspicious days. The contents of M336 are more interesting, consisting of seven principal texts: Gongling 功令 (Ordinances on Merit) in 184 strips, an untitled text about self-cultivation in 93 strips, Daozhi 盜跖 (Robber Zhi) in conversation with Confucius in 93 strips, an untitled text on banqueting in 10 strips, Qinian zhiri 七年質日 (Chronicle of Seven Years) covering 179–173 B.C.E. in 70 strips, and a text entitled Chaolü 朝律 (Court Statutes) in 372 strips. In addition to this the tomb contained a further document in 56 strips, listing the contents of the grave; see Yuejun, Chen 陳躍鈞, “Jiang ling xian Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian” 江陵縣張家山漢墓竹簡 in Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 中國考古學年鍳 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1987), 203Google Scholar. The work on transcribing these texts began in 2004; they have yet to be published. To date only one study on the finds from Zhangjiashan M336 has been published; see Lüning, Cao 曹旅寧, “Zhangjiashan 336 hao Hanmu Chaolü de jige wenti” 張家山 336 號漢墓朝律的幾個問題, Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao (shehui kexue ban) 貴州師范大學學報 (社會科學版) 2008.1, 14–18Google Scholar.

2. See bowuguan, Jingzhou diqu 荊州地區博物館, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan sanzuo Hanmu chutu dapi zhujian” 江陵張家山三座漢墓出土大批竹簡, Wenwu 1985.1, 1–3Google Scholar.

3. All dates given in this paper are B.C.E. unless otherwise mentioned.

4. The ‘Gai Lu’ version of the penultimate king of Wu's name is not found in any transmitted text, while in excavated bronze inscriptions he is referred to as Guang 光, a form of nomenclature also preserved in some ancient texts such as the Shi ji, which gives Guang as this prince's name before coming to the throne. See for example Chuping, Dong 董楚平, Wu Yue Xu Shu jinwen jishi 吳越徐舒金文集釋 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji, 1992), 113Google Scholar; Shi ji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua, [1959] 1964), 31.1463Google ScholarPubMed. The Gai Lu variant is however known from other excavated texts, such as the previously unknown “Jian Wuwang” 見吳王 (An Audience with the king of Wu) section of the Sunzi bingfa 孫子兵法 (Sunzi's Art of War) excavated at Yinqueshan. See xiaozu, Yinqueshan Hanmu zhujian zhengli 銀雀山漢墓竹簡整理小組, Sunzi bingfa 孫子兵法 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1976), 106–8Google Scholar.

5. Appendix 2 of the first published transcription of the Zhangjiashan finds gives a diagram of the location of each bamboo strip in the tomb. The text of the Gai Lu was found jumbled between the Maishu, the Suanshu shu, and the Yinshu. See xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli 張家山二四七號漢墓竹簡整理小組, Zhangjia shan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu 張家山漢墓竹簡: 二四七號墓 (Beijing: Wen wu, 2001), 322Google Scholar.

6. Such documents recorded not only auspicious and inauspicious days, like an almanac, but also information of historical significance; see Ling, Li 李零, “Shiri, Rishu he Yeshu: Sanzhong jianbo wenxian de qubie he dingming” 視日,日書和葉書: 三種簡帛文獻的區別和定名, Wenwu 2008.12, 74–75Google Scholar. A second chronicle was found in the tomb M258, which covers the years from the founding of the Han dynasty to 175; see xiaozu, Zhang jiashan Hanmu zhujian zhengli 張家山漢墓竹簡整理小組, “Jiangling Zhang jiashan Hanmu gaishu” 江陵張家山漢墓概述, Wenwu 1985.1, 14–15Google Scholar.

7. See bowuguan, Jingzhou diqu, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan sanzuo Hanmu chutu dapi zhujian,” 4Google Scholar; xiaozu, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian zhengli, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan Hanmu gaishu,” 14Google Scholar.

8. See Xueqin, Li 李學勤 and Wen, Xing 邢文, “New Light on the Early-Han Code: A Reappraisal of the Zhangjiashan Bamboo-Slip Legal Texts,” Asia Major 14.1 (2001), 125–46Google Scholar. See also Honglin, Zhu 朱紅林, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Ernian lüling jishi 張家山漢簡二年律令集釋 (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian, 2005)Google Scholar; and zhongxin, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan jianbo yanjiu 中國社會科學院簡帛研究中心, ed., Zhangjiashan Hanjian Ernian lüling yanjiu wenji 張家山漢簡二年律令研究文集 (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue, 2007)Google Scholar.

9. See xiaozu, Jiangling Zhangjiashan Hanjian zhengli 江陵張家山漢簡整理小組, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan Hanjian Zouyanshu shiwen” 江陵張家山漢簡奏讞書釋文, Wenwu 1993.8, 22–25Google Scholar; Xueqin, Li, “Zouyanzhu jieshuo” 奏讞書解說, Wenwu 1993.8, 26–31, 37–42Google Scholar; and Hao, Peng 彭浩, “Tan Zouyanshu zhong de Xi Han anli” 談奏讞書中的西漢案例, Wenwu 1993.8, 32–36Google Scholar.

10. See Hao, Peng, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Suanshu shu zhushi 張家山漢簡筭數書注釋 (Beijing: Kexue, 2001)Google Scholar. This text has been translated into English; see Cullen, Christopher, The Suan shu shu ‘Writings on Reckoning’: A translation of a Chinese mathematical collection of the second century BC, with explanatory commentary, Needham Research Institute Working Papers 1 (Cambridge: Needham Research Institute, 2004)Google Scholar.

11. See xiaozu, Zhangjiashan Hanjian zhengli, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan Hanjian Maishu shiwen” 江陵張家山漢簡脈書釋文, Wenwu, 1989.7, 72–74Google Scholar; Shaoming, Lian 連劭名, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian Maishu chutan” 張家山漢簡脈書初探, Wenwu 1989.7, 75–81Google Scholar; and Dalun, Gao 高大倫, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Maishu jiaoshi 張家山漢簡脈書校釋 (Chengdu: Chengdu, 1992)Google Scholar. The translation of the title of this medical text, and the next, is given according to Lo, Vivienne, “The influence of nurturing life culture on the development of Western Han acumoxa therapy,” in Innovation in Chinese Medicine, ed. Hsu, Elizabeth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 20–21Google Scholar.

12. See xiaozu, Zhangjiashan Hanjian zhengli, “Jiangling Zhangjiashan Hanjian Yinshu shiwen” 江陵張家山漢簡引書釋文, Wenwu 1990.10, 72–74Google Scholar; Hao, Peng, “Zhangjia-shan Hanjian Yinshu chutan” 張家山漢簡引書初探, Wenwu 1990.10, 87–91Google Scholar; Xueqin, Li, “Yinshu yu Daoyintu” 引書與導引圖, Wenwu tiandi 文物天地 1991.2, 7–9Google Scholar; and Dalun, Gao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Yinshu yanjiu 張家山漢簡引書研究 (Chengdu: Ba-Shu shu she, 1995)Google Scholar.

13. Wenwu chubanshe have also issued the Zhangjiashan texts in a revised edition as a paperback publication in 2006. These two books are far from identical. The 2001 publication gives black and white photographs of each individual strip, an illustration prepared by the archaeologists of where each individual strip was found, and a chart to allow the location of the strip found to be matched to the transcription. These illustrations and charts are missing from the paperback edition. Instead, the 2006 edition gives a much more detailed description of the finds in the introduction to each transcription, and three essays on different aspects of the Han legal documents found at Zhangjiashan have been appended and the readings of many graphs have been corrected. See xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli 張家山二四七號漢墓竹簡整理小組, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu: Shiwen xiuding ben 張家山漢墓竹簡: 二四七號墓: 釋文修訂本 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2006)Google Scholar.

14. The term pericope is taken from Shaughnessy, Edward, Rewriting Early Chinese Texts (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), 50Google Scholar.

15. See Yates, Robin S., “Early Modes of Interpretation of the Military Canons: The Case of the Sunzi bingfa,” in Interpretation and Intellectual Change: Chinese Hermeneutics in Historical Perspective, ed. Tu, Ching-yi (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2005), 70Google Scholar.

16. Hong, Shao 邵鴻, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu 張家山漢簡蓋廬研究 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2007) 27–32Google Scholar, argues for two levels of punctuation, which he represents as ¬ and 、 respectively. While it is true that some punctuation marks in the text seem to have been written with more care than others, there seems to be no reason to divide them into two categories. This is particularly true given that in some parallel clauses, according to Shao Hong's transcription, different punctuation is used. For example he transcribes strip 55 as: 季春庚辛 、 夏壬癸ㄴ秋甲乙ㄴ冬丙丁. What is surely more significant is that punctuation marks are unevenly dispersed through the manuscript, suggesting that it reflects the diverse origins of the different pericopes.

17. Although the 2001 transcription of the text includes tables to allow individual strips to be matched to the excavation numbers, and hence to a precise location on the diagram showing the location of each strip in the tomb, in fact there seem to be a number of problems. The first is that both strips 30 and 32 are allocated the excavation number G22, and both strips 41 and 52 are allocated the excavation number G7. Given that strips G20 and G6 seem to have disappeared, it would seem likely that the duplica-tion is a simple error. However, in the absence of further information, it is not possible to clarify which strips correspond to which excavation numbers, and hence the error is preserved in the transcription given below. The second problem is that strip G13 seems to have disappeared completely. Although this strip appears on the excavation diagram, it is not included in any transcription of the Gai Lu, nor has it apparently been reallocated to any of the other texts found at Zhangjiashan.

18. See Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 76n2Google Scholar. For the suggestion that rather than being the last strip, strip 55 is in fact the beginning of this text, I am grateful to Professor Robin Yates.

19. See Jinyan, Cao 曹錦炎, “Lun Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu” 論張家山漢簡蓋廬, Dongnan wenhua 2002.9, 63–64Google Scholar. For the original reference; see Han shu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 30.1740Google ScholarPubMed.

20. See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu 春秋左傳注, ed. Bojun, Yang 楊伯峻 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981), 833–35 (Cheng 8)Google Scholar. This early conflict between Chu and Wu is discussed in Yunhuan, Luo 羅運環, Zongheng baihe: Chuguo lishi gaishuo 縱橫捭闔楚國歷史概說 (Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu, 2001), 69Google Scholar.

21. See for example Kang, Yuan 袁康, Ping, Wu 吳平, Yuejue shu 越絕書 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1985), 35–39Google Scholar (“Qingdi” 請糴); and zhenglizu, Shanghai shifan daxue guji 上海師範大學古籍整理組, Guo yu 國語 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1978), 591–629Google Scholar (“Wuyu” 吳語). The composition of the “Wuyu” has been dated to between 431 and 384 B.C.E. by the scholar Wei Juxian 衛聚賢 (1898–1989); see Xincheng, Zhang 張心澂, Weishu tongkao 偽書通考 (Shanghai: Shangwu, [1939] 1954), 630Google Scholar. The “Qingdi” chapter of the Yuejue shu also seems to have been composed in the middle of the Warring States era, and is closely related to the “Wuyu” chapter of the Guoyu.

22. See Shengchun, Zhou 周生春, “Yuejue shu chengshu niandai ji zuozhe xintan” 越絕書成書年代及作者新探, in Zhonghua wenshi luncong 中華文史論叢 47, ed. Bocheng, Qian 錢伯成 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1991), 121–34Google Scholar.

23. In 2006 a further text related to this important literary genre was excavated from Tomb M77 at Shuihudi, dated to the early Western Han dynasty; see yanjiusuo, Hubeisheng wenwu kaogu 湖北省文物考古研究所, bowuguan, Yunmengxian 雲夢縣博物館, “Hubei Yunmeng Shuihudi M77 fajue jianbao” 湖北雲夢睡虎地 M77 發掘簡報, Jianghan xuebao 江漢學報 2008.4, 35Google Scholar. Unfortunately this text is said to be very badly damaged.

24. See Xihua, Guan 管錫華, Jiaokan xue 校勘學 (Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu, 1991), 497Google Scholar.

25. Jinyan, Cao, “Lun Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu,” 66Google Scholar.

26. xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu: Shiwen xiuding ben, 165–66Google Scholar.

27. See Han shu, 30.1759–60.

28. The text entitled Huangdi 黄帝 (The Yellow Emperor) has been tentatively identified with the Huangdi Xuannü 黄帝玄女 military text mentioned in a number of imperial era encyclopedias; see Xudong, Tian 田旭東, “‘Bing yin-yang jia' jige wenti de chubu yanjiu” 兵陰陽家幾個問題的初步研究, in Zhuixun zhonghua gudai wenming de zongji—Li Xueqin xiansheng xueshu huodong wushinian jinian wenji 追尋中華古代文明的踪迹–––李學勤先生學術活勭五十年紀念文集, ed. bianweihui, Wenji 文集編委會 (Shanghai: Fudan daxue, 2002), 190Google Scholar. See for example Xun, Ouyang 歐陽詢, Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1999), 2.37Google Scholar, who names this text as the Huandi Xuannü zhi gong zhanfa 黄帝玄女之宮戰法 (The Palace Battle Tactics of the Yellow Emperor and the Dark Maiden); and Li Fang 李昉 et al., Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Sibu congkan 四部叢刊 ed.), 15.9b, mentions the Huangdi Xuannü zhanfa 黄帝玄女戰法 (Battle Tactics of the Yellow Emperor and Dark Maiden).

29. See Yates, Robin, “The Yin-Yang texts from Yinqueshan: An Introduction and Partial Reconstruction, with Notes on their Significance in Relation to Huang-Lao Daoism,” Early China 19 (1994), 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30. Three different versions of the Xingde text were excavated at Mawangdui. The A version of the Xingde text, a copy dated to approximately 196, is transcribed in Songchang, Chen 陳松長, Mawangdui boshu yishu 馬王堆帛書藝術 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1996), 122–28Google Scholar. The B version of the text is transcribed in Juyou, Fu 傅擧有, Songchang, Chen 陳松長, eds., Mawangdui Hanmu wenwu 馬王堆漢墓文物 (Changsha: Hunan, 1992), 136–43Google Scholar. The B version of the text is thought to be a revised and expanded version of the A version; see Kalinowski, Marc, “The Xingde texts from Mawangdui,” Early China 23–24 (1998–1999), 125–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The extremely badly damaged C version of the text is transcribed in Songchang, Chen 陳松長, Mawangdui boshu Xingde yanjiu lungao 馬王堆帛書刑德研究論稿 (Taipei: Taipei guji, 2001), 127–31Google Scholar. The discovery of a Xingde text at Shuangudui is described in xiaozu, Fuyang Hanjian zhengli 阜陽漢簡整理小組, “Fuyang Hanjian jianjie” 阜陽漢簡簡介, Wenwu 1983.2, 21–23Google Scholar.

31. See yanjiusuo, Hunansheng wenwu kaogu 湖南省文物考古研究所, wenwuchu, Huaihuashi 懷化市文物處, bowuguan, Yuanlingxian 沅陵縣博物館, “Yuanling Huxi-shan yihao Hanmu fajue jianbao” 沅陵虎溪山一號漢墓發掘簡報, Wenwu 2003.1, 36–55Google Scholar.

32. For a study of the influence of yin-yang military texts; see Xudong, Tian, “‘Bing yin-yang jia’ jige wenti de chubu yanjiu,” 190–91Google Scholar. Yu, Chen 陳宇, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie 伍子胥兵法破解 (Beijing: Junshi kexue, 2003), 12–16Google Scholar, provides an extensive analysis of the concepts common to the Gai Lu text and the Sunzi bingfa.

33. The importance of excavated material for understanding the early history of this tradition, and indeed for comprehending the terms in which it is described in the “Yiwen zhi” is underlined in Ling, Li 李零, Jianbo gushu yu xueshu yuanliu 簡帛古書與學術源流 (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, [2004] 2008), 402Google Scholar.

34. xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu: Shiwen xiuding ben, 163Google Scholar.

35. Juyou, Fu, Songchang, Chen, eds., Mawangdui Hanmu wenwu, 142Google Scholar, line 91 shang.

36. See Zhongmin, Wang 王重民, Qingshu, Wang 王慶菽, Da, Xiang 向達, Yiliang, Zhou 周一良, Gong, Qi 啟功 and Yigong, Zeng 曾毅公, Dunhuang bianwen ji 敦煌變文集 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue, 1957), 244–45 (“Yanzi fu”)Google Scholar.

37. See Yates, Robin S.: “New Light on Ancient Chinese Military Texts: Notes on their Nature and Evolution, and the Development of Military Specialization in Warring States China,” T'oung Pao 74 (1988), 219CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38. Crown Prince Zhonglei of Wu 吳太子終纍, King Helü's oldest son, married the daughter of Lord Jing of Qi.

39. The role of the sack of Ying, the Chu capital, in defining Wu's reputation as the dominant military power of the late Spring and Autumn period is described in Zonghan, Yu 喻宗漢, “Wushi ru Ying zhi zhan youguan wenti tantao” 吳師入郢之戰有關問題探討, in Chushi luncong 楚史論叢, ed. Zhengming, Zhang 張正明 (Xianning: Hubei renmin, 1984), 93–106Google Scholar.

40. See Zuo zhuan, 1547 (Ding 4), 1553–54 (Ding 5), 1557 (Ding 6); see also Shi ji, 40.1715–16.

41. Fragmentary quotations from the Wu Zixu shuizhan bingfa have been assembled from texts such as the Li Shan 李善 (?–689 C.E.) commentary on the Wenxuan 文選 (Selections of Refined Literature), and the Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Imperial Readings from the Taiping Era); see Yixuan, Hong 洪頤煊, Dushu conglu 讀書叢錄 (jicheng, Congshu 叢書集成 ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 61Google Scholar. The focus on infantry found in the Gai Lu is shared with the Sunzi bingfa, which also records Warring States era northern Chinese warfare, rather than the naval battles of the Wu-Yue region; see Zhan, Liu 劉展 et al., Zhongguo gudai junzhi shi 中國古代軍制史 (Beijing: Junshi liaoxue, 1992), 83Google Scholar. See also Enlin, Chen 陳恩林, Xian Qin junshi zhidu yanjiu 先秦軍事制度研究 (Changchun: Jilin wenshi, 1991), 110–13Google Scholar.

42. See Shi, Ye 葉適, Xixue jiyan xumu 習學記言序目 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977), 675–76Google Scholar. The evidence of the accretive nature of Sun Wu's biography is discussed in detail in Peterson, Jens, “What's in a Name? On the Sources concerning Sun Wu,” Asia Major 5.2 (1992), 8–25Google Scholar.

43. See Jinyan, Cao, “Lun Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu,” 69Google Scholar.

44. Xueren, Xu 許學仁, “Zhangjiashan M247 Hanjian Gai Lu pianshi wending bu” 張家山漢簡蓋廬篇釋文訂補, in Xin chutu wenxian yu gudai wenming yanjiu 新出土文獻與古代文明研究, eds. Weiyang, Xie 謝維楊, Yuanqing, Zhu 朱淵清 (Shanghai: Shanghai daxue, 2004), 352Google Scholar, notes that this pericope consists of four character per line verse, with five different rhymes, here labeled a–E.

45. The reconstructed pronunciations given here are derived from Schuessler, Axel, Minimal Old Chinese and Later Han Chinese: A Companion to the Grammata Serica Recensa (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

46. The character fu 服 here is translated according to the commentary attached to the standard transcription, which argues the usage is the same as that found in the Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋; see Qiyou, Chen 陳奇猷, Lüshi chunqiu xin jiaoshi 呂氏春秋新校釋 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2002), 3.158n50 (“Xianji” 先己)Google Scholar.

47. This translation follows the commentary by Zhao, Liu 劉釗, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian shiwen zhushi shangque (yi)” 張家山漢墓竹簡釋文注釋商榷 (一), Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan 2003.3, 3Google Scholar, that ji 極 means the balancing point, or central point.

48. The text of the Gai Lu is corrupt at this point. As it stands, the subject is given in four characters: yong bing zhi ji 用兵之極 (As for the crux of using weapons), but is followed only by one question: he fu 何服? (What should I follow?), rather than the standard two. This translation follows the suggestion by Xu Xueren that two characters should be added: mou he 謀何. See Xueren, Xu, “Zhangjiashan M247 Hanjian Gai Lu pianshi wending bu,” 352Google Scholar. Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 35Google Scholar, relates this line to one in the Liu tao which reads: “As for the crux of using troops, there is the Way of Heaven, the Advantage of Earth, and the Affairs of Man. Which of the three should receive priority?” (yong bing zhi ji, tiandao, dili, renshi, san shu xian 用兵之極天道地利人事三孰先). This line is now not found in the transmitted text, but it is recorded in the Tang dynasty digest, the Qunshu zhiyao 羣書治要 (Essentials of Government excerpted from a Multitude of Books). For the original reference see Wei Zheng 魏徵 et al., Qunshu zhiyao 羣書治要 (Congshu jicheng 叢書集成 ed.), 31.524 (“Liutao: Longtao” 六韜: 龍韜). Shao Hong thus dismisses this textual amendment, though it does resolve the problem in this line, and parallels the subsequent discourse by Shen Xu in the remainder of this pericope.

49. This statement is very closely echoed in the “Zhenzhong” 枕中 (Pillow Book) chapter of the Yuejue shu, which contains many statements such as the following, attributed to Fan Li: “Grain [one character missing in the original text] is what is meant by essential. This is the way to win over hearts and minds, and to employ clever men. This … is a treasure of the state.” See Yuejue shu, 91 (“Zhenzhong”).

50. Although the last character in this line reads shi 時 (time or seasons), this is almost certainly a mistake for ze 則 (constant principles); see Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 37n2Google Scholar. This amendment is determined not only by the parallel line above, but also by the rhyme-scheme.

51. The original transcription of the text gave the character huang 凰 (phoenix). This has been amended to feng 鳳 (phoenix), according to Guiyuan, Wang 王貴元, “Zhangjia-shan Hanjian zici shidu kaobian” 張家山漢簡字詞釋讀考辨, Yancheng shifan xueyuan xuebao 鹽城師范學院學報 2003.4, 85Google Scholar. There is no pre-Han text that preserves a story of this kind about King Helü of Wu. However, in the Baopuzi 抱朴子 by Ge Hong 葛洪 (284—364 C.E.), there is a tale which concerns the presentation of a mysterious text to the king of Wu by a bird; see Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 抱朴子內篇校釋, ed. Ming, Wang 王明 (Beijing: Zhonghua, [1985] 2002), 229 (“Bianwen” 辨問)Google Scholar.

52. The character que 愨 is found in a closely related usage in the Xunzi 荀子, where it speaks of buquezhe 朴 (材) 愨者 (men of talent and honesty); see Xunzi guyi 荀子詁譯, ed. Liuqiao, Yang 楊柳橋 (Ji'nan: Qi-Lu shushe, 1985), 75 (“Rongru” 榮辱)Google Scholar.

53. In the transcription of the Gai Lu, it is suggested that the character zheng 正 (to rectify) should be read as zheng 征 (to go on a progress); see xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu: Shiwen xiuding ben, 161Google Scholar. Shaoming, Lian, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu Gai Lu kaoshu,” 64Google Scholar, suggests reading the character zheng as zhong 中 (to centre). In my opinion, there is nothing wrong with understanding this character as zheng 正 (‘to rectify’ or ‘to master’), as it is found in the Mozi 墨子: xi Wengong chu zou er zheng tianxia 昔文公出走而正天下 (In the past, Lord Wen fled from his state and yet he mastered the world); see Yirang, Sun 孫詒讓, Mozi xiangu 墨子閒詁 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2001)Google Scholar, 1.1 (“Qinshi” 親士); or the Lüshi chunqiu, 9.485 (“Shunmin” 順民): xi zhe Tang ke Xia er zheng tianxia 昔者湯克夏而正天下 (In the past, Tang conquered the Xia and rectified the world). Admittedly there seems to be no ancient text which credits the Yellow Emperor with rectifying the world, this attribute being given to lesser culture heroes, but there is no particular reason to amend the original wording of the text given that it makes perfect sense as it is.

54. Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 1Google Scholar, suggests amending the character yi 意 (will) to yi 義 (justice).

55. Shaoming, Lian, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu Gai Lu kaoshu,” 65Google Scholar, notes that se 色 (colour) is often used in Warring States era texts to indicate the Five Phases. Alternatively, Yu, Chen 陳宇, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie 伍子胥兵法破解 (Beijing: Junshi kexue, 2003), 26Google Scholar, suggests that se refers to sex, and to the use of women to seduce key military leaders (meiren ji 美人計). This suggestion is not persuasive.

56. Here de 德 (virtue) is being read as a synonym for de 得 (power). The two were closely related concepts in ancient China; see Kryukov, Vassili, “Symbols of Power and Communication in pre-Confucian China (on the anthropology of de): Preliminary assumptions,” BSOAS 58.2 (1995), 314–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57. Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 1Google Scholar, suggests that bingge 兵革 (literally arms and armour) should be read as bingge 兵戈 (weapons and halberds). Although here the Yellow Emperor is not said to have given priority to military action, in many early military classics he was said to have been the father of traditional Chinese strategic planning; see Shiyijia zhu Sunzi 十一家注孫子, eds. Cao, Cao 曹操 et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 148 (“Xingjun” 行軍)Google Scholar. See also Xianchen, Wang 王顯臣, Baolin, Xu 許保林, Zhongguo gudai bingshu zatan 中國古代兵書雜談 (Beijing: Zhanshi, 1983), 21Google Scholar. In the Heguanzi there is a passage which is thematically related to this section of the Gai Lu, in which Heguanzi bemoans the fact that unlike the sages, ordinary people are only too ready to use military might (xian bing 先兵); see Heguanzi huijiao jizhu 鶡冠子彙校集注, ed. Huaixin, Huang 黄懐信 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2004), 114–15Google Scholar (“Jindie” 近迭).

58. The sifu 四輔, here translated as “Four Protectors,” was a designation for ministers in the ideal government of a sage king; see for example Yingda, Kong 孔穎達, Liji zhengyi 禮記正義 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1990), 20.396 (“Wenwang shizi” 文王世子)Google Scholar.

59. The term Taiji 太極 (Great Crux), is found mainly in Daoist texts; see for example Qingfan, Guo 郭慶藩, Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 6.247 (“Dazongshi” 大宗師)Google Scholar; Ning, He 何寧, Huainanzi jishi 淮南子集釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1998), 6.456 (“Lanming” 覽冥)Google Scholar.

60. The cycle of the Five Virtues (wude 五德) is particularly associated with the theories of the Qi philosopher Zou Yan 鄒衍 and his followers in the third century B.C.E.; see Major, John S., Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four, and Five of the Huainanzi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 29Google Scholar.

61. Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 41n7Google Scholar, suggests reading the character jiao 繳 (guide) as jiao 徼 (boundary).

62. The standard transcription gives the character fa 法 (laws). However, as Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 38Google Scholar, notes the original text consistently uses the archaic form of the character: 灋 fa.

63. A similar line is found in a number of transmitted texts; see Xiangfeng, Li 黎翔鳳, Guanzi jiaozhu 管子校注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004), 41.859 (“Wuxing” 五行)Google Scholar; see also Heguanzi, 247 (“Taihong” 泰鴻).

64. According to the Zhengyi commentary on the Shi ji, the asterism Shen 參 (Triaster) consists of three stars; see Shi ji, 27.1307n1. Shen consists of the three stars δ, ε, and ζ in Orion; that is the three stars of Orion's belt. Chen refers to the planet Mercury; see Shi ji, 27.1327n2. The alternative, as suggested by the amendment to the text made by modern scholars is to read Shen as san 三 (three): the sanchen are the sun, moon, and stars; see for example Zuo zhuan, 89 (Huan 2).

65. The weaving metaphor found here seems to be unique in early Chinese thought. It was much more common for the Dou or Dipper to be compared to a chariot; see for example Shi ji, 27.1291.

66. A related line is found in the Wei Liaozi; see Jiemin, Li 李解民, Wei Liaozi yizhu 尉繚子, in Wujing qishu 武經七書, eds. Yuqian, Pian 駢宇騫 et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2007), 255 (“Zhiben” 治本)Google Scholar.

67. The jiu ye 九野 (nine fields) here refers to the use of astrology in military theory, and the principle of moving soldiers according to the stars. This term is found repeatedly in ancient Chinese literature, usually paired as here with the nine regions (jiu zhou 九州). See for example Lüshi chunqiu, 13.662 (“Youshi” 有始); and Huainanzi, 3.178–83 (“Tianwen” 天文).

68. Xingde 刑德 is here translated as “punishment and reward” according to the usage of these two characters found in texts such as the Han Feizi 韓非子; see Han Feizi jishi 韓非子集釋, ed. Qiyou, Chen 陳奇猷 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1958), 111–13Google Scholar (“Erbing” 二柄). A cosmographical usage of these terms is also found in the Huainanzi, 3.212–13 (“Tianwen”) and in the Yuejue shu, 32 (“Jini neijing” 計倪內經). The importance of xingde as a technical term associated particularly with the yin-yang military school is considered in Major, John S., “The Meaning of Hsing-te,” in Chinese Ideas about Nature and Society: Studies in Honour of Derk Bodde, eds. Blanc, Charles Le and Blader, Susan (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987), 287–88Google Scholar.

69. The character li 立 (to establish) in the original text is usually interpreted as meaning xing 行 (to put into practice), according to the commentary by Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 45n5Google Scholar. However, I would suggest that li here is being used for bing 竝, meaning to be united.

70. There is no reference to this battle formation anywhere else in ancient Chinese literature, but in the Zuo zhuan, 762 (Xuan 15), the words shengu qi ming 申固其命 (holding firm to his orders) do appear. In this context, shengu is interpreted as referring to protecting the capital, rather than the name of a particular type of battle-formation.

71. Shengshi, meaning “to taking advantage of a favourable opportunity,” appears in many ancient Chinese philosophical texts; see for example Han Feizi, 1051 (“Wudu” 五蠹); Guanzi, 80.1413 (“Qingzhong” 輕重 A).

72. This same battle formation is mentioned in the Wei Liaozi, 193 (“Tianguan” 天官), as a situation extremely disadvantageous to the army, and hence known in this text as Feijun 廢軍 (Destroying the Army).

73. The Dawu was otherwise best known as the name of a ritual dance, attributed to the Duke of Zhou; see for example Lüshi chunqiu, 5.290 (“Guyue” 古樂); see also Baihu tong shuzheng 白虎通疏證, ed. Li, Chen 陳立 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1994), 100Google Scholar (“Liyue” 禮樂).

74. The interpretation of this highly inauspicious battle formation name is derived from the fact that the character qing 清 (pure) is often found in ancient texts as a phonetic loan for the character qing 請 (to request or to seek). For shi 施 as a character meaning death; see Lexian, Liu 劉樂賢, Mawangdui tianwenshu kaoshi 馬王堆天文書考釋 (Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue, 2004), 160Google Scholar.

75. The Wei Liaozi, 193 (“Tianguan”) contains a reference to a battle-formation named Juedi 絕地 (Dangerous Territory), which is apparently the same as that mentioned here: bei shui chen wei Juedi 背水陳謂絕地 (Lining up with your backs to the river is Juedi).

76. The suggested amendment to this line and the interpretation of the significance of the name of this battle formation is derived from Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 78Google Scholar.

77. A related section is found in the Di Dian 地典 text excavated at Yinqueshan 銀雀山. This yin-yang military text consists of a conversation between Huangdi and one of his ministers, Di Dian. Although very badly damaged, the description of the names of military formations in this text is clearly related to those found in the Gai Lu. For example, strip 545 of the Di Dian text reads: you shui er zhan, shi wei Shun … (右水而戰氏 [是] 胃 [謂] 順□); see Jiulong, Wu 吳九龍, Yinqueshan Hanjian shiwen 銀雀山漢簡釋文 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1985), 42Google Scholar. This nomenclature would seem to be related to that given in the Gai Lu text for lining up in formation to the left of a body of water.

78. Sanxia, Wang 王三峽, “‘Ri you ba sheng’ yu ‘Tian zhi bashi’: Hanjian Gai Lu ciyu xunshi erti” 日有八勝與天之八時: 漢簡蓋廬詞語訓釋二題, Changjiang daxue xuebao (shehui kexue bao) 長江大學學報 (社會科學報) 31.5 (2008), 19Google Scholar suggests that the reference made here to barley refers to the agricultural practices of Wu's enemies, arguing that it is when the enemy is engaged in harvesting that you should attack.

79. The Mawangdui Xingde B text contains an extensive account of the movement of De correlated with the Five Phases. However, unlike the Gai Lu text, the Xingde text suggests that De being in Earth was extremely inauspicious for battle, De resting in Wood was inauspicious for the first one to move, and only Metal was regarded as propitious; see Juyou, Fu, Songchang, Chen, Mawangdui Hanmu wenwu, 138–37Google Scholar, lines 39–44. Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 51n3,Google Scholar suggests that this line should be understood as De zai tu, mu [Xing] zai jin 德在土木[刑]在金 (when De rests in Earth, and when Xing rests in Metal …)

80. Tiangu 天鼓 (Heavenly Drum), was in later times used interchangeably with the name Hegu 河鼓 (River Drum) as the designation of the three stars Altair, Alshain, and Tarazed, that is α, β, and γ Aquila; see Xiaochun, Sun and Kistemaker, Jacob, The Chinese Sky during the Han: Constellating Stars and Society (Leiden: EJ Brill, 1997), 150Google Scholar. An alternative attribution is that Tiangu is another name for the asterism Qianniu 牽牛 (Herd-boy); see Xueqin, Li, Erya zhushu 爾雅注疏 (Taibei: Taiwan guji, 2001), 195Google Scholar (“Shitian” 釋天). Qianniu, also known as Duniu 都牛, contains six stars; see Shi ji, 27.1308n1, the stars β, α ², ξ ², ο, π, and ϱ in Capricornus.

81. The directional animals were certainly used in Warring States era military discourse: see Wuzi qianshuo 吳子淺說, eds. Shijin, Wang 王式金, Shizhi, Li 李碩之 (Beijing: Jiefangjun, 1986), 80Google Scholar (“Zhibing” 治兵). A very similar passage is found in the Huainanzi, 15.1084 (“Binglüe” 兵略), except that it includes the Dark Warrior of the north. The Dark Warrior (Xuanwu 玄武) was not standardised as the northern directional deity until the Han dynasty; see Major, John S., “New Light on the Dark Warrior,” Journal of Chinese Religions 13–14 (1985–1986), 68–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The fact that the Gai Lu mentions the Red Bird, Green Dragon and White Tiger, but not the Dark Warrior is typical of Warring States era texts.

82. Zhaoyao, or the Spear, is the single star γ Boötes; see Sun and Kistemaker, , The Chinese Sky during the Han, 148Google Scholar. See also Huainanzi, 15.1082 (“Binglüe”); and Shi ji, 27.1294–95, for the association of this star with military action.

83. Dachen seems to be the name of a planet or constellation, but does not appear anywhere else in early Chinese literature. Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 53n11Google Scholar, suggests that Dachen is the constellation Tianchen 天陳.

84. The first transcription of this text indicated that the character er 耳 (ears) in this sentence was an indication of textual corruption. He Youzu 何有祖, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian shiwen yu zhushi shangbu” 張家山漢簡釋文與注釋商補, www.jianbo.org/admin3/html/heyouzhu07.htm, suggests that this is not the case given that the use of drums and standards when going into battle formation would test both the enemy's ears and eyes.

85. This section of the text is related to a passage found in the Wuzi, 88 (“Lunjiang” 論將).

86. A related passage is found in the Sunzi bingfa, 123 (“Junzheng” 軍爭); and in the Huainanzi, 15.1078 (“Binglüe”).

87. Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 50Google Scholar, amends feng 逢 (to meet) in the original text to peng 蓬 (flourishing). In early China, the term qi 氣 was used both in philosophical texts meaning a type of life-force, and in military texts where it refers to a visible aura observable in the vicinity of an army; see Genji, Kuroda 黑田源次, Ki no kenkyū 氣の研究 (Tokyo: Tokyo bijitsu, 1977), 165–72Google Scholar. In order to distinguish these two types of qi, the military usage of the term will here be translated as aura. Inspecting military auras was an important part of ancient Chinese military theory, and though many references to this survive, the only text of this kind to have been transmitted is the “Ji junqi” 記軍氣 (Record of Military Auras) chapter of the Yuejue shu.

88. Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 2Google Scholar, suggests reading qi 七 (seven) as qi 奇 (surprise). In that case, rather than meaning “This is what is referred to as the seven skills of battle,” this sentence would then mean “This is what is called ‘Surprise Attack’ in battle.”

89. The Shi ji, 27.1325–26, also mentions that Venus crossing the moon was an extremely bad omen in the military context.

90. Although the Shi ji, 27.1317–19, does not mention specifically that Mars appearing in conjunction with the moon was a bad omen, any deviation from its standard course was certainly regarded as extremely significant, indicative of death, disease, famine, and warfare.

91. Xudong, Tian 田旭東, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu zhong de bing yin-yang jia 張家山漢簡蓋廬中的兵陰陽家,” Lishi yanjiu, 2002.6, 168n3Google Scholar, suggests that the second date, Guihai 癸亥, is wrong, and should read Guichou 癸丑 (day 50).

92. Wang Sanxia, “‘Ri you ba sheng’ yu ‘Tian zhi bashi,’” 18, notes the importance of Five Phase theory for designating the eight days for combat. The Stems and Branches were all allocated to particular phases, and so of the eight days mentioned here, Bingwu represents a double Fire day, Renzi and Guikai are double Water days, Gengshen and Xinyou are double Metal days, and Wuchen is a double Earth day. Of the remaining two days mentioned, Dingwei is Fire and Earth, which Professor Wang allocates under the Fire category, and Jisi is Earth and Fire, and hence allocated to Earth. Tian Xudong's suggested amendment to the text, mentioned above, is therefore dismissed. The Gai Lu is not the only excavated text in which dates are allocated to particular directions; the same thing can be seen in the Caoshi yinyang 曹氏陰陽 (Mr. Cao's Yin and Yang text) excavated at Yinqueshan; see Shaoming, Lian 連劭名, “Yinqueshan Hanjian Caoshi yinyang yanjiu” 銀雀山漢簡曹氏陰陽研究, Zhongyuan wenwu 中原文物 2007.2, 67Google Scholar.

93. The use of Five Phases theory in military texts of the Warring States era is well-documented; similar ideas are expressed in the Liutao 六韜; see Liutao yizhu 六韜譯注, ed. Dongling, Sheng 盛東鈴, in Wujing qishu, 437–38Google Scholar (“Longdao: Wuyin” 龍韜: 五音); see also the Sunzi bingfa, 104 (“Xushi” 虛實). It is also recorded in historical texts; see for example Zuo zhuan, 1426–27 (Zhao 31); and 1653–54 (Ai 9). The link between the Five Phases and military action is also described in the Baihutong, 189 (“Wuxing”): “It is the nature of Heaven and Earth that the many will defeat the few, and therefore Water conquers Fire. The fine will defeat the hard, and therefore Fire conquers Metal. The hard will defeat the soft, and therefore Metal conquers Wood. The concentrated will defeat the scattered, and therefore Wood conquers Earth. The concrete will defeat the empty, and therefore Earth conquers Water.”

94. This translation follows the standard transcription of the text, and allocates this strip as number 23 in the text. However, the possibility remains that it is intrusive.

95. The character xi 喜 (happiness) here is read as xi 禧 (good luck or auspiciousness), according to the commentary by Pengsheng, Meng 孟蓬生, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian ziyi zhaji” 張家山漢簡字義剳記, Guji zhengli xuekan 古籍整理學刊, 2004.5, 4.Google Scholar

96. There seems to be considerable disagreement over how to transcribe the character giving the name of the planet Saturn; see Zhao, Liu, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian shiwen zhushi shangque (yi)” Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan 2003.3, 3. However the meaning of the disputed character is not in doubt.Google Scholar

97. Lexian, Liu 劉樂賢, “Tan Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu de ‘ditong,’ ‘ritong’ he ‘rixian’” 談張家山漢簡盖廬的 ‘地橦’ ‘日橦’ 和 ‘日臽,’ Jianbo 1, 2006, 386–89Google Scholar, argues that the ditong mentioned in the Gai Lu text are the same as the dichong 地[衝[ days mentioned in the first of the Rishu (jia) excavated at Shuihudi; that is a Wuchen 戊辰 (5) and Jisi 己巳 (6) day in spring, Wushen 戊申 (45) and Jiwei 己未 (56) day in summer, Wuxu 戊戌 (35) and Jihai 己亥 (36) day in autumn, and Wuyin 戊寅 (15) and Yiyou 乙酉 (22) day in winter. Likewise he suggests that the ritong days are those which in the spring begin with the Heavenly Stem Geng 庚 or Xin 辛, in summer with Ren 壬 or Gui 癸, in autumn with Jia 甲 or Yi 乙, and in winter with Bing 丙 or Ding 丁. The second almanac excavated at Shuihudi mentions these “chonger” (combat days) as being particularly auspicious for military action. For the original reference to the Rishu; see xiaozu, Shuihudi Qinmu zhujian zhengli 睡虎地秦墓竹簡整理小組 ed., Shuihudi Qinmu zhujian 睡虎地秦墓竹簡 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1990), 225, 233Google Scholar. The argument presented in this article is that by extension the twelve days of rixian mentioned in the Gai Lu text are also likely to be related in some way to the Heavenly Stem system, and the Shuihudi text does indeed mention xianri 臽日, xianri 陷日 and danri 窞日. The author identifies the Gai Lu rixian 日臽 with the Shuihudi xianri 臽日, on the basis that both seem to refer to the Heavenly Stems system.

98. See Shaoming, Lian, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu Gai Lu kaoshu,” 69Google Scholar, for the rational reading tan 緂 as yan 焰 (shining). This term qiyan 氣焰 is found in the Zuo zhuan, 197 (Zhuang 14). This kind of inspection was a standard part of warfare in ancient China. In Frank Kierman's study of the conduct of war during the Zhou dynasty, he argued for a multi-stage preparation prior to the battle in which dreams and omens would be interpreted, divinations performed, and the moral balance of power determined by reference to past engagements. In the final hours before the battle, there would be prayers and the warring factions would attempt to communicate with spirits and gods. After the battle, the final conclusion would involve a reckoning with the ancestors and gods. See Kierman, Frank, “Phases and Modes of Combat in Early China,” in Chinese Ways in Warfare, eds. Fairbank, John and Kierman, Frank (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), 30–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99. He Youzu, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian shiwen yu zhushi shangbu,” notes that the character ru 乳 in the manuscript is silently amended to luan 亂 (confused) in the transcription. The inspection of clouds was, as with auras, an important part of ancient Chinese military theory. Although no transmitted texts on this subject survive, a number have been excavated, including the Tianwen qixiang zazhan 天文氣象雜占 (Mixed Divination by Astrological and Meteorological Phenomena) from tomb three at Mawangdui, and the much later Zhan yunqi shu 占雲氣書 (Book on Cloud and Aura Divination) discovered at Dunhuang; see Lexian, Liu 劉樂賢, Mawangdui tianwenshu kaoshi 馬王堆天文書考釋 (Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue, 2004)Google Scholar; and Loewe, Michael, “Oracles of the Clouds and the Winds,” BSOAS 51.3 (1988), 502–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bingyu, He 何丙郁, Guanbiao, He 何冠彪, Dunhuang canjuan zhan yunqi shu yanjiu 敦煌殘卷占雲氣書研究 (Taipei: Yiwen, 1985)Google Scholar. This discovery is discussed in Yoke, Ho Peng, Li, Qi and Shu: An Introduction to Science and Civilization in China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985), 146–47Google Scholar.

100. This couplet is echoed in the Liutao, 495 (“Quandao: Wufeng” 犬韜: 武鋒).

101. xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqihao Hanmu zhujian zhengli, Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian ersiqihao mu: Shiwen xiudingben, 166n3Google Scholar, suggests reading the character ci 兹 as zi 滋 (to live long). Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 183Google Scholar, suggests reading this character as ci 慈 (mercy).

102. The term zhong 眾 is here translated as “rabble.” In other ancient Chinese military texts, zhong is commonly paired with gua 寡, to describe the victory of the many over the few. However here in the Gai Lu, the contrast seems to be between the zhong and the zu 卒 (trained soldiers).

103. There is a dispute over whether one character in this line should be transcribed cai 材 (as favoured by the scholars of the Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Hanjian zhujian zhengli xiaozu) or fang 枋 (as favoured by Shao Hong). See Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian: Ersiqi hao mu, 279, and Shao Hong, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 66, respectively.

104. The character xun 侚 is glossed as a loan for xun 徇 (to take advantage) by Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 66Google Scholar.

105. A similar section is found in the Sunzi bingfa, 13–16 (“Jipian” 計篇), describing how to torment an opponent.

106. For the correction of the transcription from zhi 穉 (young) to the variant zhi 稺, see Xueren, Xu, “Zhangjiashan M247 Hanjian Gai Lu pianshi wending bu,” 356Google Scholar. Zhao, Liu, “Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian shiwen zhushi shangque (yi),” 3Google Scholar, argues that the character zhi 雉 should be understood as yi 彝 (regular or proper), by analogy to the reference to the term yilun 彝倫 (proper social relations) in the Shangshu 尚書 (Book of History); see Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義, ed. Yingda, Kong 孔穎達 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1990) 164Google Scholar (“Hongfan” 洪範).

107. Guiyuan, Wang, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian zici shidu kaobian,” 85Google Scholar, argues that the missing character here is in fact legible as fa 灋 (laws). Alternatively Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 207Google Scholar suggests that the missing character is li 里 (village), and hence that this line criticizes people who do not listen to the village headman.

108. He Youzu, “Zhangjiashan Hanjian shiwen yu zhushi shangbu,” correctly notes that as the text is given in the standard transcription, it does not make sense. He therefore suggests adding the characters qi hai 其害 to the final clause, whereby it parallels the opening question: Yu yu sha qi haimin zhe, ruo he 吾欲殺其害民者, 若何? (I want to kill those who harm other people, what do you think?)

109. Given that the strip is badly broken at this point, it is not clear if a character is missing from the beginning of Shen Xu's answer to the king. Some transcriptions give a missing character, see for example Hong, Shao, Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu yanjiu, 73Google Scholar, which also identifies the lost character as yi 以, while others do not; see for example Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 228Google Scholar.

110. The character wai 外 (outside) is included here according to the transcription given by Yu, Chen, Wu Zixu bingfa pojie, 5Google Scholar.

111. The idea that contravening building regulations posed a significant danger, particularly where the size and power of sub-enfeoffed cities threatened the position of the capital and hence the ruler, is very ancient in China; see for example Zuo zhuan, 11–12 (Yin 1).

112. The final line of the Gai Lu text is highly cryptic, but seems to allude to the belief that these four days of the sexagenary cycle were particularly unlucky when encountered in specific seasons of the year. This is also mentioned in both the first and second Rishu (jia and yi) excavated at Shuihudi, which describes these specific days as extremely unlucky; see xiaozu, Shuihudi Qinmu zhujian zhengli, Shuihudi Qinmu zhujian, 208Google Scholar, strip 1 bei; 240–41, strips 110–112. The first Rishu describes these four days as generally unlucky, the second focuses on the disasters that will overtake anyone trying to build a house on these days. For the association of the Shuihudi almanacs with the Gai Lu text, see Lexian, Liu, “Tan Zhangjiashan Hanjian Gai Lu de dichong, richong, he rixian,” 389Google Scholar.

113. There are numerous references to the significance of the appearance of comets before battle in ancient Chinese texts; see for example Zonglu, Xiang 向宗魯, Shuoyuan jiaozheng 說苑校證 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 331Google Scholar (“Quanmou” 權謀). However the only other text to contain a specific reference to this story, that a comet appeared just before King Wu of Zhou defeated the Shang, is the Huainanzi, 15.1065 (“Binglüe”). Comets remained enormously important in Chinese military theory as can be seen from the Tianwen qixiang zazhan manuscript excavated at Mawangdui; see Loewe, Michael, “The Han View of Comets,” Early China, 9/10 (1983–1985), 1–31Google Scholar.

114. A related passage appears in the Wei Liaozi, 195 (“Tianguan”).

115. Yuejue shu, 44 (“Jice”).

116. See Yuejue shu, 87 (“Junqi”). The term suan is found in a number of ancient military texts, most notably the Sunzi bingfa, 19–20 (“Shiji” 始計). Interpreting this term has clearly caused enormous problems, for normally it would mean something like “to calculate” or “to reckon.” Here this is clearly not the case; it seems in military texts to be used to refer to a particular kind of divination performed in the temple prior to an attack. The word suan is also found in this meaning in the Shangjun shu 商君書 which says: “As for the army of a true king, if they are victorious they are not arrogant, and if they are defeated they are not angry. It can be victorious without becoming arrogant because it understands [the importance of] technique; it can be defeated without becoming angry because it understands the reasons why it has lost. Even when the army is weak and the enemy strong, if the general is clever then he will be victorious, if he is not then he will be defeated. Should he act according to the suan divination obtained at the temple, if the general is clever he will be victorious, and if he is not he will still be victorious.” See Lihong, Jiang 蔣禮鴻, Shangjun shu zhuizhi 商君書錐指 (Beijing: Zhonghua, [1986] 2001), 69–70Google Scholar (“Zhanfa” 戰法). For an alternative translation of this passage; see Duyvendak, J.J.L., The Book of Lord Shang: A classic of the Chinese School of Law (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1963), 245–46Google Scholar.