¹ While The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) has been taken to exemplify Arendt's historical bent, The Human Condition (1958) has been treated as a move to a form of republicanism in the civic humanist tradition, concerned above all with public speech and action and political freedom. For a discussion of this divide in Arendt scholarship see King, Richard H. and Stone, Dan, “Introduction”, in King, Richard H. and Stone, Dan, eds., Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History: Imperialism, Nation, Race, and Genocide (Oxford, 2007), 1–17, 5–6Google Scholar.

² Pivotal in eroding this separation have been the numerous essays collected in King and Stone, Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History; see also Mantena, Karuna, “Genealogies of Catastrophe: Arendt on the Logic and Legacy of Imperialism”, in Benhabib, Seyla, ed., Politics in Dark Times: Encounters with Hannah Arendt (Cambridge, 2010), 83–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Hannah Arendt, “Project: Totalitarian Elements in Marxism” Project Outline (1951), Washington, DC, Library of Congress, Arendt Papers, Box 64 (hereinafter cited as LoC); Hannah Arendt to H. A. Moe, 29 Jan. 1953, LoC/Washington, Box 22, 012641.

⁴ The chapter on Marx in The Human Condition, for example. Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition (Chicago, 1998), 79–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ For the most comprehensive study of these writings see Canovan, Margaret, Hannah Arendt: A Reinterpretation of Her Political Thought (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar; See also Parekh, Bhikhu, “Hannah Arendt's Critique of Marx”, in Hill, Melvyn A., ed., Hannah Arendt: The Recovery of the Public World (New York, 1979), 67–100Google Scholar.

⁶ Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951), 121–302Google Scholar; Arendt, “Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954: Formation, Exile, and Totalitarianism, ed. Kohn, Jerome (New York, 2005), 273–83, 131Google Scholar. For the international dimensions of Arendt's thought see Owens, Patricia, Between War and Politics: International Relations and the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar; Fine, Robert, Political Investigations: Hegel, Marx, Arendt (London, 2001), 151–65Google Scholar.

⁷ Hannah Arendt, “Concern with Politics in Recent European Philosophical Thought”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 428–47; Arendt, “Dream and Nightmare”, in ibid., 409–17; Arendt, “Europe and the Atom Bomb”, in ibid., 418–22.

⁸ Hannah Arendt, “The Impact of Marx” (lecture notes), Washington, DC, Library of Congress, Hannah Arendt Papers, Box 68.

⁹ For discussions of Arendt's notion of reconciliation see Berkowitz, Roger, “Bearing Logs on Our Shoulders: Reconciliation, Non-reconciliation, and the Building of a Common World”, Theory & Event, 14/1 (2011), at http://muse.jhu.edu, last accessed 21 May 2014CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berkowitz, Roger, “The Angry Jew Has Gotten His Revenge: Hannah Arendt on Revenge and Reconciliation”, Philosophical Topics, 39/2 (2011), 1–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lavi, Shai, “Crimes of Action, Crimes of Thought: Arendt on Reconciliation, Forgiveness, and Judgment”, in Berkowitz, Roger, Keenan, Thomas and Katz, Jeffrey, eds., Thinking in Dark Times: Hannah Arendt on Ethics and Politics (New York, 2009), 230–34Google Scholar; , Daniel and Maier-Katkin, Birgit, “Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger: Calumny and the Politics of Reconciliation”, Human Rights Quarterly, 28/1 (2006), 86–119CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schaap, Andrew, “Guilty Subjects and Political Responsibility: Arendt, Jaspers and the Resonance of the ‘German Question’ in Politics of Reconciliation”, Political Studies, 49/4 (2001), 749–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Hannah Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 307–27, 287.

¹¹ Scott, Joanna Vecchiarelli, “Storytelling”, History and Theory, 50/2 (2011), 203–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cotkin, George, “Illuminating Evil: Hannah Arendt and Moral History”, Modern Intellectual History, 4/3 (2007), 463–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilkinson, Lynn R., “Hannah Arendt on Isak Dinesen: Between Storytelling and Theory”, Comparative Literature, 56/1 (2004), 77–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Disch, Lisa J., “More Truth than Fact: Storytelling as Critical Understanding in the Writings of Hannah Arendt”, Political Theory, 21/4 (1993), 665–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benhabib, Seyla, “Hannah Arendt and the Redemptive Power of Narrative”, Social Research, 57/1 (1990), 167–96Google Scholar; Curthoys, Ned, “Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Narrative”, Journal of Narrative Theory 32, 3 (2002), 348–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evers, Kai, “The Holes of Oblivion: Arendt and Benjamin on Storytelling in the Age of Totalitarian Destruction”, Telos, 132 (2005), 109–20Google Scholar; Herzog, Annabel, “Illuminating Inheritance: Benjamin's Influence on Arendt's Political Storytelling”, Philosophy & Social Criticism, 26/5 (2000), 1–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² For a rare discussion of Arendt in a French context see Isaac, Jeffrey C., Arendt, Camus and Modern Rebellion (London, 1992), 82–3Google Scholar; another exception to this is Ned Curthoys's discussion of Arendt's critique of violence in the context of debates among French intellectuals about the French–Algerian war. See Ned Curthoys, “The Refractory Legacy of Algerian Decolonization: Revisiting Arendt on Violence”, in King and Stone, Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History, 109–29.

¹³ Arendt, Hannah, On Violence (New York, 1970)Google Scholar; Arendt, “Home to Roost”, in Arendt, Responsibility and Judgment, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York, 2009), 258–76; Owens, Between War and Politics, 150.

¹⁴ Even in late 1947, Arendt still referred to Origins as “her imperialism book”. Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 4 Sept. 1947, in Köhler, Lotte and Saner, Hans, eds., Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Correspondence: 1926–1969, trans. Rita and Robert Kimber (New York, 1992), 96–9Google Scholar; Young-Bruehl, Elisabeth, Hannah Arendt: For Love of the World (London, 1983), 203Google Scholar. Arendt used the term “subterranean” in the preface to the first edition of Origins. See Arendt, Origins, ix.

¹⁵ Arendt, Hannah, “Race-Thinking before Racism”, Review of Politics, 6/1 (1944), 36–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arendt, “Power Politics Triumphs”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 156–7; Arendt, , “Imperialism, Nationalism, Chauvinism”, Review of Politics, 7/4 (1945), 441–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arendt, “Expansion and the Philosophy of Power”, Sewanee Review (1946), 601–16; Arendt, Origins, 267–302.

¹⁶ Arendt, “Imperialism, Nationalism, Chauvinism”, 450; Arendt, “Expansion and the Philosophy of Power”, 604–16.

¹⁷ Arendt, “Imperialism, Nationalism, Chauvinism”, 441–2.

¹⁸ Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, trans. Ashton, E. B., 3rd edn (London, 1967), 328Google Scholar, 124, 126, 135; Mantena, “Genealogies of Catastrophe”.

¹⁹ Arendt, Origins, 148–9, 168, 308; Hilferding, Rudolf, Finance Capital: A Study of the Latest Phase of Capitalist Development, ed. Bottomore, T. B., trans. Watnick, Morris and Gordon, Sam (London, 1910)Google Scholar; Luxemburg, Rosa, The Accumulation of Capital (London, 1913)Google Scholar; Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York, 1916)Google Scholar. For a discussion of Arendt's debts to other thinkers in Origins see Söllner, Alfons, “Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism in Its Original Context”, European Journal of Political Theory, 3/2 (2004), 230–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. While adopting its general tenor in Origins, Arendt in fact took little interest in the details of the Marxist analysis of imperialism. See Tsao, Roy T., “The Three Phases of Arendt's Theory of Totalitarianism”, Social Research, 69/2 (2002), 579–619, 583Google Scholar.

²⁰ Arendt, Hannah, “Imperialism: Road to Suicide”, Commentary, 1 (1946), 27–35, 33Google Scholar.

²¹ See, for example Tony Barta, “On Pain of Extinction: Laws of Nature and History in Darwin, Marx, and Arendt”, in King and Stone, Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History, 87–108; Robert Bernasconi, “When the Real Crime Began: Hannah Arendt's the Origins of Totalitarianism and the Dignity of the Western Philosophical Tradition”, in ibid., 54–67; Mantena, “Genealogies of Catastrophe”.

²² Richard H. King, “On Race and Culture: Hannah Arendt and Her Contemporaries”, in Benhabib, Politics in Dark Times, 113–34, 116.

²³ Arendt, Origins, 186, 300.

²⁴ Ibid., 192.

²⁵ Ibid., 171. For a detailed discussion of race and imperialism in Hegel's thought see Bernasconi, Robert, “With What Must the Philosophy of World History Begin? On the Racial Basis of Hegel's Eurocentrism”, Nineteenth-Century Contexts, 22/2 (2000), 171–201, 190CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Arendt, Human Condition, 139–44. For a discussion of these themes see Owens, Between War and Politics, 135–6; Kenneth Frampton, “The Status of Man and the Status of His Objects: A Reading of the Human Condition”, in Hill, Hannah Arendt, 101–30.

²⁷ For discussions of Arendt's notion of barbarism see Canovan, A Reinterpretation, 22, 32–8, 102–10.

²⁸ See for example Hannah Arendt, “The Image of Hell”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 197–205, 203–4.

²⁹ Arendt's change of emphasis was indicative of a background of radical appropriations of mass-society discourse. Emigré contemporaries such as Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Erich Fromm were making similar claims about the roots of fascism during the same period. See Adorno, Theodor W. and Horkheimer, Max, Philosophische Fragmente (New York, 1944)Google Scholar; Horkheimer, Max, Eclipse of Reason (Oxford, 1947)Google Scholar; Fromm, Erich, The Fear of Freedom (London, 1942)Google Scholar. In 1936 in Paris she had joined a discussion group of intellectuals associated with the Frankfurt school. See Marrus, Michael R., “Hannah Arendt and the Dreyfus Affair”, New German Critique, 66 (1995), 147–63, 148Google Scholar.

³⁰ For an exploration of this theme, see Canovan, A Reinterpretation, 11–14.

³¹ Hannah Arendt, “French Existentialism”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 188–93, 192–3. Arendt viewed bourgeois society as partly responsible for the rise of totalitarianism. One reviewer of Origins commented, “For Miss Arendt, it is the bourgeoisie, as a class . . . that has become radically evil”. Rieff, Philip, “The Theology of Politics: Reflections on Totalitarianism as the Burden of Our Time (a Review Article)”, Journal of Religion, 32/2 (1952), 119–26, 119CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Arendt had met Sartre in New York in 1945, having already crossed paths with him in Paris during the 1930s. Young-Bruehl, Hannah Arendt, 117.

³² Arendt, “French Existentialism”, 192–3, 188–9. Her attitude reflected a conviction that Continental political parties had proved impotent in the face of fascism; see Arendt, Origins, 89–120, 261–3. For more on the political context for “Existentialism is a Humanism” see Baring, Edward, “Humanist Pretensions: Catholics, Communists, and Sartre's Struggle for Existentialism in Postwar France”, Modern Intellectual History, 7/3 (2010), 581–609CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ A chapter from Nausea appeared in the same issue of Partisan Review in which Arendt's piece was published, under the title “The Root of the Chestnut Tree”. Arendt, “French Existentialism”, 189. In his lecture, Sartre had rejected materialisms that led “one to treat every man including oneself . . . as a set of pre-determined reactions”. Sartre, Jean-Paul, Existentialism and Humanism, ed. and trans. Mairet, Philip (London, 1948), 45Google Scholar.

³⁴ Heidegger's most influential discussion of nihilism was presented in his lectures on Nietzsche from the 1930s. However, Arendt's critical discussion of “nihilation” and Being as nothingness in “What Is Existential Philosophy?” in 1946 suggests that his inaugural lecture at the University of Freiburg, “What Is Metaphysics”, which she would have had easier access to, was more prominent in her mind. Heidegger, Martin, Nietzsche: Nihilism, ed. Krell, David Farrell, trans. Capuzzi, Frank A. (London, 1982), iv, 97Google Scholar; Heidegger, “What Is Metaphysics?”, in Heidegger, Pathmarks, ed. William McNeill (Cambridge, 1998), 82–96; Gillespie, Michael Allen, Hegel, Heidegger, and the Ground of History (Chicago, 1984), xiv–xv, 20Google Scholar; Costea, Bogdan and Amiridis, Kostas, “The Movement of Nihilism as Self-Assertion”, in Hemming, Laurence Paul, Amiridis, Kostas and Costea, Bogdan, eds., The Movement of Nihilism: Heidegger's Thinking after Nietzsche (London, 2011), 8–24, 14–16Google Scholar.

³⁵ Arendt, “French Existentialism”, 193.

³⁶ This was also an implication of Heidegger's critical response to Sartre, first published in France in early 1947. Heidegger, Martin, “Letter on Humanism”, in Heidegger, Basic Writings, ed. Krell, David Farrell (San Francisco, 1993)Google Scholar. See Rabinbach, Anson, “Heidegger's ‘Letter on Humanism’ as Text and Event”, in Rabinbach, ed., In the Shadow of Catastrophe: German Intellectuals Between Apocalypse and Enlightenment (New York, 1995), 97–129Google Scholar; Kleinberg, Ethan, Generation Existential: Heidegger's Philosophy in France, 1927–1961 (Ithaca, NY, 2005), 11–12Google Scholar; Gillespie, Hegel, Heidegger, and the Ground of History, 124–5.

³⁷ Hannah Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 163–87.

³⁸ Ibid., 166. In Origins Arendt stated that “organic naturalistic definitions of peoples” were an “outstanding characteristic” of German historicism. Ibid. Arendt did not use “historicism” to refer only the institutionalized German academic discourses normally associated with the term—she collected Hegel and theorists of decline such as Oswald Spengler under the rubric—her usage fits into a pattern of misappropriations by émigrés in the 1940s seeking to explain Nazism and Stalinism, Karl Popper being the most prominent example. See Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, vol. 1, The Spell of Plato, 1st edn (London, 1945).

³⁹ Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, 171.

⁴⁰ Husserl was the key figure she referred to. Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, 165. For an excellent survey of Husserl and early phenomenology see Moran, Dermot, Edmund Husserl: Founder of Phenomenology (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, 166. For more on the issue of secularization in Arendt's thought see Moyn, Samuel, “Hannah Arendt on the Secular”, New German Critique, 35/3 (2008), 71–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brient, Elizabeth, “Hans Blumenberg and Hannah Arendt on the ‘Unworldly Worldliness’ of the Modern Age”, Journal of the History of Ideas, 61/3 (2000), 513–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, 177.

⁴³ Ibid., 187 n. 2. Arendt praised Karl Jaspers's existential theory of “communication” as an alternative to Heidegger's philosophy; ibid., 174.

⁴⁴ Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, n2, 187.

⁴⁵ Arendt was referring to Sartre's Being and Nothingness (1943). Sartre had used Henri Corbin's translations of Heidegger, which translated Heidegger's Dasein in somewhat anthropocentric and individualist terms as réalité-humaine. Sartre, Jean-Paul, Being and Nothingness: An Essay on Phenomenological Ontology, ed. Warnock, , trans. Hazel E. Barnes (London, 1943)Google Scholar; see Kleinberg, Generation Existential, 124, 70, 112–14; Geroulanos, Stefanos, An Atheism That Is Not Humanist Emerges in French Thought (Stanford, CA, 2010), 53Google Scholar; Rabinbach, “Heidegger's ‘Letter on Humanism’ as Text and Event”.

⁴⁶ Arendt, Origins, 327–31, 442.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 331.

⁴⁸ Letter, Martin Heidegger to Hannah Arendt, 6 May 1950, in Ludz, Ursula, ed., Letters: 1925–1975, Hannah Arendt & Martin Heidegger, trans. Shields, Andrew (San Diego, 2004), 85Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Arendt, Hannah, Denktagebuch: 1950–1973, vol. 1 (Munich, 2002), 5–7Google Scholar. For commentary on this see Berkowitz, “Bearing Logs on Our Shoulders”.

⁵⁰ Arendt, Denktagebuch, 7.

⁵¹ This refusal was encapsulated in her claim that totalitarianism presented a “radical evil” that could not be understood through conventional moral categories. Arendt, Origins, 459; Arendt, , “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, Review of Politics, 15/1 (1953), 76–84Google Scholar, 78; Young-Bruehl, Hannah Arendt, 261.

⁵² For the phenomenological aspects of Arendt's approach to politics see Vollrath, Ernst, “Hannah Arendt and the Method of Political Thinking”, Social Research, 44/1 (1977), 160–82Google Scholar;Hinchman, Lewis P. and Hinchman, Sandra K., “In Heidegger's Shadow: Hannah Arendt's Phenomenological Humanism”, Review of Politics, 46/2 (1984), 183–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 78.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 81.

⁵⁵ Benjamin's “Theses” would later be published in a volume introduced and edited by Arendt. See Benjamin, Walter, Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, ed. Arendt, Hannah (New York, 1968)Google Scholar. For Benjamin's influence on Arendt in general see Curthoys, Ned, “Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Narrative”, Journal of Narrative Theory, 32/3 (2002), 348–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evers, Kai, “The Holes of Oblivion: Arendt and Benjamin on Storytelling in the Age of Totalitarian Destruction”, Telos, 132 (2005), 109–20Google Scholar; Herzog, “Illuminating Inheritance”.

⁵⁶ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 78.

⁵⁷ Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, in Benjamin, Illuminations, 253–67, 263.

⁵⁸ In a short review of an introduction to Wilhelm Dilthey in 1945, Arendt had cautiously praised the method of empathetic projection found in German idealist historiography. Hannah Arendt, “Dilthey as Philosopher and Historian”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 136–9, 137. For German historical practice in the early twentieth century see Bambach, Charles R., Heidegger, Dilthey and the Crisis of Historicism (Ithaca; London, 1995)Google Scholar; Iggers, George G., “Historicism: The History and Meaning of the Term”, Journal of the History of Ideas, 56/1 (1995), 129–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Loader, Colin T., “German Historicism and Its Crisis”, Journal of Modern History, 48/3 (1976), 85–119CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 77

⁶⁰ Arendt, “What Is Existential Philosophy?”, 164.

⁶¹ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 80.

⁶² Voegelin had had a piece on the intellectual origins of Marxism published in Review of Politics three years before. Voegelin, Eric, “The Formation of the Marxian Revolutionary Idea”, Review of Politics, 12/3 (1950), 275–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶³ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 81; Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, 263.

⁶⁴ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 81.

⁶⁵ Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, 307.

⁶⁶ Ibid., 320. For more on Arendt's “events” see Seyla Benhabib, “Introduction”, in Benhabib, Politics in Dark Times, 1–14, 5.

⁶⁷ Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, 320; Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, 261.

⁶⁸ Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, 263.

⁶⁹ Annabel Herzog has suggested that Arendt's reluctance to draw on Benjamin explicitly was due to her assessment of him as fundamentally “apolitical”. Herzog, “Illuminating Inheritance”, 20. It was likely just as much to do with the Marxist aspects of his “Theses”. For more on Benjamin's Marxism see Michael Löwy, Fire Alarm: Reading Walter Benjamin's “On the Concept of History”, trans. Chris Turner (2005), 17–106.

⁷⁰ Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, 308.

⁷¹ Arendt, Hannah, “From Hegel to Marx”, in Arendt, The Promise of Politics, ed. Kohn, Jerome (New York, 2005), 75Google Scholar; Arendt to H. A. Moe, 29 Jan. 1953, LoC/Washington, Box 22, 012641. For a detailed summary of Arendt's plans for “Totalitarian Elements of Marxism” see Canovan, A Reinterpretation, 63–99.

⁷² In June 1949 Arendt wrote to Jaspers noting that if an American intellectual was “at odds with Sartre, whom he can't fit into the formulae Stalinist versus anti-Stalinist”, he would invariably declare that Sartre was “a reluctant Stalinist”. Sartre was attempting at the time, with little success, to establish a “third way” between the United States and the Soviet Union through a democratic socialist anti-war grouping named Rassemblement démocratique révolutionnaire (RDR). Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 3 June 1949, in Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Correspondence, 136–7; Isaac, Arendt, Camus and Modern Rebellion, 181–2; Wilkinson, James D., The Intellectual Resistance in Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1981), 101–2Google Scholar.

⁷³ Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 3 June 1949, 137.

⁷⁴ Arendt, Hannah, “Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought”, Social Research, 69/2 (2002), 273–319, 275Google Scholar. See, for example, Talmon, J. L., The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London, 1951)Google Scholar; Talmon, Utopianism and Politics (London, 1957); Popper, Karl R., The Open Society and Its Enemies, vol. 2, The High Tide of Prophecy: Hegel, Marx and the Aftermath (London, 1947), 2Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought”, 277.

⁷⁶ See Canovan, A Reinterpretation, 63–98.

⁷⁷ Arendt, Origins, 145. See also Arendt, “Expansion and the Philosophy of Power”.

⁷⁸ Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition”, 284–91; Arendt, “Ideology and Terror: A Novel Form of Government”, Review of Politics, 15/3 (1953), 323–4; this account was the backdrop to her later political philosophy. See, for example, Arendt, Human Condition, xiii–xiv. For Arendt's emphasis on the Reformation as a foundational moment for modernity see ibid., 66, 248. See also Arendt, , “Society and Culture”, Daedalus, 89/2 (1960), 278–87Google Scholar, 281–2; Arendt, “Tradition and the Modern Age”; Arendt, On Revolution, 22–3, 62–3, 121. For Marx's account of primitive accumulation see Marx, Karl, Capital, vol. 1, A Critique of Political Economy, ed. Engels, Friedrich (London, 1992), 873–940Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Hannah Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”, in Arendt, The Promise of Politics, 70–80, 79–80.

⁸⁰ Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition”, 311.

⁸¹ For a useful overview of this trend see Poster, Mark, Existentialist Marxism in Post-war France: From Sartre to Althusser (Princeton, NJ, 1975), 42, 51, 59Google Scholar.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, Humanisme et terreur: Essai sur le problème communiste (Paris, 1947), 101Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Ibid.

⁸⁵ Letter, Arendt to Jaspers, 4 March 1951, in Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Correspondence, 168; Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, Marx–Engels Gesamtausgabe, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1932), 266Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Hannah Arendt, “Project: Totalitarian Elements in Marxism” (1951), LoC/Washington, Box 64; Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition”, 283–6, 309; Arendt, “Socrates”, in Arendt, The Promise of Politics, 5–39, 37–8. Arendt drew especially on the section “Independence and Dependence Of Self-Consciousness: Lordship and Bondage”, in Hegel, G. W. F., Phenomenology of Spirit (Oxford, 1977), 111–19Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ For a highly critical Marxist response to Arendt's reading in The Human Condition see Suchting, W. A., “Marx and Hannah Arendt's The Human Condition”, Ethics, 73/1 (1962), 47–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Martin Jay, “The Political Existentialism of Hannah Arendt”, in Jay, Permanent Exiles: Essays on the Intellectual Migration from Germany to America (1996), 237–56, 245–7; Parekh, “Hannah Arendt's Critique of Marx”.

⁸⁸ Hannah Arendt, “Religion and Politics”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 368–90, 377. For Arendt's take on Engels's “scientific” interpretation of Marx see Arendt, , “The Great Tradition I. Law and Power”, Social Research, 74/3 (2007), 713–26Google Scholar, 720. The texts Arendt drew on were Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, “Socialism: Utopian and Scientific”, in Marx and Engels, Selected Works, ed. Dutt, Clemens Palme and Adoratskiĭ, Vladimir Viktorovich (New York, 1936), 291–2Google Scholar; Engels, Friedrich, Anti-Dühring: Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science (New York, 1935)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Poster, Existentialist Marxism, 57–71.

⁹⁰ Arendt, Human Condition, 79–80.

⁹¹ Arendt, “Religion and Politics”, 376.

⁹² Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, 287.

⁹³ Young-Bruehl, Hannah Arendt, 281.

⁹⁴ Arendt, “Understanding and Politics”, 322.

⁹⁵ For Arendt's views on progress in the context of Jewish history see Arendt, Hannah, “The Moral of History”, in Arendt, The Jewish Writings, ed. Kohn, Jerome and Feldman, Ron H. (New York, 2007), 312–16, 313–14Google Scholar

⁹⁶ In a letter to Jaspers, Arendt wrote, “I cling fanatically to hope for a united Europe”. Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 4 Oct. 1950, in Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Correspondence, 157. For Arendt's thought on international relations see Owens, Between War and Politics; see also Lang, Anthony F. Jr and Williams, John, eds., Hannah Arendt and International Relations: Readings across the Lines (New York, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Kant's cosmopolitanism see Kant, Immanuel, “Perpetual Peace”, in Beck, Lewis White, ed., Kant: On History (Indianapolis, 1963)Google Scholar; Bohman, James and Lutz-Bachmann, Matthias, eds., Perpetual Peace: Essays on Kant's Cosmopolitan Ideal, (Cambridge, MA, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Arendt, Origins, 436. For a brief discussion of this see Tsao, Roy T., “Arendt and the Modern State: Variations on Hegel in the Origins of Totalitarianism”, Review of Politics, 66/1 (2004), 105–38, 132CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁸ She feared that a globally organized humanity might choose to democratically “liquidate” certain groups. See Origins, 299.

⁹⁹ Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”; Arendt, “The Impact of Marx”, LoC/Washington; Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought”, 282–3.

¹⁰⁰ Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”, 76. For the “cunning of reason” see F Hegel, G. W., Lectures on the Philosophy of World History: Introduction, Reason in History, ed. Duncan Forbes, trans. Nisbet, H. B. (Cambridge, 1975), 89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of the relationship between reason and history in Hegel see Taylor, Charles, Hegel (Cambridge, 1977), 389–428Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”, 76.

¹⁰² Kojève, Alexandre, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology of Spirit, ed. Bloom, Allan, trans. Nichols, James H. (Ithaca, NY, 1969), 3–7Google Scholar. Ethan Kleinberg has examined Kojève's reading of Hegel in the context of the development of French existential philosophy; see Kleinberg, Generation Existential, 57, 74, 79.

¹⁰³ Humanisme et terreur comprised essays published between 1946 and 1947 in Les temps modernes. See Carman, Taylor, Merleau-Ponty (New York, 2008), 152Google Scholar. For discussions of the philosophical context see Geroulanos, An Atheism, 215–79; Rabinbach, “Heidegger's ‘Letter on Humanism’ as Text and Event”, 121; Poster, Existentialist Marxism, 159.

¹⁰⁴ Carman, Merleau-Ponty, 161–2; Merleau-Ponty, Humanisme et terreur, 153.

¹⁰⁵ Merleau-Ponty, Humanisme et terreur, 109.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 1.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 102.

¹⁰⁸ First published in 1953, “Ideology and Terror” was added to the first German edition of Origins (1955), and then to the second English-language edition, published in 1957. For a discussion of the piece and its relation to Origins see Tsao, “The Three Phases of Arendt's Theory of Totalitarianism”, 604–12.

¹⁰⁹ Arendt, “Ideology and Terror”, 326–7.

¹¹⁰ For Marx's account of ideology see Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, The German Ideology, ed. Arthur, C. J. (London, 2004)Google Scholar. For a study of the Frankfurt school's varied uses of ideology see Geuss, Raymond, The Idea of a Critical Theory: Habermas and the Frankfurt School (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Arendt, “Ideology and Terror”, 318.

¹¹² Hannah Arendt, “The Eggs Speak Up”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 270–84, 283.

¹¹³ Hannah Arendt, “Mankind and Terror”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 297–306, 302–3; Hannah Arendt, “The Ex-communists”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 391–400, 394–6.

¹¹⁴ Arendt, “Ideology and Terror”, 318, 322–3.

¹¹⁵ Hannah Arendt, “The Aftermath of Nazi Rule: Report from Germany”, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 1930–1954, 248–69, 271.

¹¹⁶ She used the example of the American communist and Soviet spy turned anti-communist, Whittaker Chambers. Arendt, “The Ex-communists”, 392.

¹¹⁷ Arendt, “The Eggs Speak Up”, 278.

¹¹⁸ Arendt, “Home to Roost”; Hannah Arendt, “Lying in Politics”, in Arendt, Crises of the Republic (New York, 1972), 3–47, 18, 45–6.

¹¹⁹ Merleau-Ponty, Humanisme et terreur, 165, 153.

¹²⁰ Hannah Arendt to Heinrich Blücher, 1 May 1952, in Kohler, Lotte, ed., Within Four Walls: The Correspondence between Hannah Arendt and Heinrich Blücher, 1936–1968 (New York, 2000), 162Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Arendt, “Concern with Politics”, 438.

¹²² Ibid., 439.

¹²³ Ronald Aronson, Camus & Sartre: The Story of a Friendship and the Quarrel That Ended It (2004), 1–8.

¹²⁴ Arendt had referred to Camus in 1946 as “the best man in Europe”, with “great political insight”. Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 11 Nov. 1946, in Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Correspondence, 66. In 1952 Arendt sent Camus a letter of support during the controversy over The Rebel, and, in a letter to her husband, pointedly described him as “the best man now in France. He's head and shoulders above the other intellectuals”. Arendt to Heinrich Blücher, 1 May 1952, 162.

¹²⁵ Arendt differentiated between “Marxists” concerned with alienation and Soviet totalitarians, who sought to make man a “labouring animal” to overcome alienation. Arendt, “Concern with Politics”, 438–9.

¹²⁶ Ibid., 438.

¹²⁷ Ibid.

¹²⁸ Ibid., 440.

¹²⁹ Ibid., 437.

¹³⁰ Ibid., 430; For a discussion of pre-war French interest in Hegel see Kelly, Michael, “Hegel in France to 1940: A Bibliographical Essay”, Journal of European Studies, 11/41 (1981), 29–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³¹ Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”, 76.

¹³² Arendt's library at Bard College contains two heavily annotated copies of Phenomenology of Spirit, in which she places particular emphasis on the sections describing the tragic ethical conflicts found in Antigone. For a discussion of the connections between Arendt and Hegel on tragic narrative see Speight, Allen, “Arendt and Hegel on the Tragic Nature of Action”, Philosophy & Social Criticism, 28/5 (2001), 523–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Kateb, George, Hannah Arendt, Politics, Conscience, Evil (Oxford, 1984), 44 n. 2Google Scholar; Fine, Political Investigations.

¹³³ Hannah Arendt, ‘M. Merleau-Ponty, Humanisme et Terreur’ (1957), Arendt Papers, Box 83, ms. 025300.

¹³⁴ Arendt, “Concern with Politics”, 430.

¹³⁵ Ibid., 444.

¹³⁶ Arendt, “From Hegel to Marx”, 76; Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World History, 52.

¹³⁷ Arendt noted that even when the French existentialists adopted Heidegger's notion of Geschichtlichkeit, or “historicity”, they granted it a “much stronger Hegelian flavour” that involved a regress to the older “modern concept of history” exemplified by Marx and Hegel. Arendt, “Concern with Politics”, 433.

¹³⁸ Ibid., 444.

¹³⁹ Arendt, “[The Origins of Totalitarianism]: A Reply”, 83.

¹⁴⁰ Arendt, “Tradition and the Modern Age”, 21; Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought”, 287; Arendt, “Religion and Politics”, 375.

¹⁴¹ Hannah Arendt, Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy (Chicago, 1992). See also her writings collected in Arendt, Responsibility and Judgment. There is an enormous literature on Arendt's concept of judgement. See Marshall, David L., “The Origin and Character of Hannah Arendt's Theory of Judgment”, Political Theory, 38/3 (2010), 367–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Beiner, Ronald and Nedelsky, Jennifer, Judgment, Imagination, and Politics: Themes from Kant and Arendt (Lanham, MD, 2001)Google Scholar; Benhabib, Seyla, “Judgment and the Moral Foundations of Politics in Arendt's Thought”, Political Theory, 16/1 (1988), 29–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Deutscher, Max, Judgment after Arendt (Aldershot, 2007)Google Scholar; Garsten, Bryan, “The Elusiveness of Arendtian Judgment”, Social Research, 74/4 (2007), 1071–1108Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Pitkin has pointed to a “deep tacit parallelism” between the two. Pitkin, Hanna Fenichel, The Attack of the Blob: Hannah Arendt's Concept of the Social (London, 1998), 140Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ Arendt, “Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought”, 295.

¹⁴⁴ For a recent discussion of Arendt's elitism see Brunkhorst, Hauke, “Equality and Elitism in Arendt”, in Villa, Dana, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt (Cambridge, 2000), 178–98, 196Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ Martin Jay's criticisms still stand out in this respect. See Martin Jay and Leon Botstein, “Hannah Arendt: Opposing Views”, Partisan Review, 45/3 (1978), 348–68; Jay's critique of Arendt on action and violence has been criticized for its emphasis on existentialism and claim that she employs a vaguely Schmittian decisionism. See Canovan, A Reinterpretation, 131.

¹⁴⁶ Arendt, On Violence, 12–13, 20–21, 89–91. See Curthoys, “The Refractory Legacy of Algerian Decolonization: Revisiting Arendt on Violence”; Frazer, Elizabeth and Hutchings, Kimberley, “On Politics and Violence: Arendt contra Fanon”, Contemporary Political Theory, 7/1 (2008), 90–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Breen, Keith, “Violence and Power: A Critique of Hannah Arendt on ‘The Political’”, Philosophy & Social Criticism, 33/3 (2007), 343–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ Arendt, On Revolution, 12–21, 84–8, 114–15; Arendt, “Tradition and the Modern Age”, 22–4; Arendt, “What Is Authority?”, in Arendt, Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought (New York, 2006) 102–11; Arendt, Human Condition, 263, 26–7.

¹⁴⁸ Arendt, On Violence, 89–90.

¹⁴⁹ Hannah Arendt, “Breakdown of Authority” (lecture notes) (1953), LoC/Washington, Box 72; Arendt, Hannah, “Authority in the Twentieth Century”, Review of Politics, 18/4 (1956), 403–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arendt, “What Is Authority?”. See also Derrida, Jacques, “Force of Law: The Mystical Foundation of Authority”, Cardozo Law Review, 11 (1990), 920–1045, 919Google Scholar; Honig, Bonnie, Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ The slaying of Remus by Romulus in the Roman myth of founding, for example. See Jay, “The Political Existentialism of Hannah Arendt”, 248.

¹⁵¹ Shklar, Judith N., “Rethinking the Past”, Social Research, 44/1 (1977), 80–90, 80–81Google Scholar.