Modern anthropological research has shown that at every level of civilization there exists a moral code which is expressed in the ideal behaviour of individuals in the community, that is a behaviour which is ‘correct’ according to the people's ideas and praised by them in speech and story. Part of this moral code consists of regulations determining the mutual behaviour of the sexes, that is, of rules attempting to direct and control the physiological and emotional sexual impulses in individuals in the interest of the social well-being of the community or state. These physiological and emotional forces of sex are part of the biological equipment of human beings and hence common to all peoples. The anthropologist among so-called primitive people can approach the study of the moral code and its application from two angles: that of the individual, and that of the community. In all forms of society there is a supposition that individuals find control in sexual matters irksome, and only submit to restraint as a result of effective training allied to effective external pressure. A further universal supposition is that the community finds it necessary to demand a certain type of behaviour from individuals for the sake of its cohesion and stability. Both these suppositions are borne out by anthropological studies in primitive sociology. As soon, however, as we descend from general principles to a particular tribe, we begin to ask whether there is any connexion between the nature of the community and its demands on individuals as represented by the moral code and especially by the sexual regulations. Is there, for example, less need for stringent sexual regulations in a small isolated community than in a warlike tribe dependent for its existence on the strength of its arms? And if there is any such connexion what are the reasons for it?

The Zulu live on the south-east coast of South Africa, in a region of fertile soil, watered by fair summer rains which are occasionally interrupted by drought. Towards the end of the agricultural season they hold a great tribal ceremony, which Sir James Frazer cites as a typical first fruits sacrament, though the ceremony itself has many different rites. I hope in this paper to show that these, and the taboos on the early eating of the first fruits, together with the ritual approach to them, guard against socially disruptive forces. To the natives the importance of the ceremony is that it protects them against mystical powers; their actual effect must be sought by the anthropologist.

Les Berbères de l'Aurès, pour désigner leurs groupes sociaux, utilisent deux mots: harfiqt et εarch L'un, εarch, correspond à la tribu, c'est-à-dire à un groupe politique; l'autre, harfiqt, au groupe familial ou pseudo-familial. C'est la réunion d'un certain nombre de groupes pseudo-familiaux qui constitue une tribu.

There are great and striking differences between the art products of Benin and those of the Yoruba towns through which one passes on the way across country to that city. Efforts to find woodcarvers or brass-founders at, for instance, Ibadan were in vain, in spite of the co-operation of the Resident, Mr. Ward-Price, to whom I am also indebted for general assistance on my journey. The native arts and crafts of Benin, in comparison with those of the Yoruba towns, are still in a highly nourishing condition; the wood-carvers in particular were fully occupied. Again and again I came across altars for ancestor worship, images, carved doors, &c., which have been made during the last few score years. They show a wealth of pagan artistic skill of a high order which is most impressive, especially in contrast with the stagnation at such places as Ibadan and Ife, and is even more astonishing, as Benin was overwhelmed by a catastrophe from which one might have expected that it would never recover. A British punitive expedition conquered the city and dethroned the king in 1897 and an extensive fire burnt down the whole place. At this time most of the Benin bronze work came to Europe. Of the older products only a few were left in their original home. Consequently the art of new Benin has been built up again on a tabula rasa. But the work of these forty years is plentiful enough. One has the impression that Benin is determined to make good the colossal damage that was done to it.

In a recent issue of a weekly review devoted to the interests of East Africa, the Editor drew attention to an African aptitude which is of a very modern kind and has a particular interest for every one anxious to know, and to utilize, Africa's own thought and opinion. He had been studying a copy of Mutende (‘Peace’), which is the newspaper experiment of the moment in Northern Rhodesia under government auspices, and had been struck—as a journalist—with the contributions to its columns by Africans. Mutende is a multi-lingual production, under European editorship, and occupies a place of great potential importance within the Copper Belt area, where the absence of any sort of provision for the intelligent use of leisure time was shown to have been a contributing cause of the unfortunate trouble in 1935 between government and mine employees.

Great progress has been made in recent years in the study of African languages and in the construction of suitable and standardized orthographies. This work has had several aims, among them those of bringing order out of confusion and of ensuring that the sounds of the spoken word shall be adequately represented in writing. There is, however, one all-important and far-reaching aim, referred to by Professor Westermann in The International Review of Missions. ‘Orthography and the evolution of a standard language are means to an end, and the end is a vernacular literature.’

Kikuyu stories, like all unwritten literature, tend to be fluid. No two people seem to know quite the same version of a story, and one person may give as one long story what another will tell you should be two distinct shorter ones. Moreover, practically all direct speech is quoted in the form of a song, both the words of the song and the music varying with different reciters. Kikuyu stories are full of repetition.

Sous ce titre le numéro de notre revue, paru en octobre dernier, a publié une substantielle critique du livre que Miss Margery Perham a consacré à l'étude de l'administration indigène en Nigéria. Ce compte-rendu avait été rédigé par Lord Lugard, il revêt donc une importance capitale et presque historique. Le Fondateur de la Nigéria est amené à diverses reprises à exposer les raisons qui l'ont déterminé à prendre certaines mesures mentionnées dans le livre et à les justifier.