We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 February 2016
The imperial bestowal, as a major way of distributing the Buddhist canon, profoundly affected the contours of Buddhism in late imperial China. But why did the inner court engage in the distribution? How did it choose the recipient from the outside world? How was it possible for an aspirant to the canon to win out among the competitors? These questions concern the dynamics and mechanism behind the diffusion of the canon. They also cast new light on the relationship between Buddhism and the state and local society by revealing how the two otherwise separated worlds interacted. This paper is intended to tackle these unexplored questions by examining the extensive bestowal of the Ming Beizang during the Wanli court (1573–1620). It first makes a survey, revealing how uneven the distribution was in terms of both time and region. It then explores the motives of the imperial members as patrons in the context of court politics. Its focus, however, is on the agents and elements working behind the selection of the beneficiaries, and how their interplays conditioned the influence of the canon in local societies. In the process, the roles of the emperor, court women, eunuchs, officials, monks, and local elites are all examined.
1 For current studies on the printed Chinese Buddhist canon, see Sueki, Yasuhiro, Bibliographical Sources for Buddhist Studies: From the Viewpoint of Buddhist Philology, Addenda III (Tokyo, 2001), pp. 181–210 Google Scholar; Nozawa Yoshimi 野沢佳美, Daizōkyō kankei Kenkyū bunken mokuroku 大藏經関係研究文獻目錄 (Tōkyō, 1993); idem., “Daizōkyō kankei Kenkyū bunken mokuroku: hoi, tsuika” 大藏經関係研究文獻目錄 補遺‧追加, Tōyō shi ronshū 東洋史論集10 (1997), pp. 65–72; 15(2003), pp. 19–34; Guangchang, Fang 方廣錩, “Chūgoku ni okeru daizōkyō no genjō to tenbō” 中國における大蔵経研究の現狀と展望, trans. Kida Tomō 木田知生, Ryūkoku Daigaku bukkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 龍谷大學佛敎文化硏究所紀要 34 (1995), pp. 128–150 Google Scholar; Fuhua, Li 李富華 and Mei, He 何梅, Hanwen fojiao da zangjing yanjiu 漢文佛教大藏經研究 (Beijing, 2003)Google Scholar.
2 This canon was reprinted, under the title Yongle Beizang 永樂北藏, by Xianzhuang shuju in Beijing in 2000.
3 In addition to the Beizang, two southern editions of the canon were carved with government money: one is the Hongwu nanzang 洪武南藏 (Reprint Chengdu, 1999) and the other the Yongle nanzang 永樂南藏. The only private-sponsored edition is the Jiaxing canon (Reprint Mingban Jiaxing da zangjing 明版嘉興大藏經 [Taipei, 1986–1987]; Jiaxing zang 嘉興藏 [Beijing, 2008]). For studies on the Buddhist canon produced in the Ming dynasty, see Li and He, Hanwen fojiao da zangjing yanjiu, pp. 375–508; Yūkei, Hasebe 長谷部幽蹊, “Mindai ikō ni okeru zōkyō no kaichō” 明代以降における蔵経の開雕, Aichigakuin daigaku ronsō, ippan kyōiku kenkyū 愛知學院大學論叢 一般教育研究 31.1 (1983–84), pp. 3–28 Google Scholar. Specifically, for the Hongwu nanzang, see Mei, He 何梅, “Ming chuke nanzang yanjiu” 明《初刻南藏》研究, Minnan foxueyuan xuebao 閩南佛學院學報 1(2001), pp. 99–115 Google Scholar; Long, Darui, “A Note on the Hongwu Nanzang, a Rare Edition of the Buddhist Canon”, The East Asian Library Journal 9.2 (2000), pp. 112–147 Google Scholar. For the Yongle nanzang, see Yoshimi, Nozawa 野沢佳美, Mindai daizōkyō shi no kenkyū: nanzō no rekishigakuteki kiso kenkyū 明代大藏經の研究: 南蔵の歴史學的基礎研究 (Tōkyō, 1998)Google Scholar. For the Jiaxing canon, see Ryūzō, Nakajima 中嶋隆蔵, Min Banreki Kakōzō no shuppan to sono eikyō 明萬暦嘉興蔵の出版とその影響 (Sendai, 2005)Google Scholar; idem., “Kakōzō nyūzō butten to Mitsuzō Dōkai no tachiba” 嘉興入藏佛典と密藏道開の立場, Tōhō gakuhō 東方學報 113.1 (2007), pp. 34–50.
4 When this essay was written, the Hongwu southern edition had fallen into oblivion and would not reappear until 1934, while the carving of the Jiaxing edition was still in process. In this sense, it is true that only two Ming editions of the Buddhist canon existed.
5 Guangchang she 廣長舌 literally means a wide and long tongue. It is one of the Buddha's thirty-two characteristic marks, and often used to refer to the Buddha himself.
6 Mengzhen, Feng 馮夢禎, Kuaixuetang ji 快雪堂集, in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書 (Jinan, 1995; jibu 集部, vols. 164–165) 26, p. 6bGoogle Scholar.
7 The Beizang was enlarged in the Wanli period by adding forty-one more cases of Buddhist texts. See Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清, Hanshan laoren mengyou ji 憨山老人夢遊集, in Wan xu zangjing 卍續藏經, 150 vols. (Reprint Taipei, 1968–1970) [cited as X hereafter], vol. 73, no.1456, 29.668b.
8 So far no study has been made about the printing expenses of the Beizang, and this estimated figure of six hundred taels is quoted from a paper I am working on. For the printing cost of the Yongle nanzang, see Dai, Lianbin, “The Economics of the Jiaxing Edition of the Buddhist Tripitaka”, T’oung Pao 94. 5 (2008), p. 346 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the printing the Daoist canon in the early seventeenth century, which cost 720 taels of silver, see Knud Lundbaek, Joseph de Premare (1666–1736), SJ: Chinese Philology and Figurism (Aarhus, 1991), pp. 33, 62. My thanks are to Prof. Timothy H. Barrett for this reference.
9 For recent studies on the bestowal of the Beizang, see Yoshimi, Nozawa 野沢佳美, “Mindai hokuzō kō 1: kashi jōkyō o chūshin ni” 明代北蔵考(一): 下賜狀況を中心に, Risshō daigaku bungakubu ronsō 立正大學文學部論叢 117 (2003), pp. 81–106 Google Scholar; Xiaorong, He 何孝榮, Mingdai Beijing fojiao siyuan xiujian yanjiu 明代北京佛教寺院修建研究 (Tianjin, 2007), pp. 317–322 Google Scholar. In comparison, we can see how the Yongle nanzang was circulated in Jining, Li 李濟寧, “Fojiao da zangjing de diaoke, yinshua, liutong zhidu” 佛教大藏经的雕刻、印刷、流通制度, Wenjin xuezhi 文津學誌 1(2003), pp. 56–60 Google Scholar.
10 The term zhili 直隸, meaning “directly ruled,” indicates regions directly ruled by the central government. Since the Ming had two capitals, there were two Zhili provinces in this dynasty. The region known as North Zhili (Bei Zhili 北直隸) was composed of parts of the modern provinces of Hebei, Henan, Shandong, and the administrative districts of Beijing and Tianjin. The South Zhili (Nan Zhili 南直隸) included parts of what are today the provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, and the administrative district of Shanghai.
11 Dong Qichang was one of the most important painters and calligraphers in late imperial China, and his art was profoundly influenced by Chan Buddhism. See Brook, Timothy, “Rujia de zongjiao: Dong Qichang de fojiao yu Xu Guangqi de jidujiao” 儒家士大夫的宗教: 董其昌的佛教與徐光啟的基督教, Zhongguo xueshu 中國學術 17 (2004), pp. 174–98Google Scholar; Masahiro, Hasegawa 長谷川昌弘, “Tō kishō to Zen” 董其昌と禅, Tōyōgaku ronshū 東洋学論集 no. 1(1994), pp. 141–156 Google Scholar.
12 San’e 三峨 refers to Mount E’mei, for it has three major peaks called Da’e 大峨, Zhong’e 中峨, and Xiao’e 小峨, respectively. Wuyue 五嶽 refers to five sacred mountains in traditional Chinese culture, including Mount Tai 泰山 in Shandong, Mount Heng 衡山 in Hunan, Mount Hua 華山 in Shanxi, Mount Hen 恆山 in Hebei, and Mount Song 嵩山 in Henan.
13 Mount Jin and Mount Jiao, both located in Jiangsu and close to the mouth of the Yangtze River, had some famous Buddhist monasteries in late imperial China.
14 Qichang, Dong, Rongtai ji 容台集 (Taipei, 1968) 7, p. 963 Google Scholar.
15 Scholars have assumed that these canons were all dispatched by Cisheng, although sometimes in the name of Wanli. But this was not true on some occasions. For an example of such exceptions, see Bang, Qian 錢邦 and Chengxun, Fan 范承勲, (eds.), Jizushan zhi 雞足山志 (Taipei, 1985) 8, p. 475Google Scholar.
16 For Cisheng's biography, see Tingyu, Zhang 張廷玉, et al., (eds.), Mingshi 明史 (Beijing, 1974) 114, pp. 3534–3536 Google Scholar. Also see Goodrich, Luther Carrington and Fang, Chaoying, (eds)., Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1368–1644 (New York, 1976), pp. 856–859 Google Scholar. For current studies on Cisheng, see Naquin, Susan, Peking: Temples and City Life, 1400–1900 (Berkeley, 2000), pp. 156–161 Google Scholar; Yunü, Chen 陳玉女, “Ming Wanli shiqi Cisheng taihou de congfo: jian lun fo, dao shili de duizhi” 明萬曆時期慈聖皇太后的崇佛: 兼論佛、道勢力的對峙, in her Mingdai fojiao yu shehui 明代佛教與社會 (Beijing, 2011), pp. 96–146 Google Scholar. My manuscript studying the mid- and late Ming Buddhism, which is now under review for publication, devotes almost one chapter to Cisheng's religious activities. Also see Nie Furong 聶福榮, “Wanli chao Cisheng Li taihou chongfo kao lun” 萬曆朝慈聖李太后崇佛攷論, MA thesis, Jilin University 吉林大學, 2007.
17 Defu, Shen 沈德符, Wanli yehuo bian 萬曆野獲編 (Beijing, 1959) 27, p. 679Google Scholar, mentions briefly Wanli's belief in Buddhism.
18 Qiang & Fan, Jizushan zhi 8, p. 474.
19 Ibid ., 8, p. 475.
20 Yinguang, 印光, Qingliangshan zhi 清涼山志 (Taipei, 1980) 7, p. 221Google Scholar.
21 For example, see Dezang pusa benyuan jing 地藏菩薩本願經, in Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大藏經, (ed.) Takakusu Junjirō, et al., 100 vols. (Tōkyō, 1924–32) [hereafter T] 13, no. 412, 2.786c-787a.
22 Qian and Fan, Jizushan zhi 8, p. 474.
23 Ibid ., 8, p. 475.
24 For the succession issue in the Wanli period, see Yingtai, Gu 谷應泰, Mingshi jishi benmo 明史紀事本末 (Beijing, 1958) 67, pp. 1061–1076 Google Scholar; Huang, Ray, 1587, A Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (New Haven, 1981), pp. 75–103 Google Scholar.
25 This was not the only case in which Cisheng prayed for the benefit of Wanli's first son. For another similar example, see Daokai, Mizang 密藏道開, Mizangkai chanshi yigao 密藏開禪師遺稿, in Mingban Jiaxing da zangjing: Jingshan cang ban 明版嘉興大藏經: 徑山藏版, 40 vols. (Taipei, 1987), vol. 23, no. B118, 1.11b, 12c-13aGoogle Scholar.
26 Due to the involvement of court strife, the distribution of the Beizang could turn into a fatal event. For example, the eunuch Zhang Ben 張本 (?-1595?) was sentenced to death in 1595. The charge against him was that he had fabricated an imperial order to give a copy of the Beizang to Hanshan Deqing, who had been respected by Cisheng as her personal master, nine years before. For the event, see Ming Shenzong shilu 明神宗實錄 (Reprint. Taipei, 1962–68) 285, pp. 5291–5292.
27 Yinguang, Qingliang shanzhi 7, p. 222.
28 For Wanli's evident and protracted inaction in administration, see Huang, Ray, “The Lung-ch’ing and Wan-li reigns, 1567–1620”, in The Cambridge History of China. vol. 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644, Part 1, (eds.), Twitchett, Denis and Mote, Frederick (Cambridge, London, New York, 1988), pp. 515–517 Google Scholar.
29 The painter was Zheng Zhong 鄭重, who is said to have observed Tiandu peak, where Fahaichan chapel was, for one year before drawing it. See Linsi, Min 閔麟嗣, Huangshan zhi dingben 黃山志定本, in Zhongguo mingshan zhi 中國名山志, (eds.) Yasa, Jiang 姜亚沙 et al. (Beijing, 2005; vols. 9–10) 3, p. 576 Google Scholar. For the response of Wanli and the crown prince, see ibid., 2, p. 341.
30 Bao Ying’ao had encountered Weian in Datong, Shanxi, and seems to have discussed Buddhist teachings with him. See ibid., 5, p. 131. As for Bao's and Yu's essays, see ibid., 3, pp. 562, 610.
31 Tang Binyin also lent support to other temples on Mount Huangshan, including Zhibochan Chapel 擲缽禪院, Shizi lin 師子林, and Cuiwei si 翠微寺. See, ibid., 2, p. 217; 3, pp. 510–511, and 518–519.
32 For Tang's political life, see Miller, Harry, “Opposition to the Donglin Faction in the Late Ming Dynasty: The Case of Tang Binyin”, Late Imperial China 27.2 (2006), pp. 38–66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 This case was not an exception. Naquin, Susan, Peking: Temple and City Life, 1400–1900 (Berkeley, 2000), p. 180 Google Scholar, points out that “eunuch initiative was especially important during the first half of the dynasty, but even as the number of new temples gradually decreased, eunuchs continued to play a vital role as patrons”. For eunuchs’ relationships with Buddhism, see Yunü, Chen, Mingdai ershi si yamen huanguan yu Beijing fojiao 明代二十四衙門宦官與北京佛教 (Taipei, 2001)Google Scholar; Xiaorong, He, “Mingdai huanguan yu fojiao” 明代宦官與佛教, Nankai xuebao 南開學報 1 (2000), pp. 18–27 Google Scholar.
34 For the invitation, see Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, pp. 330–331. For the travel, see ibid., 5, p. 126, 137, and 144.
35 Bao Ying’ao claimed that Zuo Xiang was a Shanxi person, while Yue Hesheng insisted that he was a resident of Pinggu in Beijing. Probably Zuo was a Shanxi people who migrated to Pinggu. See ibid., 3, p. 496; 5, p. 126.
36 Pan Zhiheng confused yan 閻, the surname of Yan Luan 閻鸞, with a homophone “顏.” See Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, p. 331.
37 For Weian's acquisition of the canon, see ibid., 3, pp. 562–563; 5, pp. 136–137. For Weian's memorial requesting for the name-tablet, see ibid., 3, pp. 455–456. The protection edict collected in the same book has a mistake: this canon was bestowed in Wanli 39 rather than Wanli 27. See ibid., 3, pp. 449–450.
38 In the Tantric Buddhism, the four-faced Vairocana refers to dharma-body as wisdom (zhi fa shen 智法身) in the Diamond realm (jinggang jie 金剛界; Skt. Vajradhātu). See the Jinggangding yüqie zhong yüechu niansong jing 金剛頂瑜伽中略出念誦經, T. 18, no. 866, 1.227b-c. That the four-faced Vairocana sits on a pedestal comprising one thousand lotus has a textual basis the Fanwang jing 梵網經, T. 24, no. 1484, 2.1003b.
39 Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, p. 212; 3, pp. 453–455, 495, 498–499. Yue Hesheng said that the canon was bestowed after Weian's reception of those Buddha statues, while Bao Ying’ao claimed a reverse order, which obtains support from Pan Zhiheng. See ibid., 3, pp. 495–496, 562–563; 5, pp. 126–128.
40 The purple robe was against Buddhist regulations regarding monks’ clothing, but after it was first used in 690 by Empress Wu (r. 690–705) to honour monks whom she favoured, it gradually became a conventional imperial gift. Monks received the robe in recognition of their great achievement and contribution, but over time the value of this robe as a mark of distinction was reduced partly because of the scramble for it among prominent monks and their followers, which in turn sparked criticism. See Kieschnick, John, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton, 2002), pp. 100–103 Google Scholar. Minzhi, Huang 黃敏枝, Songdai fojiao shehui jingjishi lunji 宋代佛教社會經濟史論 (Taipei, 1989), pp. 444–460Google Scholar; Xiulin, Wang 王秀林 and Junmei, Zhang 張君梅, “‘Ai seng buai ziyi seng’ xiaokao” “愛僧不愛紫衣僧”小考, Renwen zazhi 人文雜誌 no. 6(2002), pp. 108–111 Google Scholar.
41 Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 5, pp. 126–128.
42 For Tang's activities during that period, see ibid., 3, pp. 492–494, 565; 4, pp. 743–762.
43 The rumour had it that Buddha was the daughter of the Water Mother (shuimu 水母), who cannot stand three straight days without rain.
44 For the general situation, see Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, p. 330; 3, p. 451, 503. For Bao's letter, see ibid., 5, pp. 126–128. For Mi Wanzhong's meeting with Weian, see ibid., 3, pp. 639–660. For the trouble in Hangzhou, see ibid., 2, pp. 342 and 5, pp. 129–130. Nevertheless, the statues did not arrive in Ciguang si until Wanli 43, see Pan Zhiheng 潘之恒, Huanghai 黃海, in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu, vols. 229–230, pp. 67–68.
45 Huangboshan zhi 黃蘖山志 (Taipei, 1986) 3, p. 106. According to Ye Xianggao, however, Zhongtian stayed in Beijing for about sixteen years, which means that he arrived in Beijing at least eight years earlier than 1601. See Xianggao, Ye, Qubian 蘧編, in Siku jinhui shu congkan bubian 四庫禁毀書叢刊補編 (Beijing, 2005; vol. 25) 10, p. 520 bGoogle Scholar; idem., Cangxia xuchao 蒼霞續草, in Siku jinhui shu congkan 四庫禁毀書叢刊 (Beijing, 2000; jibu 集部, vols.124–125) 5, p. 680a.
46 For Ye Xianggao's biography, see Mingshi 240, pp. 6231–6238. Also see Goodrich and Fang, (eds.), Dictionary of Ming Biography, pp. 1567–1570.
47 Huangboshan si zhi 6, p. 240.
48 Ye, Qubian 10, p. 520 b, claims that only five copies were bestowed this time.
49 For Ye's devotion to Cisheng's funeral and Wanli's appreciation for his efforts, see Qubian 8–9, pp. 504–19b. Also see Ye Xianggao, Lunfei zhouchao 綸扉奏草, in Siku jinhui shu congkan, shibu 史部, vol. 37, pp. 354b-416a.
50 Ye, Cangxia xuchao 5, p. 680a.
51 Jianzeng, Lu 盧見曾, Jingshan zhi 金山志 (Taipei, 1980) 9, p. 464Google Scholar.
52 Feng, Kuaixuetang ji 4, p. 30a-b.
53 For Huizhou merchants, see H. T. Zurndorfer, “Learning, Clans, and Locality in Late Imperial China: A Comparative Study of Education in Huichow (Anhwei) and Foochow (Fukien) 1600–1800. Part II”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 35.2 (1992), pp. 109–144; Szonyi, Michael, Practicing Kinship: Clan and Descent in Late Imperial China (Stanford, 2002)Google Scholar.
54 Tiandu is the major peak of Mount Huangshan. For the first association named after it, see Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 2, pp. 324–326; 5, pp. 211–112.
55 For the ambition of those people, see Pan, Huanghai, pp. 49–50.
56 Xianzu, Tang 湯顯祖, Tang Xianzu ji 湯顯祖集 (Shanghai, 1973) 40, pp. 1255–1258Google Scholar, says that Pan Zhiheng “cultivated friendship with the literati in the realm by means of his literary talent” (以文名交天下士). For a comprehensive study about Pan, see Zhang Qiuchan 張秋嬋, “Pan Zhiheng yanjiu” 潘之恒研究 (PhD dissertation, Suzhou University, 2008).
57 Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 3, pp. 487- 488.
58 For example, see ibid., 3, p. 565, and Pan, Huanghai, p. 35.
59 Goodrich and Fang, (eds.), Dictionary of Ming Biography, includes the biographies for some of these figures. For Li Zhi, see pp. 807–818; For Yuan Hongdao, see pp. 1635–1638; for Tu Long, see, pp. 1324–1326. In addition, for Tang Xianzu, see his biography in Mingshi 235, pp. 6015–6016.
60 On this kind of networks, see Meyer-Fong, Tobie,“Packaging the Men of Our Times: Literary Anthologies, Friendship Networks, and Political Accommodation in the Early Qing”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 64. 1 (2004), pp. 5–56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
61 For Yuan Huang, see Goodrich & Fang, (eds.), Dictionary of Ming Biography, pp. 1632–1635.
62 Feng Mengzhen recorded his trip to Mount Huangshan in the form of poetry, essays, and diaries. See, for example, Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 4, pp. 674–87; Feng, Kuaixuetang ji 26, pp. 6–11, 406–408. For other people, see Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 5, pp. 38–65; Pan, Huanghai, pp. 46–47, 53, 107–111, 119–121.
63 Pan, Huanghai, p. 59.
64 Ibid ., p. 50.
65 Wang Shihong 汪士鋐, (ed.), Huangshan zhi xuji 黄山志續集, in Zhongguo mingshan zhi, vol. 11, p. 7.
66 After the bestowal, Ciguang si's ties with the inner court still carried on for some time. For example, an unsubstantiated story says that Wanli collected several thousand taels of silver for the temple after learning that it could not afford the buildings to house the canon and statues. See Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 3, p. 499. Pan, Huanghai, p. 179a, also shows that Ma Jing was still in the Ciguang si in Wanli 43 (1615).
67 Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 3, p. 568.
68 For example, see Pan, Huanghai, p. 164b, 173b.
69 Owing to Jiang Canteng's 江燦騰 continuous efforts, we can now have a much better appreciation of Zhencheng's contribution to the intellectual world of the late-Ming Buddhist society. See Jiang, Wan Ming fojiao gaige shi 晚明佛教改革史 (Guilin, 2006), pp. 299–382; idem., “Wanming ‘Wu buqian lun’ de zhengbian yanjiu: Zhujia yijian yu Kongyin Zhencheng de dabian” 晚明《物不遷論》的諍辯研究: 諸家的意見與空印鎮澄的答辯, Dongfang zongjiao yanjiu 東方宗教研究 2 (1990), pp. 185–227.
70 For Weian's miraculous meeting with Mount Huangshan and the hardship that he experienced in the early stage of his staying there, see Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, p. 375; 3, p. 498; 5, pp. 132–133, 170.
71 Like other Huizhou merchants, the Wu family amassed wealth mainly through salt, silk, wood and qianzhuang 錢莊 (the old-style private bank).
72 Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 2, pp. 342–343, 390. There was a mysterious story about this conversion from a Daoist temple to a Buddhist one, see ibid., 2, pp. 212–213,365–366. This was not the only case that Wu shifted his support from Daoism to Buddhism. For another instance, see ibid., 2, p. 238.
73 Jiyin 紀蔭, Zongtong biannian 宗統編年 X 86, no. 1600, 31.291c-92a.
74 For Weian's increasing attraction, see Min, Huangshan zhi dingben 3, p. 474; 4, p.703, 716. For the famine, see ibid., 4, p. 767; 5, p. 136.
75 Huangboshansi zhi 3, p. 106.
76 For Ye Xianggao's relationship with Christianity, see Chi Huizhong 池惠中, “Fuzhou ‘Sanshan tang’ de huihuang yu yinmie” 福州”三山堂”的輝煌與湮滅, Zhongguo tianzujiao 中國天主教 3(2010), pp.38–39. In a discussion with Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), a famous Jesuit missionary, Ye Xianggao criticised the Christian method of accumulating merits. See Zürcher, Erik, “Confucian and Christian Religiosity in Late Ming China”, The Catholic Historical Review 83.4 (Oct., 1997), pp. 634–635 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 Huangboshansi zhi 6, pp. 240–251; 7, pp. 313–325.
78 Ye, Qubian 10, p. 520 a-b.
79 Huangboshansi zhi 6, pp. 241–242. A similar defense against this criticism could be found in Qubian 10, p. 523a.
80 For a biography of Huangbo Xiyun, see Zanning 贊寧, Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳, T 50, no. 2061, 20. 842b-c.
81 Ye, Cangxia xuchao 22, pp. 362a-b. In ibid., 3, p. 618b, Ye Xianggao also explained the way of enjoying the beauty of the nature.
82 For Li Tingji, see his biography in Mingshi 217, pp. 5739–5741.
83 In Ming China, requests for retirement, in many cases, were intended by court officials to express their political opinions or to exert pressure on the rulers. See Jia, Li 李佳, “Ming Wanli Chao Guanyuan ‘Qixiu’ Xianxiang Fenxi” 明萬歷朝官員”乞休”現象分析, Qiushi xuekan 求是學刊 2 (2009), pp. 133–138 Google Scholar. The resignation of both Li Tingji and Ye Xianggao largely reflected deterioration of the central administration during the Wanli period. For a brief description of the situation, see Twitchett and Mote, (eds.), The Cambridge History of China, vol.7, pp. 529–530.
84 In Cangxia xuchao 14, p. 574b, Ye Xianggao defended his efforts to glorify Mount Fulu, which was actually a small hill.
85 Pan, Huanghai, pp. 67–68.
86 For voluntary donations of local residents to this temple, see Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 3, pp. 498–500.
87 Ibid ., 5, pp. 134–135.
88 Pan, Huanghai, p. 37a-b.
89 Ibid ., p. 37a-b.
90 Wu, Jiang, Enlightenment in Dispute: The Reinvention of Chan Buddhism in Seventeenth-Century China (Oxford, New York, 2008), pp. 258–263 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
91 For an instance of trouble that eunuchs made in local society when escorting the Buddhist canon, see Feng, Kuaixuetang ji 57, pp. 23–24. Generally speaking, during the second half of the Wanli period, eunuchs obtained an infamous reputation when the emperor dispatched them everywhere in the country as kuangjian 礦監 (eunuchs of mining intendants) and shuijian 稅監 (eunuchs of tax collectors). See Yi, Zhao 趙翼 and Shumin, Wang 王樹民, Nian’er shi zhaji jiaozheng 廿二史劄記校證 (Beijing, 2001) 35, pp.796–797 Google Scholar; Gu, Mingshi jishi benmo 65, pp. 1005–1024.
92 For the invitation letters and the official document assigning Ruxiao as the abbot, see Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 3, pp. 451–153; 5, pp. 134–137, 141–144.
93 For the building of the hall, see ibid., 2, pp. 212–13, 331; 3, pp. 472–474. For the bell, see ibid., 3, pp. 521–524.
94 Chengyao, Xu 許承堯, Sheshi xiantan 歙事閑談 (Hefei, 2001) 13, p. 427Google Scholar.
95 For a biography of Yuling Tongxiu, see Chaoyong 超永, (ed.), Wudeng quanshu 五燈全書X 82, no. 1571, 68.320a-21b.
96 Xu, Sheshi xiantan 3, pp. 413- 414.
97 Min, Huangshanzhi dingben 2, pp. 357–358.
98 Ibid . 2, pp. 404; 5, p. 111.Wang, Huangshanzhi xuji 3, pp. 159–164.
99 Huangboshansi zhi 6, p. 241.
100 Ibid ., 3, pp. 120–121.
101 For Tongrong, see ibid., 3, p. 125. For Longqi, see ibid., 3, pp.127–129.
102 Ibid ., 2, p. 73. “長安甚鬧, 我國晏然” alludes a story that took place between Chan master Yaoshan Weiyan 藥山惟儼 (751–834) and a monk surnamed Gao. See Puji 普濟 (ed), Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會原 X 80, no.1565, 5.116a.
103 For Miyun Yuanwu's lineage, see Wu, Enlightenment in Dispute, pp. 129–133. For Feiyin Tongrong, see ibid., pp. 207–223.
104 Huangboshan zhi 6, pp. 281–289.
105 For the Ōbaku sect, see Baroni, Helen, Ōbaku Zen: the Emergence of the third Sect of Zen in Tokugawa, Japan (Honolulu, 2000)Google Scholar; Takenuki Gensho 竹貫元勝, “A Study on Yingen Ryuki（隱元隆琦 1529–1673): His Mission and Its Development in Pre-modern Japan”, in Higashi Ajia Bukkyō no shomondai: Seigen Hakushi koki kinen ronshū 東アジア佛教の諸問題: 聖嚴博士古稀記念論集, (eds) Shengyan et al. (Tōkyō, 2001), pp. 51–72. For the newest study of Longqi, see Jiang Wu, Leaving for the Rising SunChinese Zen Master Yinyuan and the Authenticity Crisis in Early Modern East Asia (Cambridge, 2014).
106 For the most important studies on the late Ming Buddhist revival to date, see Yü, Chün-fang, The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Chu-Hung and the Late Ming Synthesis (New York, 1981)Google Scholar; Brook, Timothy, Praying for Power: Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late-Ming China (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Jiang Canteng, Wan Ming fojiao gaige shi; Sheng-yen, Chang 張聖嚴, Minmatsu chūgoku bukkyō no kenkyū: tokuni Chigyoku o chūshin to shite 明末中國佛教の研究: 特に智旭を中心として (Tōkyō, 1975)Google Scholar; and Chen Yunü,”Mindai Bukkyō shakai no chiikiteki kenkyū: Kasei Banreki Nenkan o Chūshin Toshite” 明代仏教社會の地域的研究-嘉靖萬曆年間(1522–1620)を中心として (PhD. diss., Kyūshū University, 1995); Jennifer Eichman, “Spiritual Seekers in a Fluid Landscape: A Chinese Buddhist Network in the Wanli Period (1573–1620)” (PhD dissertation, Princeton University, 2005). My book manuscript, converted from my Ph.D. dissertation entitled “A Fragile Revival: Chinese Buddhism under the Political Shadow, 1522–1620” (Vancouver, 2010), also takes this unexpected Buddhist revival as its major subject.
