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10 Avi Rubin's study on the Ottoman legal reform in the nineteenth century is a valuable contribution; however, instead of focusing on international law, it examines how a dual legal structure emerged, one secular and one religious, not competing with each other but acting as entwined components of a single judicial system (Rubin, A., Ottoman Nizamiye Courts: Law and Modernity, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Miller, R.A., Legislating Authority: Sin and Crime in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey (London and New York: Routledge, 2005)Google Scholar; Toprak, Z., “From plurality to unity: codification and jurisprudence in the late Ottoman Empire”, in Frangoudaki, A. and Keyder, Ç. (eds), Ways to Modernity in Greece and Turkey: Encounters with Europe, 1850–1950 (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 30–33Google Scholar.

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12 Demirel, F., Adliye Nezareti'nin Kuruluşu ve Faaliyetleri [The Establishment and Activities of the Ministry of Justice] (Istanbul: Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2007), 100Google Scholar.

13 Çankaya, A., Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler [A New History of the School of Civil Administration and Its Students], 8 vols (Ankara: Mars Matbaası 1968–69), Vol. 1, 30–31Google Scholar.

14 Timur, T., Toplumsal Değişme ve Üniversiteler [Social Change and Universities] (Ankara: İmge Kitabevi, 2000), 104Google Scholar. For the curriculum of Mekteb-i Sultānī, see Mekteb-i Sultānī Ders Programı [The Curriculum of the Imperial School] (Dersaʿādet: Matbaʿa-i Āmire, 1327 [1909])Google Scholar.

15 İhsanoğlu, E., Darülfünun: Osmanlı'da Kültürel Modernleşmenin Odağı [Darʿül fünūn: The Center of Ottoman Cultural Modernization], 2 vols (Istanbul: İslam Tarih, Sanat ve Kültür Araştırma Merkezi, 2010), Vol. 1, 141Google Scholar.

16 Tekeli and İlkin, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Eğitim, 77–96; Ergin, Osman, Türk Maarif Tarihi [History of Education in Turkey], 5 vols (Istanbul: Eser Matbaası, 1977), Vols 3–4, 1116Google Scholar.

17 İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, Vol. 2, 659–61.

18 İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, Vol. 1, 72.

19 Kürkçüoğlu, “The adoption and use of permanent diplomacy”, 140–43.

20 Kayaoğlu, T., Legal Imperialism: Sovereignty and Extraterritoriality in Japan, the Ottoman Empire, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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22 For the full text of the treaty in Turkish, see Muʿāhedāt Mecmūʿāsı [The Compilation of Treaties], 5 vols (Istanbul: Cerīde-i Askeriye Matbaʿası, 1293 [1877]), Vol. 4, 242–58Google Scholar.

23 For the full text of the report, see Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 1, 31–2.

24 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 1.

25 Initially, the period of education in the MM was two years. Ergin, Türk Maarif Tarihi, Vols 1–2, 599.

26 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 1, 82–3.

27 In 1868, the period of education became three years. Ibid., Vol. 1, 99.

28 Zeki Pakalın, Mehmed, Sicill-i Osmanî Zeyli [Addition to the Ottoman Registers], 19 vols (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2008), Vol. 5, 99Google Scholar.

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31 İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, Vol. 1, 140.

32 Ayni, Darülfünun Tarihi, 32.

33 İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, Vol. 1, 147.

34 Timur, Toplumsal Değişme ve Üniversiteler, 115.

35 Emerich de Vattel, Hukūk-u Milel, National Library of Turkey, 06 Mil Yz A 1275, 1255 [1839].

36 Later, in the 1860s, the eminent Ottoman man of letters and journalist İbrahim Şinasi partially translated Vattel's treatise and published these translations in his Tasvīr-i Efkār [the Description of Ideas] newspaper, thus making Ottoman intellectuals aware of Vattel and his treatise. Mardin, Şerif, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 261Google Scholar.

37 Killy, Walther, Vierhaus, Rudolf and von Engelhardt, Dietrich (eds), Dictionary of German Biography, 10 vols (Munich: K.G. Saur, 2001–2006), Vol. 8, 698Google Scholar.

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39 For instance, see Hakkı, İbrahim, Medhāl-i Hukūk-u Beynʾed-düvel (Istanbul: Karabet ve Kasbar Matbaası 1303 [1886]), 1Google Scholar.

40 Tevfik, Mahmud, Muʿāmelāt-ı Düvel (Istanbul: Dar'üt-tıbaʿāt-ı Āmire, 1291 [1874]), p. 2Google Scholar.

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44 Salnāme-i Nezāret-i Maʿārif-i Umūmiye (Istanbul: Matbaʿā-i Āmire, 1316 [1898]), 76–7Google Scholar.

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46 This manuscript has recently been published by the Turkish Historical Society. Nazım, M., Mekteb-i Hukuk Günlerim [Days of My Life in the School of Law], transliterated and edited by Yörük, A.A. (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 2012)Google Scholar.

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48 Nazım, Mekteb-i Hukuk Günlerim, 86–7.

49 Ibid., 114, 181–2.

50 These student protests emerged after Mehmed Emin had declared a Greek Orthodox student the holder of the highest grades, even though a Muslim student had the same marks. Although Mehmed Emin preferred the Greek Orthodox student for his better mastery of the French language, the students noted the Christian origins of the director, arguing that the Greek Orthodox student was preferred for his religion. Given these protests the Minister of Justice, Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, dismissed Mehmed Emin. Ergin, Türk Maarif Tarihi, Vol. 3–4, 1102–3.

51 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 3, 945–6. Although Ali Şehbaz justified this conversion using his extreme admiration of Islam following his studies on the virtues of this religion, Mehmed Nazım argued that he was excommunicated by the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul for marrying a woman other than his wife, and included the patriarchal document of excommunication dated 22 June 1887. Nazım, Mekteb-i Hukuk Günlerim, 81.

52 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 3, 1068.

53 Pakalın, Sicill-i Osmanī Zeyli, Vol. 16, 39–51.

54 Pakalın, Sicill-i Osmanī Zeyli, Vol. 8, 101–3.

55 Pakalın, Sicill-i Osmanī Zeyli, Vol. 7, 136–47.

56 Pakalın, Sicill-i Osmanī Zeyli, Vol. 11, 18–23.

57 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 3, 1021–3.

58 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 3, 129–30.

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72 Aynî, Darülfünun Tarihi, 57.

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78 One of the rare records regarding his political and academic activities was his speech to the Ottoman Parliament in 1909, in which he spoke against the right to strike. His mastery of Ottoman laws and regulations, as demonstrated in his speech, creates the impression that he had an advanced legal education. See Meclīs-i Mebʿusān Zabıt Ceridesi [The Journal of Proceedings of the Ottoman Parliament], 104th plenary meeting, 18 June 1325 (1909), http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/tutanaklar/TUTANAK/MECMEB/mmbd01ic01c005/mmbd01ic01c005ink104.pdf (Last access: 10 December 2012)

79 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi, Vol. 3, 761.

80 BOA.MF.MKT/1136/19, 26 Ra 1319 (13 July 1901).

81 İhsanoğlu, Darülfünun, Vol. 2, 655–63. Unfortunately, scholars of international law of the Baghdad Law School and the Beirut Law School could not be determined from the archival documents.

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92 See Selahaddin, A., Hukūk-i Beynʿedd-üvelin Mukaddemāt-ı Nazariye ve Safahāt-ı Tekāmüliyesi [Theoretical Premises and Phases of the Evolution of International Law] (Istanbul: Kanaat Matbaʿāsı, 1331 [1915])Google Scholar; Sırrı, H., Hukūk-u Düvel Nokta-i Nazarından Osmanlı-İtalya Muhārebesi [The Ottoman–Italian War from the International Law Point of View] (Istanbul: Matbaʿā-i Ebüzziya, 1330 [1914])Google Scholar; Adil, A., Lahey Konferansı yāhūd Taknīn-i Hukūk-u Düvel [The Hague Conference or the Codification of International Law] (Istanbul: Matbaʿā-i Ebüzziya, 1331 [1915])Google Scholar.

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