¹ The Norwegian Nobel Committee might have excited general protests with this decision as it had awarded the 1908 Nobel Peace Prize to the Swedish parliamentarian and pacifist Klas Pontus Arnoldson and the Danish pacifist Fredrik Bajer. Bajer was the founder of the Bureau international permanent de la Paix, effectively making him a two-time winner in just three years. See Sames, Arno, “Die ‘öffentliche Nobilitierung der Missionssache’: Gustav Warneck und die Begründung der Missionswissenschaft an der theologischen Fakultät in Halle,” in Es begann in Halle . . . . Missionswissenschaft von Gustav Warneck bis heute, ed. Becker, Dieter and Feldtkeller, Andreas (Erlangen: Verlag der Ev.-Luth. Mission, 1997), 18–19Google Scholar.

² Gründer, Horst, Christliche Mission und deutscher Imperialismus. Eine politische Geschichte ihrer Beziehungen während der deutschen Kolonialzeit (1884–1914) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Afrikas und Chinas (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1982)Google Scholar; Hastings, Adrian, “The Clash of Nationalism and Universalism within Twentieth-century Missionary Christianity,” in Missions, Nationalism, and the End of Empire, ed. Stanley, Brian (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2003), 21 and 23–24Google Scholar; Loth, Heinrich, Kolonialismus unter der Kutte (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1960)Google Scholar; Seth Quartey, “Missionary Practices: German-Speaking Missionaries between the Home Committee and Colonial Environment in the Gold Coast (West Africa) 1828–1895” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2004), 260–61; Smith, Woodruff D., The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1978)Google Scholar; and van der Heyden, Ulrich, “Christian Missionary Societies in the German Colonies, 1884/85–1914/15,” in German Colonialism: Race, the Holocaust, and Postwar Germany, ed. Langbehn, Volker and Salama, Mohammad (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011)Google Scholar, 217 and 220. For an important criticism, see Eggert, Johanna, Missionsschule und sozialer Wandel in Ostafrika. Der Beitrag der deutschen evangelischen Missionsgesellschaften zur Entwicklung des Schulwesens in Tanganyika 1891–1939 (Bielefeld: Bertelsmann Universitätsverlag, 1970)Google Scholar. These competing hypotheses receive careful consideration in Hamilton, Majida, Mission im kolonialen Umfeld. Deutsche protestantische Missionsgesellschaften in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Göttingen: Universitätsverlag Göttingen, 2009)Google Scholar. The findings of this article are more sympathetic to Thoralf Klein's argument that missionary work was not an “extension of secular colonialism but a kind of colonialism in its own right”; however, his contention that the history of mission work parallels the secular sequence from colonization to decolonization is beyond the scope of this article's findings; see Klein, Thoralf, “The Other German Colonialism: Power, Conflict, and Resistance in a German-speaking Mission in China, ca. 1850–1920,” in German Colonialism Revisited: African, Asian, and Oceanic Experiences, ed. Berman, Nina, Mühlhahn, Klaus, and Nganang, Patrice (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2014), 171–72Google Scholar.

³ Warneck, Gustav, “Die christliche Mission und die überseeische Politik,” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift 28 (1901): 169Google Scholar. The Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift is hereafter abbreviated AMZ in footnotes.

⁴ Most research has concentrated on missionaries and specific African tribal and ethnic groups. See Dedering, Tilman, Hate the Old and Follow the New: Khoekhoe and Missionaries in Early Nineteenth-century Namibia (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997)Google Scholar; and Krüger, Gesine, Kriegsbewältigung und Geschichtsbewußtsein. Realität, Deutung und Verarbeitung des deutschen Kolonialkrieges in Namibia 1904 bis 1907 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999)Google Scholar. On the details of missionary school organizations, see Adick, Christel, “Grundstruktur und Organisation von Missionsschulen in den Etappen der Expansion des modernen Weltsystems,” in Weltmission und religiöse Organisationen. Protestantische Missionsgesellschaften im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Bogner, Artur, Holtwick, Bernd, and Tyrell, Hartmann (Würzburg: Ergon Verlag, 2004), 459–82Google Scholar; Mirtschink, Bernhard, Zur Rolle christlicher Mission in kolonialen Gesellschaften. Katholische Missionserziehung in “Deutsch-Ostafrika” (Frankfurt am Main: Haag+Herchen Verlag, 1980)Google Scholar; Hans-Joachim Niesel, “Kolonialverwaltung und Missionen in Deutsch-Ostafrika 1890–1914” (Ph.D. diss., Freie Universität Berlin, 1971); and Tetzlaff, Rainer, “Die Mission im Spannungsfeld zwischen kolonialer Herrschaft und Zivilisierungsanspruch in Deutsch-Ostafrika,” in Imperialismus und Kolonialmission. Kaiserliche Deutschland und kolonialer Imperium, 2nd ed., ed. Bade, Klaus J. (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1984), 189–204Google Scholar. On missionary theology, see Becker and Feldtkeller, eds., Es begann in Halle . . .; Gensichen, Hans-Werner, “German Protestant Missions,” in Missionary Ideologies in the Imperialist Era, ed. Christensen, Torben and Hutchison, William R. (Copenhagen: Aros, 1982), 181–88Google Scholar; Loth, Heinrich, Zwischen Gott und Kattun. Die Berliner Konferenz 1884/85 zur Aufteilung Afrikas und die Kolonialismuskritik christlicher Missionen (Berlin: Union Verlag, 1985)Google Scholar; Niels-Peter Moritzen, “Koloniale Konzepte der protestantischen Mission,” in Imperialismus und Kolonialmission, ed. Bade, 51–56; Müller, Karl, Missionstheologie. Eine Einführung (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1985)Google Scholar; Pakendorf, Gunther, “Berlin in Afrika, oder der historische Ort der Deutschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zum Thema Kolonialmission,” in Kolonien und Missionen. Referate des. 3. Internationalen Kolonialgeschichtlichen Symposiums 1993 in Bremen, ed. Wagner, Wilfried (Munster and Hamburg: Lit. 1994), 472–87Google Scholar; and Wright, Marcia, German Missions in Tanganyika 1891–1941: Lutherans and Moravians in the Southern Highlands (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 1–20Google Scholar.

⁵ [Warneck, Gustav], “Die gegenwärtige Lage der deutschen evangelischen Mission,” AMZ 32 (1905): 157Google Scholar. For the Protestants, a “convert” was someone who had undergone several years of instruction in Christianity and who had been subsequently baptized. Missionaries frequently used the obviously problematic term “Heidenchristen” when referring to their converted congregants.

⁶ Van der Heyden, “Christian Missionary Societies,” 217.

⁷ See footnote 4 above.

⁸ This dynamic has received very limited treatment. The best is in Niesel, “Kolonialverwaltung” (an unpublished dissertation), but Niesel's analysis is limited to only a small selection of the mission societies and does not recognize the extent, effectiveness, or influence of the Protestant mission movement's institutions. Sara Pugach's work on missionary linguists and their relationship to colonialism is a key new work, but conforms to the general narrative that German missionaries willingly adapted themselves to the colonial state's needs and goals; see Pugach, Sara, Africa in Translation: A History of Colonial Linquistics in Germany and Beyond, 1814–1945 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2012), 49–53Google Scholar. Also valuable but narrowly focused is Ustorf, Werner, ed., Mission im Kontext. Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Norddeutschen Missionsgesellschaft im 19. Jahrhundert (Bremen: Übersee Museum Bremen, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁹ Blackbourn, David, The Long Nineteenth Century: A History of Germany, 1870–1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 426Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Nipperdey, Thomas, Deutsche Geschichte, 1866–1918, vol. I (Arbeitswelt und Bürgergeist) (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1990), 487Google Scholar.

¹¹ Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, The German Empire, 1871–1918, trans. Traynor, Kim (Dover, NH: Berg Publishers, 1985), 114Google Scholar. See also Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2 (Von der Reformära bis zur industriellen und politischen “Deutschen Doppelrevolution,” 1815–1845/49) (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1987), 459–69Google Scholar.

¹² Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I, 489–90. Nipperdey references the colonial ideologue Paul Rohrbach as characteristic of the links between mission and national policy. Rohrbach's thinking on mission was a very late intervention, however. See Rohrbach, Paul, Die Kolonie (Frankfurt am Main: Rütten & Loening, 1907)Google Scholar, which was published after the Herero-Nama and Maji-Maji Wars had drastically changed many colonialists'—including Rohrbach's—thinking on colonies and given particular rise to a strain of anti-mission sentiment among many colonialists. Furthermore, Rohrbach was never officially affiliated with any mission society; his connection to the colonial sphere came through the colonial administration. Nipperdey seemed to take the fact that Rohrbach was a university-trained theologian and that he wrote about missions as sufficient to make Rohrbach representative of missionaries. Rohrbach's theories of a “Greater Germany,” “cultural Protestantism,” and “ethical imperialism” were more interested in the “informal” imperialism Germany directed toward the Ottoman Empire. See Mogk, Walter, Paul Rohrbach und das “Größere Deutschland.” Ethischer Imperialismus im Wilhelminischen Zeitalter (Munich: Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag, 1972)Google Scholar; and Bruch, Rüdiger vom, Weltpolitik als Kulturmission. Auswärtige Kulturpolitik und Bildungsbürgertum in Deutschland am Vorabend des Ersten Weltkrieges (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1982)Google Scholar, esp. 69–89.

¹³ For arguments about continuity, see Bley, Helmuth, Kolonialherrschaft und Sozialstruktur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Hamburg: Leibnitz-Verlag, 1968)Google Scholar; Hull, Isabel V., Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Zimmerer, Jürgen, Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz? Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Kolonialismus und Holocaust (Munster: Lit Verlag, 2011)Google Scholar; and Zimmerer, Jürgen and Zeller, Joachim, Völkermord in Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Der Kolonialkrieg (1904–1908) in Namibia und seine Folgen (Berlin: Links, 2003)Google Scholar. See also Arendt, Hannah, Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973)Google Scholar; and Drechsler, Horst, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft. Der Kampf der Herero und Nama gegen den deutschen Imperialismus (1884–1915) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1966)Google Scholar. For challenges to and refutations of the various continuity theses, see Bridgman, Jon M., Revolt of the Hereros (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Gerwarth, Robert and Malinowski, Stephan, “Der Holocaust als ‘kolonialer Genozid’? Europäische Kolonialgewalt und nationalsozialistischer Vernichtungskrieg,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 33, no. 3 (2007): 439–66Google Scholar; and Zollmann, Jakob, Koloniale Herrschaft und ihre Grenzen. Die Kolonialpolizei in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1894–1915 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010), 350–51Google Scholar. For examples of the research on missionaries, see footnote 6 above.

¹⁴ Jeyaraj, Daniel, “Mission Reports from South India and Their Impact on the Western Mind: The Tranquebar Mission of the Eighteenth Century,” in Converting Colonialism: Visions and Realities in Mission History, 1706–1914, ed. Robert, Dana (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2008), 22–23Google Scholar; and Porter, Andrew, Religion versus Empire? British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 29Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Carey, William, An Enquiry Into the Obligations of Christians, to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens in Which the Religious State of the Different Nations of the World, the Success of Former Undertakings, and the Practicability of Further Undertakings Are Considered (Leicester: 1792)Google Scholar. Cox, Jeffrey, The British Missionary Enterprise since 1700 (New York: Routledge, 2008), 70Google Scholar; Porter, Religion versus Empire?, 40; and Bernd Holtwick, “Licht und Schatten. Begründungen und Zielsetzungen des protestantischen missionarischen Aufbruchs im frühen 19. Jahrhundert,” in Weltmission und religiöse Organisationen, ed. Bogner, Holtwick, and Tyrell, 225.

¹⁶ Hoekendijk, Johannes Christian, Kirche und Volk in der deutschen Missionswissenschaft, trans. Pollmann, Erich-Walter (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1967), 23–24Google Scholar. Of the fifteen missionaries recruited by the Church Missionary Society between 1804 and 1813, only three were English-speakers. See Porter, Religion versus Empire? 56.

¹⁷ Wright, German Missions in Tanganyika, 9–10.

¹⁸ Ibid., 14.

¹⁹ Fleisch, Paul, Hundert Jahre lutherischer Mission (Leipzig: Verlag der Evangelisch-lutherischen Mission, 1936), 3Google Scholar.

²⁰ [Warneck, Gustav], “Dic cur hic? Unser Programm,” AMZ 1 (1874): 1–4Google Scholar.

²¹ Barringer, Terry, “Why are Missionary Periodicals [Not] So Boring? The Missionary Periodicals Database Project,” African Research & Documentation 84 (2000): 33Google Scholar.

²² Jensz, Felicity and Acke, Hanna, “Introduction,” in Missions and Media: The Politics of Missionary Periodicals in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Jensz, Felicity and Acke, Hanna (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2013), 9Google Scholar.

²³ Barringer, Terry, “What Mrs. Jellyby Might Have Read. Missionary Periodicals: A Neglected Source,” Victorian Periodicals Review 37, no. 4 (2004): 48Google Scholar.

²⁴ Richter, Julius, “Die heimatliche Missionsarbeit in England und Deutschland,” AMZ 25 (1898): 265Google Scholar.

²⁵ Kirchner, Joachim, Das deutsche Zeitschriftenwesen. Seine Geschichte und seine Probleme, vol. 2 (Otto Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden, 1962), 278Google Scholar. The 1912 number appears in Sperlings Zeitschriften-Addressbuch, 1912, s.v. “Missions-Zeitschrift, Allgemeine.”

²⁶ For more extensive discussion of missionary periodicals, see Jensz and Acke, eds., Missions and Media.

²⁷ Matthew 28: 16–20.

²⁸ Altena, Thorsten, “Ein Häuflein Christen mitten in der Heidenwelt des dunklen Erdteils.” Zum Selbst- und Fremdverständnis protestantischer Missionare im kolonialen Afrika, 1884–1918 (Munster: Waxmann Verlag, 2003), 917–18Google Scholar. Pakendorf, “Berlin in Afrika, oder der historische Ort der deutschen Mission,” 473–75. Werner Ustorf discusses how the old trading houses of the Hanseatic cities of northern Germany joined with missions against the threat of “big capital” during the period of high imperialism; see Ustorf, ed., Mission im Kontext, 23.

²⁹ Axenfeld, Karl, “Weltevangelisation und Ende,” AMZ 38 (1911): 253–54Google Scholar. On the role of technology in the expansion of European imperial capabilities and territorial control, see Headrick, Daniel R., The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Warneck, Gustav, “Missionsmotiv und Missionsaufgabe nach der modernen religionsgeschichtlichen Schule,” AMZ 34 (1907): 3Google Scholar, cited in Berner, Ulrich, “Religionsgeschichtliche und Mission. Zur Kontroverse zwischen Ernst Troeltsch und Gustav Warneck,” in Vom Weltbildwandel zur Weltanschauungsanalyse. Krisenwahrnehmung und Krisenbewältigung um 1900, ed. Drehsen, Volker and Sparn, Walter (Berlin: Akademik-Verlag, 1996), 109Google Scholar.

³¹ Reichel, E[rnst], “Was haben wir zu thun, damit die deutsche Kolonialpolitik nicht zur Schädigung, sondern zur Förderung der Mission ausschlage?,” AMZ 13 (1886): 49Google Scholar.

³² Ibid., 40–42.

³³ Ibid., 42–44.

³⁴ Though called “provincial,” the Saxon Mission Conference was, in fact, a national organization and gathering that drew mission leaders and secular colonialists from across Germany.

³⁵ Warneck, [Gustav], “Die Aufgabe der Heidenmission und ihre Trübungen in der Gegenwart,” AMZ 18 (1891): 99–101Google Scholar.

³⁶ Warneck, deeply involved in German intellectual life, likely would have been familiar with the growing critique of modernity that began to appear in European culture at that time. For a discussion of this cultural moment and its prevailing currents, see Marchand, Suzanne and Lindenfeld, David, eds., Germany at the Fin de Siècle: Culture, Politics, and Ideas (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Warneck, “Die Aufgabe der Heidenmission,” 111.

³⁸ Gründer, Horst, “Deutsche Missionsgesellschaft auf dem Wege zur Kolonialmission,” in Imperialismus und Kolonialmission, ed. Bade, 68–69Google Scholar; Gunther, Jürgen, “Die Bedeutung der Station Peki für die Missionsstrategie,” in Mission im Kontext, ed. Ustorf, 250Google Scholar; Loth, Zwischen Gott und Kattun, 59; and Menzel, Gustav, Die Bethel-Mission. Aus 100 Jahren Missionsgeschichte (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1986), 11–12Google Scholar.

³⁹ Zahn, F[riedrich] M[ichael], “Nationalität und Internationalität in der Mission,” AMZ 23 (1896): 62Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 49–52.

⁴¹ Ibid., 54–61.

⁴² Ibid., 67.

⁴³ Warneck, “Die christliche Mission und die überseeische Politik,” 164–65.

⁴⁴ Hogg, William Richey, Ecumenical Foundations: A History of the International Missionary Council and Its Nineteenth-Century Background (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 67Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ “Leitsätze zu den Vorträgen der XII. Kontinentalen Missions-Konferenz, Bremen, 6. bis 10. Mai 1909,” (n.d., [1909?]), Unitätsarchiv Missionsdirecktion (hereafter UA.MD) 573.

⁴⁶ “Eine bedeutsame Missions-Konferenz,” AMZ 12 (1885): 545Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ For example, in attendance at the 1884 conference were representatives of every German foreign mission, along with leaders of Danish, Dutch, Swedish, and Norwegian Protestant mission societies. That same year, key German attendees included Friedrich Fabri, Reinhold Grundemann, Karl Plath, and Ernst Reichel, as well as other less notable leaders of the Protestant mission movement. Gustav Warneck was unable to attend because of illness. See “Sechste kontinentale Missions-Konferenz in Bremen. 20.-23. Mai 1884,” AMZ 11 (1884): 309Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Hogg, Ecumenical Foundations, 15–16 and 48–50.

⁴⁹ “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz in London,” Evangelisches Missions-Magazin, Neue Folge 23 (1879): 41–42Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 49.

⁵¹ “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz in London,” Evangelisches Missions-Magazin, Neue Folge 32 (1888): 25–28Google Scholar.

⁵² Warneck, [Gustav], editorial afterword to Schreiber, [August], “Die allgemeine Missionsconferenz in London vom 21.-26. October 1878,” AMZ 5 (1878): 579–80Google Scholar.

⁵³ “Bericht über die Verhandlungen der achten kontinentalen Missionskonferenz zu Bremen in der Himmelfahrtswoche 1889,” AMZ 16 (1889): 2Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Merensky, A[lexander], “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz in London vom 9.-19. Juni 1888,” AMZ 15 (1888): 401–02Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ibid., 543–44.

⁵⁶ Ibid., 403.

⁵⁷ Merensky reported on the main themes of the London Conference: mission methods, medical mission, instruction and education, women's mission work, organization and leadership of congregations, mission and literature, cooperation with the metropolitan church, missionary comity, and the relationship of trade and diplomacy to mission. Ibid., 479.

⁵⁸ [Gustav Warneck], editorial afterword to ibid., 409–10. Emphasis in the original.

⁵⁹ [Menzel, Paul A.], “Die allgemeine Missionkonferenz in New York. 21. April bis 2. Mai.,” Evangelisches Missions-Magazin, Neue Folge 42 (1900): 344Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ The challenge of defining the Christian world and the mission sphere would nearly condemn the 1910 Edinburgh Conference to a premature death over whether to include mission work among Christian, but not Protestant, peoples. Eventually the conference agreed on a division that placed all Christians on one side of the mission project and all “heathens” on the other. See Stanley, Brian, The World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910 (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2009)Google Scholar, esp. 49–72. [P.] Menzel, “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz,” 351.

⁶¹ [P.] Menzel, “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz,” 354–55.

⁶² Ibid., 353.

⁶³ Warneck, [Gustav], “An die Allg. Missions-Konferenz in New-York,” AMZ 27 (1900): 201–03Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Minutes of the Komitee of the Berlin Mission Society (December 12, 1899), Archiv des Berliner Missionswerk, Berliner Missionswerk (hereafter BMW/bmw 1)/48, Item XI.

⁶⁵ Merensky, A[lexander], “Die allgemeine Missionskonferenz in New York vom 21. April bis 1. Mai 1900,” AMZ 27 (1900): 316Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ German missionary leaders' enthusiasm for the international mission conferences eventually meant that during the planning stages for the 1910 conference, around 1906–1907, German missionaries considered pushing for the 1910 conference to be held in a German city. Support ultimately dissipated as it became increasingly apparent to German mission leaders that pushing too strongly for a German conference location might prove fatal to the whole enterprise, so the German leadership shifted support to Edinburgh; the enthusiasm of a significant portion of the German mission movement for the World Missionary Conference demonstrated, however, the strong support for the international mission conferences that had developed over the decades of the late nineteenth century. For evidence, see Paul Otto Hennig to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (December 5, 1906), UA.R 15.A.73.c, 12/5/1906; Theodor Öhler to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (December 20, 1906), BMW/bmw1/2184, 5–6; Gottlieb Haussleiter to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (December 21, 1906), BMW/bmw1/2184, 7; Paul Schwartz to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (December 28, 1906), BMW/bmw1/2184, 8–9; Alexander Merensky to German Protestant mission societies (January 7, 1907), UA.R.15.A.73.c, 4; and Brüdergemeine to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (n.d., [October 10, 1907]), BMW/bmw1/2184, 2–3.

⁶⁷ Minutes of the Deputierten der deutschen Missionsgesellschaften vor Vorbereitung des Edinburger Missionskongresses (May 18, 1909), UA.R.15.A.73.c, 25, Item 1.

⁶⁸ Ibid., Item 2.

⁶⁹ Minutes of the Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (October 27, 1908), Franckesche Stiftungen zu Halle, August Franck Stiftung, Archiv des Leipziger Missionswerks Dänisch-Hallescher Mission (AFSt/ALMW-DHM) II.27.1.15.I, 3, Item II.

⁷⁰ Hennig, P[aul] O[tto], “Der Weltmissionskongreß in Edinburg,” Missionblatt der Brüdergemeine 74 (Aug. 1910): 197Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Ibid., 208. There was only one indigenous black African Christian in attendance at the Edinburgh Conference: Mark C. Hayford from Britain's Gold Coast Colony. See Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, 13.

⁷² In the Jahrbuch der vereinigten norddeutschen Missionskonferenzen, the Edinburgh Conference was identified as a direct answer to the 1910 “Borromaeus Encyclical” issued by Pope Pius X, which marked the 300th anniversary of the canonization of a famed critic of the Reformation, Carlo Borromeo. See “Der Edinburger Missionskongreß,” Jahrbuch der vereinigten norddeutschen Missionskonferenzen (1911): 12.

⁷³ Trittelvitz, W[alther], “Die Tage von Edinburg,” Beth-El 2 (1910): 190Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ There were no non-Protestant delegates at the conference. Hennig, “Der Weltmissionskongreß,” 197–98.

⁷⁵ Trittelvitz, “Die Tage von Edinburg,” 184.

⁷⁶ “Der Edinburger Missionskongreß,” 1.

⁷⁷ Hennig, “Der Weltmissionskongreß,” 202–06.

⁷⁸ “Der Edinburger Missionskongresß,” 2.

⁷⁹ Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, xxi, 88–90.

⁸⁰ Hennig, “Der Weltmissionskongreß,” 209–11.

⁸¹ Ibid., 212.

⁸² Conrad, Sebastian, Globalisation and the Nation in Imperial Germany, trans. O'Hagan, Sorcha (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 119Google Scholar. Trittelvitz, “Die Tage von Edinburg,” 188.

⁸³ Richter, Julius, “Die Wirkungen der Edinburger Weltmissionskonferenz auf das kontinentale Missionsleben,” Verhandlungen der Kontinentalen Missions-Konferenz 13 (1913): 12–13Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Richter, Julius, “Das Continuation Committee,” AMZ 38 (1911): 375Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Richter, “Die Wirkungen der Edinburger Weltmissionskonferenz,” 9.

⁸⁶ Paul Otto Hennig to W. J. Oldham (January 19, 1911), UA.MD 575.

⁸⁷ Mitteilungen aus der General-Synode von Jahre 1914, vol. 2 (Herrnhut: Druck von Fr. Lindenbein, 1914), 41Google Scholar. See also Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, 7.

⁸⁸ Richter, “Das Continuation Committee,” 376 and 378–381. In May 1911, the same year Richter published his ideas, the Continuation Committee resolved that there would not be a special commission formed to deal with mission societies' relations with foreign governments. It did resolve, however, to serve as best it could to assist in matters that “in the judgment of any national committee imperatively call for some international action.” See “Resolutions of the Continuation Committee of the World Missionary Conference (May 22, 1911), UA.MD 575.

⁸⁹ Öhler and Schreiber to member societies of the Kontinentale Missions-Konferenz (December 19, 1910), UA.MD 573.

⁹⁰ Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß to member mission societies (February 16, 1911), BMW/bmw1/1779, Item 2.

⁹¹ See footnote 66 above.

⁹² Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß to member mission societies (April 1, 1911), BMW/bmw1/2186, 1–2.

⁹³ Minutes of the Committee of the Berlin Mission Society (May 2, 1911), BMW/bmw1/56, Item 2; La Trobe to Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß (May 6, 1911), UA.MD 460.

⁹⁴ Deutschen Evangelischen Missionsausschuß to member mission societies (May 14, 1912), BMW/bmw1/8334; “Gutachten des deutschen Missions-Ausschusses über die nächste Welt-Missionskonferenz und ihre Tagung in Deutschland” (July 31, 1914), BMW/bmw1/8334.

⁹⁵ Karl Axenfeld, “Die nächste Weltmissionskonferenz” (July 9, 1914), BMW/bmw1/2186, 39–44.

⁹⁶ “Gutachten des deutschen Missions-Ausschusses über die nächste Welt-Missionskonferenz und ihre Tagung in Deutschland” (July 31, 1914), BMW/bmw1/8334.

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⁹⁸ Ishay, Micheline R., Internationalism and its Betrayal (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), xvGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁹ Boli, John and Thomas, George M., Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), 1Google Scholar. On the necessity of treating the metropole and colony as one field, see Stoler, Ann Laura and Cooper, Frederick, “Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a Research Agenda,” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, ed. Cooper, Frederick and Ann Stoler, Laura (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 1–56Google Scholar; an example of this approach with missionaries is Hall, Catherine, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830–1867 (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ On international socialism, see, for example, Callahan, Kevin J., Demonstration Culture: European Socialism and the Second International, 1889–1914 (Leicester: Troubador Publishing, 2010)Google Scholar; Forman, Michael, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement: The Idea of the Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Jobst, Kerstin S., Zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus. Die polnische und ukrainische Sozialdemokratie in Galizien von 1890 bis 1914. Ein Beitrag zur Nationalitätenfrage im Habsburgerreich (Hamburg: Dölling und Galitz Verlag, 1996)Google Scholar; and Milner, Susan, The Dilemmas of Internationalism: French Syndicalism and the International Labour Movement, 1900–1914 (New York: Berg, 1990)Google Scholar. The literature on Catholicism is limited but clearly indicates a promising research direction. See Clark, Christopher, “The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars,” in Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-century Europe, ed. Clark, Christopher and Kaiser, Wolfram (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 11–46Google Scholar; Houlihan, Patrick J., “Local Catholicism as Transnational War Experience: Everyday Religious Practice in Occupied Northern France, 1914–1918,” Central European History 45, no. 2 (2012): 233–67Google Scholar; and Linden, Ian, Global Catholicism: Diversity and Change since Vatican II (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. On Pan-Africanism, see Adeleke, Tunde, Unafrican Americans: Nineteenth-century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1998)Google Scholar; and Geiss, Imanuel, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, trans. Keep, Ann (New York: Africana Publishing, 1974)Google Scholar. On the “imagined” bonds of community between African-Americans and Africans, see Fierce, Milfred C., The Pan-African Idea in the United States: African-American Interest in Africa and Interaction with West Africa (New York: Garland Publishing, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ A sampling of this literature includes Berghahn, Volker R., Der Tirpitz-Plan. Genesis und Verfall einer innenpolitischen Krisenstrategie unter Wilhelm II. (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1971)Google Scholar; Chickering, Roger, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886–1914 (Boston: George Allen & Unwin, 1984)Google Scholar; Shevin-Coetzee, Marilyn, The German Army League: Popular Nationalism in Wilhelmine Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Jackisch, Barry A., The Pan-German League and Radical Nationalist Politics in Interwar Germany, 1918–39 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Co., 2012)Google Scholar; and Tims, Richard Wonser, Germanizing Prussian Poland: The H-K-T Society and the Struggle for the Eastern Marches in the German Empire, 1894–1919 (New York: AMS Press, 1966)Google Scholar.