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THE SYMBOLIST CONCEIT: VLADIMIR SOLOV′EV'S POSTHUMOUS CAREER, THE POLITICS OF RECEPTION, AND THE LEGACY OF THE RUSSIAN EMIGRATION, 1892–1956

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2016

SEAN GILLEN*
Affiliation:
Visiting researcher, Georgetown University E-mail: sg1239@georgetown.edu

Abstract

For nearly a century, the interpretation of Vladimir Sergeevich Solov′ev (1853–1900) has been locked in a “mythopoeic method” of the Symbolist conceit rooted in Europe-wide fin de siècle cultural developments. Solov′ev's posterity has come to see him as a mystic prophesying the folly of reason and mass politics, whereas his contemporaries saw him as the model for both Ivan and Alyosha Karamazov in Fedor Dostoevskii's The Brothers Karamazov—a dramatization of the “politics of the self” within the secularization frame. The story of the gap between these two images reveals the historicity of the Symbolist conceit. More broadly, it shows how the Russian authors of this myth participated in transnational prewar and interwar discourses about mass politics, culture, and violence that expand the typical chronological and geographical boundaries associated with these developments.

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Articles
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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53 Stepun, Mystische Weltschau, 9.

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70 Ibid., xvi–xx.

71 S. N. Bulgakov, “Osnovnyia problemy teorii progressa,” in Ot marksizma k idealizmu, 113–55, at 148. Bulgakov had Solov′ev's Opravdanie dobra (1898) in mind. Ibid., 143.

72 From two letters to A. S. Glinka dated 27 Oct. 1905 and 10 June 1906, in Keiden, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 80, 85, 101; and Kolerov, Ne mir, no mech, 282.

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74 Keidan, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 145. The letter is dated 27 May 1907.

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77 Letter from Bulgakov to Glinka dated 7 October 1905, in Keiden, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 80 and also 84.

78 S. N. Bulgakov, “Geroizm i podvizhnichestvo,” in Kazakova, Vekhi, 43, 44, 45.

79 Ibid., 46.

80 Ibid., 50–51.

81 Ibid., 54–5.

82 Bely, Mezhdu dvukh revoliutsii, 265–6, 271–3. S. M. Luk'ianov, O Vl.S. Solov′eve v ego molodye gody. Materialy k biografii, kn. 1 (Moscow, 1990; first published Petrograd, 1916), 344 n. 662.

83 Gollerbakh, K nezrimomu gradu, 148–50.

84 Bulgakov, S. N., “Vladimir Solov′ev i Anna Shmidt,” in Bulgakov, Tikhie dumy: iz statei 1911–1915 gg. (Paris, 1976; first published 1918), 71114Google Scholar. See also Gertsyk, Evgeniia, Vospominaniia (Moscow, 1996), 174–5Google Scholar.

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86 Bulgakov, “Solov′ev i Shmidt,” 72.

87 Ibid., 73.

88 For the difference see A. A. Blok, “Rytsar′-Monakh,” in Ern, Sbornik pervyi, 96–103; and Blok's 19 Dec. 1910 letter to Bely in Lavrov, Perepiska, 381 and n. 3.

89 Bulgakov, “Solov′ev i Shmidt,” 81, 91, 108.

90 Ibid., 103.

91 Ibid., 82.

92 Finkel, On the Ideological Front, 8, 182–228; Evtuhov, The Cross & the Sickle, 230–50.

93 Mochul′skii, Vladimir Solov′ev, 9–10; and Strémooukhoff, Vladimir Soloviev and His Messianic Work, 11.

94 In English see Bulgakov, Sergei, Sophia, The Wisdom of God: An Outline of Sophiology, trans. Rev. Patrick Thompson, Rev. O. Fielding Clarke, and Miss Xenia Braikevitc (Hudson, NY, 1993Google Scholar; first published 1937).

95 Arjakovsky, The Way, 35.

96 Samuel Moyn, Origins of the Other, 117–34.

97 O Sofii Premudrosti Bozhiei: Ukaz moskovskoi patriarkhii i dokladnye zapiski prof. prot: Sergeia Bulgakova Mitropolitu Evlogiiu (Paris, 1935), 54. On Antonii see Zen′kovskii Collection, Moe uchastie, pp. 20–21, BAR.

98 N. A. Berdiaev, “Russkii dukhovnyi renessans nachala XX veka i zhurnal ‘Put’ (K desiatiletiiu ‘Puti’),” Put′, 49 (Oct.–Dec. 1935), 3–22. Cited in Arjakovsky, The Way, 52.

99 For a denominational attempt to reconcile Bulgakov's modernism with Florovskii's neopatristics see Gavrilyuk, Pavel, Georges Florovsky and the Russian Religious Renaissance (New York, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 Letter from Bulgakov to Berdiaev dated 25 Jan./7 Feb. 1923, Berdiaev Papers, Box 1, Sergei Bulgakov folder, ll. 4–5, BAR. See also ibid., letter dated 13 June 1934, l. 2. For Bulgakov's attempts to persuade Florovsky see Ekaterina Evtukhova, “S. N. Bulgakov: Pis'ma k G. V. Florovskomy,” Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi mysli, 2001/2002 (2002), 175–226.

101 On Berdiaev's relation to interpersonalism and personalism see Moyn, Origins of the Other, 182–4; and Moyn, Samuel, Christian Human Rights (Philadelphia, 2015), 68–9Google Scholar. Herbert Spencer exercised Berdiaev's philosophical imagination into the 1930s. See Nicolas Berdiaeff, “Sujectivité et transcendance,” Bulletin de la Société française de philosophie, 37/5 (Oct.–Dec. 1937), 187–8. Spencer was the subject of Berdiaev, N. A., Sub″ektivism i individualizm v obshchestvennoi filosofii: Kriticheskii etiud o N. K. Mikhailovskom (St. Petersburg, 1901)Google Scholar.

102 Evlogii, Mitropolit, Put′ moei zhizni: vospominaniia Mitropolita Evlogiia, izlozhennyia po ego razskazam T. Manukhinoi (Paris, 1947), 187–8Google Scholar.

103 “La colonie russe en France,” F/7/14750 (Surveillance des activités des étrangers: Japon à Ukraine), p. 1, Archives nationales de France (ANF). Evlogii's letters are preserved at ANF, F/7/16068. For the police see the file entitled “Jean Tereniak” in ANF F/7/14750. See also Archives de la Préfecture de la Police de Paris, série B, sous-série B/A, dossiers 1708–10, sous-série B/A 2e série, dossier 2016 (Milioukoff, Paul) and ANF, F/7 (Police): F/7/13017, F/7/15953/2, F/7/16068.

104 On these differences see especially V. V. Zen′kovskii's memoirs, Moe uchastie v Russkoi Tserkovnoi zhizni v Zapadnoi Evrope (1920–1952), 46–8, 97, BAR; Moi vstrechi s vydaiushchimisia liud'mi, 10–20, esp. 15 (Berdiaev), 20–36, esp. 32 (Bulgakov), 93–5 (P. B. Struve), and 101–5 (Florovskii), BAR.

105 V. V. Zen′kovskii Papers, Moe uchastie, BAR; and the Berdiaev Papers, correspondence with Bulgakov, Florovskii, Frank, Losskii, Mochul′skii, Stepun, Struve, and Vysheslvatsev, BAR. See also Florovskii's well-known works and V. V. Zen′kovskii, ed., Pravoslavie i kul′tura: sbornik religiozno-filosofskikh statei (Berlin, 1923).

106 See “Protokol Ideologicheskago sobraniia pri R.S.Kh.D.” in Box 3, Paul B. Anderson Papers, series 15/35/54, University of Illinois Archives; Berdiaev Papers, correspondence, BAR; and Vladimir Iantsen, “Pi′sma russkikh mystlitei v bazel′skom archive Fritsa Liba,” in Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi mysli, 2001/2002 (2002), 227–563.

107 See “Exhibit VII-1: Record of the Six Adult Leaders for Visits to Important Conferences,” Paul B. Anderson Papers, Box 3, University of Illinois Archives. Zen′kovskii did not enjoy such esteem. See his remarks in BAR, V. V. Zen′kovskii Papers, Moi vstrechi s vydaiushchimisia liu'mi, 15.

108 Zernov, Nicolas, Moscow, the Third Rome (London, 1937)Google Scholar; Zernov, St. Sergius: Builder of Russia (London, 1939); Zernov, The Church of the Eastern Christians (London, 1942); Zernov, Three Russian Prophets: Khomiakov, Dostoevsky, Soloviev (London, 1944); and Zernov, The Reintegration of the Church: A Study in Intercommunion (London, 1952). Zernov's sister, Maria Zernov, married Gustave Kullmann (1894–1961), a German Protestant who worked closely with Anderson at the YMCA until he converted to Orthodoxy to marry Maria. Kullmann's conversion led him to leave the YMCA to work for United Nations human rights agencies in Geneva. See Arjakovsky, The Way, 168–79.

109 Suri, Henry Kissinger, 92–137; Engerman, Know Your Enemy, 71–179, esp. 155–7. Karpovich taught Solov′ev according to Berdiaev's conceptualization: Martin E. Malia, “Michael Karpovich, 1888–1959,” Russian Review, 19/1 (1960), 56–76, at 67.

110 Stepun's Vergangenes und Unvergängliches aus meinem Leben (Munich, 1947) was published with the permission of the US Office of Military Government (OMGUS) in postwar Germany. On Stepun's work with OMGUS see Freytag-Loringhoven, Konstantin von, Erziehung im Kollegienhaus: Reformsbestrebungen an den deutschen Universitäten der amerikanischen Besatzungsszone, 1945–1960 (Stuttgart, 2012), 347Google Scholar.

111 Zernov and Zernov, Za rubezhom, 550.

112 Here I differ with Evtuhov in her Cross & the Sickle, which is subtitled Sergei Bulgakov and the Fate of Russian Religious Philosophy.

113 Freidrich and Brzezinski, Totalitarianism, 5–6. On militant democracy see Greenberg, The Weimar Century, 23, 169–210. This account of Cold War ideology suggests that Russian president Vladimir Putin's criticism of US foreign policy as a version of “exceptionalism” are not totally without merit. See Vladimir Putin, “A Plea for Caution from Russia,” New York Times, 11 Sept, 2013, at www.nytimes.com/2013/09/12/opinion/putin-plea-for-caution-from-russia-on-syria.html, accessed 3 Oct. 2015. For Russia's own peculiar views of foreign relations see Fedor, Julie, “Chekists Look Back on the Cold War: The Polemical Literature,” National Security, 26/6 (2011), 842–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, I suppose, Charles Clover, Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism (New Haven, 2016). For histories of Russian foreign policy thinking see Legvold, Robert, ed., Russian Foreign Policy in the 21st Century and the Shadow of the Past (New York, 2007)Google Scholar; and McDonald, David, “1991 and the History of Russian Gosudarstvennost ,” Ab Imperio, 3 (2011), 223–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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