Earlier versions of this article were presented at workshops at Columbia University, Princeton University, Humboldt University Berlin, the Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies, Centre Marc Bloch Berlin, Georgetown University, Stanford University, and the European Humanities University in Vilnius. I thank the participants for their constructive comments. I would also like to thank Harriet Murav and the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful suggestions. Research and writing of this article were supported by grants and fellowships from Princeton University, the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies, the Social Science Research Council (International Dissertation Research Fellowship, with funds from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation), the Max Weber Program at the European University Institute, and the International Center for the History and Sociology of World War II and Its Consequences at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow.

1 István Deak, Jan T., Gross, and Tony, Judt, eds., The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and Its Aft ermath (Princeton, 2000)Google Scholar; Konrad M., Lawson, “Wartime Atrocities and the Politics of Treason in the Ruins of the Japanese Empire, 1937–1953” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2012)Google Scholar.

2 In Asia, the Allies, including China under the Nationalist Party, carried out about 2,244 military trials from 1945 to 1951/52 that involved about 5,700 defendants, of whom 984 were executed and another 3,419 sentenced to prison terms while 1,018, about 18 percent of the defendants, were acquitted. Yuma, Totani, Justice in Asia and the Pacific Region, 1945–1952: Allied War Crimes Prosecutions (Cambridge, Eng., 2015), 9 Google Scholar; Barak, Kushner, Men to Devils, Devils to Men: Japanese War Crimes and Chinese Justice (Cambridge, Mass., 2015), 8–9 Google Scholar. In contrast, the Chinese Nationalist government charged more than 30,000 Chinese nationals with treason in 1945–47. Approximately 15,000 of them were convicted; for many, the sentence was death. It is unknown how many Japanese soldiers and Chinese nationals were tried by the Chinese communists. Kushner, Men to Devils, Devils to Men, 120. In Europe, Allied prosecution was focused on Germany and, to a lesser extent, on Austria. The United States, Great Britain, France and the Soviet Union together convicted 8,812 German and Austrian nationals in occupation courts on German soil. Norbert, Frei, “Nach der Tat. Die Ahndung deutscher Kriegs- und NS-Verbrechen in Europe— eine Bilanz,” in Norbert Frei, ed., Transnationale Vergangenheitspolitik: Der Umgang mit deutschen Kriegsverbrechern in Europa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Göttingen, 2006), 7–36 Google Scholar, here 31–32. Among the European countries, perhaps no other prosecuted as many of its own nationals as Czechoslovakia: more than 168,000 people were tried, of whom approximately 69,000 were convicted. A significant part of these belonged to the German minority (or was deemed by the state as belonging to it). Benjamin, Frommer, National Cleansing: Retribution against Nazi Collaborators in Postwar Czechoslovakia (Cambridge, Eng., 2005), 2–3, 321 Google Scholar. On Russia: Vanessa, Voisin, L`URSS contre ses traîtres. L`Épuration soviétique (1941–1955) (Paris, 2015)Google Scholar.

3 Andreas, Hilger, Ute, Schmidt, and Günther, Wagenlehner, “Einleitung,” in Andreas Hilger, Ute Schmidt, and Günther Wagenlehner, eds., Sowjetische Militärtribunale. Band 1: Die Verurteilung deutscher Kriegsgefangener 1941–1953 (Köln, 2001), 7–21 Google Scholar, here 11–15.

4 On Japanese soldiers: Gavrilov, V.A. and Katasonova, E.L., eds., Iaponskie voennoplennye v SSSR: 1945–1956 (Moscow, 2013), 17 Google Scholar. The number of prosecuted non-German European Axis soldiers is my own estimate.

5 Both predatel΄stvo and izmena translate as treason or betrayal. A ‘traitor’ was therefore a predatel΄ or an izmennik. Predatel’stvo and izmena were used interchangeably in Soviet documents. The legal category for treason, however, was izmena rodine, meaning regardless of whether someone was accused of predatel΄stvo or izmena rodine, he or she would formally always have been prosecuted for treason, izmena rodine, under article 58 of the Soviet Russian penal code (or its corresponding republican versions). Kollaboratsionist (collaborator) and kollaboratsionizm (collaboration) are recent additions to the Russian vocabulary.

6 Oleg, Mozokhin, Pravo na repressii. Vnesudebnye polnomochiia organov gosudarstvennoi bezopasnosti (1918–1953) (Moscow, 2006), 353–465 Google Scholar.

7 ‘Soviet citizens’ includes the inhabitants of regions annexed by the Soviet Union in 1939–40.

8 Sergei, Kudriashov and Vanessa, Voisin, “The Early Stages of ‘Legal Purges’ in Soviet Russia (1941–1945),” Cahiers du monde russe 49, no. 2 (2008): 263–95Google Scholar; Aleksandr E., Epifanov, Otvetstvennost΄ za voennye prestupleniia, sovershennye na territorii SSSR v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny: 1941–1956 gg. (Volgograd, 2005)Google Scholar; Ilya, Bourtman, “ ‘Blood for Blood, Death for Death’: The Soviet Military Tribunal in Krasnodar, 1943,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 22, no. 2 (2008): 246–65Google Scholar; Claire P., Kaiser, “Betraying their Motherland: Soviet Military Tribunals of Izmenniki Rodiny in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, 1941–1953,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 41, no. 1 (Winter 2014): 57–83 Google Scholar; Oleksandr, Melnyk, “Stalinist Justice as a Site of Memory: Anti-Jewish Violence in Kyiv’s Podil District in September 1941 through the Prism of Soviet Investigative Documents,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 61, no. 2 (2013): 223–48Google Scholar; Tanja, Penter, “Local Collaborators on Trial: Soviet War Crimes Trials under Stalin (1943–1953),” Cahiers du monde russe 49, no. 2 (2008): 341–64Google Scholar; on Latvia: Juliette, Denis, “Identifier les ‘éléments ennemis’ en Lettonie. Une priorité dans le processus de resoviétisation (1942–1945),” Cahiers du monde russe 49, no. 2 (2008): 297–318 Google Scholar; on Estonia: Olaf, Mertelsmann and Aigi, Rahi-Tamm, “Cleansing and Compromise: The Estonian SSR in 1944–1945,” Cahiers du monde russe 49, no. 2 (2008): 319–40Google Scholar; on Ukraine: Amir, Weiner, Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution (Princeton, 2001), 129–90Google Scholar.

9 On Rostov-na-Donu: Jeffrey, Jones, “ ‘Every Family Has its Freak’: Perceptions of Collaboration in Occupied Soviet Russia, 1943–1948,” Slavic Review 64, no. 4 (2005): 747–70Google Scholar, also briefly on the Donbas: Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 352–53.

10 Weiner, Making Sense of War, 82–126 Google Scholar.

11 Bourtman, “Blood for Blood,” 260; Denis, “Identifier,” 297–98; Kudriashov and Voisin, “The Early Stages,” 287; Melnyk, “Stalinist Justice,” 244–45; Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 360. See also Juliette, Cadiot and Tanja, Penter, “Law and Justice in Wartime and Postwar Stalinism,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 61, 2 (2013): 161–71Google Scholar.

12 With Hitler’s rise to power in 1933, Germany became one of the greatest enemies of the Soviet Union. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, concluded on August 23, 1939, confounded official Soviet notions of good or evil for two years.

13 Joseph Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union: Speeches, Orders of the Day, and Answers to Foreign Press Correspondents (Moscow, 1944), 13–14, quote 14.

14 Karel C., Berkhoff, Motherland in Danger: Soviet Propaganda during World War II (Cambridge; Mass., 2012), 234–40Google Scholar.

15 Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War, 12–13 Google Scholar, quote 12.

16 Weiner, Making Sense, 136–37Google Scholar, quote 136.

17 Quoted from Weiner, Making Sense, 183 Google Scholar.

18 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 353; Mertelsmann and Rahi-Tamm, “Cleansing and Compromise,” 322, 339; Jones, “ ‘Every Family Has its Freak,’ ” 753–56, quote 756.

19 Scholars disagree over the usefulness of these documents. For a more positive assessment: Penter, “Local Collaborators” (on trials of Soviet citizens), 361–63; and Alexander Victor Prusin, “ ‘Fascist Criminals to the Gallows!’: The Holocaust and Soviet War Crimes Trials, December 1945–February 1946,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 17, no. 1 (2003): 1–30 (on trials of German soldiers). For a critique of Prusin: Manfred Zeidler, “Der Minsker Kriegsverbrecherprozeß vom Januar 1946. Kritische Anmerkungen zu einem sowjetischen Schauprozeß gegen deutsche Kriegsgefangene,” Vierteljahresheft e für Zeitgeschichte 52, no. 2 (2004): 211–44.

20 Marina, Sorokina, “People and Procedures: Toward a History of the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in the USSR,” Kritika 6, no. 4 (2005): 797–831 Google Scholar, here 804–6. For a critical assessment of the veracity of ChGK documents (here on Estonia) see also Mertelsmann and Rahi-Tamm, “Cleansing and Compromise,” 335.

21 Quoted from Vladimir Svetlov, “ ‘Osvobozhdennyi΄ Minsk 1944 goda,” in Igor΄ N. Kuznetsov and Iakov Basin, eds., Repressivnaia politika sovetskoi vlasti v Belarusi. Sbornik nauchnykh rabot, vol. 2 (Minsk, 2007), 333–45Google Scholar, here 335.

22 Quoted from Svetlov, “ ‘Osvobozhdennyi’ Minsk,” 335, 343 Google Scholar.

23 These were the words of Panteleimon Ponomarenko, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Belorussia and during the war head of the Soviet partisan movement, in front of the Belorussian Komsomol on June 20, 1944. National’nyi arkhiv Respubliki Belarus’ (hereafter NARB) f. 1440, op. 3, d. 523, l. 77 (Ponomarenko’s speeches and articles, 1944–47, 1950).

24 Amir, Weiner and Aigi, Rahi-Tamm, “Getting to Know You: The Soviet Surveillance System, 1939–57,” Kritika 13, no. 1 (Winter 2012): 5–45 Google Scholar, here 23–33. For interrogations as a means of extracting information, see the case of Valentin Rusak, during the German occupation mayor of Baranovichi, west Belorussia: NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 614, l. 1. (Valentin Matveevich Rusak’s file). On the postwar rebuilding and utilization of informer networks (agentura) in Belorussia: NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 400, ll. 314–30, here l. 315 (NKGB and NKVD special reports). Also in general: Jeffrey Burds, Sovetskaia agentura. Ocherki istorii SSSR v poslevoennye gody (1944–1948) (Moscow, New York, 2006), 41, table 1.

25 Weiner and Rahi-Tamm, “Getting to Know You,” 29–30 Google Scholar.

26 On the development of a surveillance system in the 1920s and 1930s: David R., Shearer, Policing Stalin’s Socialism: Repression and Social Order in the Soviet Union, 1924–1953 (New Haven, 2009), 158–80Google Scholar. On the use to which the secret police put it in their search for traitors: Epifanov, Otvetstvennost΄, 73.

27 Christian, Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschaft s- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrußland 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg, 1999), 199 Google Scholar (fn. 428), 202, 204–9. 28. On the Schutzmannschaft en: Martin, Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941–44 (New York, 2000), 60 Google Scholar.

29 Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust, 60, 72 Google Scholar.

30 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 196–202; Markus, Eikel and Valentina, Sivaieva, “City Mayors, Raion Chiefs and Village Elders in Ukraine, 1941–4: How Local Administrators Co-operated with the German Occupation Authorities,” Contemporary European History 23, no. 3 (2014): 405–28Google Scholar, here 408, 411–13.

31 This is my estimate drawing on Gerlach’s calculations. 50,000–60,000 Soviet citizens were policemen, 20,000 village heads, and an unknown number of town and district mayors. Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 199 (fn. 428), 202, 204–9. By early 1941, Belorussia had a population of 10 million, of which one million lived in those parts of Białystok/Belostok district that were handed back to Poland in 1944, and nine million in the territories that would constitute post–1944 Belorussia. These are my own calculations, based on the 1937 Soviet census (and not on the manipulated 1939 one). See source No. 1 in V.S. Kozhurin, “O chislennosti naseleniia SSSR nakanune Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny (neizvestnye dokumenty),” Voenno-istoricheskii zhurnal no. 2 (1991): 21–26, here 25. On the 1937 census: Volkov, A.G., “Perepis’ naseleniia 1937 goda. Vymysly i pravda,” in Perepis’ naseleniia SSSR 1937 goda. Istoriia i materialy (Moscow, 1990), volume 3–5, part II, 6–63 Google Scholar.

32 This does not include the hundreds of thousands of Soviet citizens who fought as military auxiliaries in the Wehrmacht or SS. For the population size under German rule: Babette Quinkert, “Einleitung,” in Babette, Quinkert and Jörg, Morré, eds., Deutsche Besatzung in der Sowjetunion 1941–1944. Vernichtungskrieg, Reaktionen, Erinnerung (Pader born, 2014), 11–23 Google Scholar, here 11.

33 Bogdan, Musial, Sowjetische Partisanen 1941–1944. Mythos und Wirklichkeit (Paderborn, 2009), 255–61, 314, 321–22Google Scholar; Masha, Cerovic, “ ‘Au chien, une mort de chien.’ Les partisans face aux ‘traîtres à la Patrie,’ ” Cahier du monde russe 49, no. 2 (2008): 239–62Google Scholar.

34 On east Asia: Kushner, Men to Devils, Devils to Men, 120; Lawson, “Wartime Atrocities,” 1–9, 33–49. On Europe: Tony, Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (New York, 2005), 44–50 Google Scholar; Kudriashov and Voisin, “Early Stages,” 268–69.

35 Quoted from Aron Trainin et al., eds., Ugolovnyi kodeks RSFSR. Kommentarii (Moscow, 1944), 64; Ugolovnyi kodeks Belorusskoi SSR (Moscow, 1944), 12. For the legal basis of postwar punishment: Kudriashov and Voisin, “Early Stages.”

36 On the fusion of civil and military authority in Soviet law: Harold J. Berman and Miroslav Kerner, Soviet Military Law and Administration (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), 64–65, 101–2, 109–10, 133–34.

37 Berman and Kerner, Soviet Military Law, 110–24, 163 Google Scholar.

38 Quoted from Trainin et al., Ugolovnyi kodeks, 65 Google Scholar.

39 In the case of Belorussia, treason was tried under articles 63–1 (for civilians) and 63–2 (for soldiers). See the respective penal codes on counterrevolutionary crimes: Trainin et al., Ugolovnyi kodeks, 64–77; Ugolovnyi kodeks Belorusskoi SSR, 12–4.

40 Trainin et al., Ugolovnyi kodeks, 64; Ugolovnyi kodeks Belorusskoi SSR, 12 Google Scholar.

41 Trainin et al., Ugolovnyi kodeks, 67; Ugolovnyi kodeks Belorusskoi SSR, 20 Google Scholar.

42 Kudriashov and Voisin, “Early Stages,” 272 Google Scholar.

43 The staff of local administrations, for example, compiled lists of Jewish residents, oversaw the distribution and sale of Jewish property, and were involved in the administration of ghettos. Eikel and Sivaieva, “City Mayors, Raion Chiefs and Village Elders,” 417–24; Jones, “ ‘Every Family Has its Freak,’ ” 753.

44 Rabotali u nemtsev can also be translated as “working for the Germans” or “working with the Germans.”

45 Kudriashov and Voisin, “Early Stages,” 281–83Google Scholar.

46 For the text of the April 19, 1943 decree: Rossiiskii gosudarstvennii arkhiv sotsial΄no-politicheskoi istorii (RGASPI) f. 17, op. 3, d. 1047, ll. 34, 232–33 (Politburo sessions 16 March–20 June 1943, protocol No. 40). On its origin: Andreas Hilger, Nikita Petrov and Günther Wagenlehner, “Der ‘Ukaz 43’: Entstehung und Problematik des Dekrets des Präsidiums des Obersten Sowjets vom 19. April 1943,” in Sowjetische Militärtribunale. Band 1, 177–209, here 184–85.

47 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 349; G. Z. Anashkin, Otvetstvennost΄ za izmenu rodine i spionazh (Moscow, 1964), 43.

48 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 349–50; Anashkin, Otvetstvennost΄, 43–44.

49 Quoted from Anashkin, Otvetstvennost΄, 44.

50 NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 22, l. 35 (special reports from the NKVD, NKGB and the NKVD military tribunals in Belorussia).

51 NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 600, ll. 233–34 (special reports from the procuracy of Belorussia, the military prosecutor, and the military tribunals).

52 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 356.

53 See the 1944 and 1946 reports of the NKVD/MVD military tribunals operating in Belorussia: NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 22, ll. 32–40; NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 600, 233–34.

54 On the abolishment of the death penalty: Berman and Kerner, Soviet Military Law, 89–90.

55 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 355.

56 NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 688, l. 155 (documents from the military prosecutors and military tribunals).

57 NARB f. 4p, op. 62, d. 43, l. 395 (special reports from the military prosecutors and military tribunals).

58 Berman and Kerner, Soviet Military Law, 89–90 Google Scholar.

59 Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 342 Google Scholar.

60 The majority of public trials took place right aft er the Red Army had reconquered a region, but some later trials were also open for local audiences to attend. In Belorussia, for example, at least five trials that took place from April to June 1944 in Gomel΄, Mogilëv, and eastern Polesia region were public. NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 22, l. 34. In the first half of 1946, probably at least three trials in Minsk region were public. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Minskoi oblasti (GAMO) f. 1p, op. 2, d. 143, ll. 137–40, 143–53, 167–74, 264–71 (NKGB, NKVD, police and procuracy reports, Minsk region).

61 On lack of witnesses and torture as acknowledged in secret police reports: NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 22, ll. 35–7; NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 600, ll. 64, 227–32; also Svetlov, “ ‘Osvobozhdennyi’ Minsk,” 340–41. On confessions as sufficient proof of guilt: Berman and Kerner, Soviet Military Law, 111–12.

62 These are my own calculations (taking into account that the overall percentage of death sentences to Gulag sentences was roughly equal during the Great Terror), based on source No. 66 in V. Danilov et al., eds., Tragediia sovetskoi derevni. Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie. Dokumenty i materialy v 5 tomakh, 1927–1939. Tom 5, kniga 2: 1938–1939 (Moscow, 2006), 156–64, here 161.

63 Weiner, Making Sense, 8, 10, 135; Jones, “ ‘Every Family Has its Freak,’ ” 753.

64 Quoted from V. Mikhodievskii’s letter: Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF) f. 7523, op. 31, d. 160, l. 57 (petitions by repatriates and those who lived under occupation).

65 Quoted from GARF f. 7523, op. 31, d. 160, l. 57.

66 On Ponomarenko’s crucial role: Kenneth Slepyan, Stalin’s Guerrillas: Soviet Partisans in World War II (Lawrence, 2006), 43–44, 47, 225–27.

67 Musial, Sowjetische Partisanen, 265–66. On the NKVD informers’ efforts in Gomel΄ and Polesia district who prepared the defection of policemen to the Soviet side in August 1943, and on policemen and soldiers of the Russian Liberation Army that joined the partisans in Mogilëv region in September 1943 see also NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 400, ll. 98–9, 154 (NKGB and NKVD special reports).

68 Quoted in Slepyan, Stalin’s Guerrillas, 221 Google Scholar.

69 Quoted from NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 400, ll. 151–52. On death sentences: Musial, Sowjetische Partisanen, 268–69.

70 Both quotes from NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 400, l. 202.

71 These numbers were compiled by the Belorussian Staff of the Partisan Movement (as of January 1946) on the basis of lists provided by the individual brigades and units. Quoted from NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 634, l. 1 (data on the partisan movement in Belorussia).

72 See Ivan Nizov’s letter to Ponomarenko, May 16, 1945: NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 472, ll. 211–19 (petitions to Ponomarenko). The Radionov brigade also goes by the name Rodionov, Gil’-Radionov, or Radionov-Gil.

73 Quoted from NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 472, l. 217.

74 This operation called Cottbus took place May 20–June 23, 1943 in the Begomel΄/Lepel΄ region northeast of Minsk. Musial, Sowjetische Partisanen, 195–207. On the Radionov/SS Druzhina I brigade and its participation in the destruction of villages and killing of locals, see Alexander Dallin and Ralph S. Mavrogordato, “Rodionov: A Case-Study in Wartime Redefection,” American Slavic and East European Review 18, no. 1 (1959): 25–33, here 27–28.

75 Both quotes from NARB f. 4p, op. 29, d. 472, l. 213.

76 NARB f. 4p, op. 62, d. 43, l. 38 (special reports from the military prosecutors and military tribunals). For similar cases: NARB f. 4p, op. 62, d. 43, ll. 275, 396.

77 NARB f. 4p, op. 62, d. 43, l. 396.

78 Quoted from NARB f. 1440, op. 3, d. 522, l. 154 (Ponomarenko’s speeches and articles, 1941–1943).

79 Quoted from NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 63, l. 29 (NKGB and NKVD reports about the situation in occupied territory).

80 Quoted from NARB f. 4p, op. 33a, d. 63, l. 49.

81 Quoted from NARB f. 1440, op. 3, d. 523, l. 163.

82 Quoted from NARB f. 1440, op. 3, d. 523, l. 340.

83 As argued by Slepyan, Stalin’s Guerrillas, 43–44, 47. 84. Quoted from Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 85, May 10, 1945, 2.

85 Quoted from Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 2, January 3, 1949, 1–2.

86 For a few examples: Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 127, June 28, 1947, 2, “The partisans of Belorussia in the fight for the motherland”; Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 219, November 3, 1948, 3, “A story about the partisan war”; Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 83, April 23, 1950, 2–3, “A book about the partisan movement in Belorussia”; Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 152, July 3, 1956, 3, “The special day of the Belorussian people”; Sovetskaia Belorussiia, no. 84, April 10, 1960, 2, “The road to victory.”

87 GAMO f. 1p, op. 9, d. 35, l. 6 (report on the schools in Minsk region).

88 NARB f. 4p, op. 17, d. 103, l. 8 (quote), ll. 12. (Belorussian Ministry of Education, report about its cadres).

89 NARB f. 4p, op. 17, d. 103, ll. 12–15, quote l. 12.

90 These are my own calculations. To speak of the republic’s ‘prewar population’ would be incorrect, given that the pre–1941 territory of Belorussia was larger than its post– 1944 territory. For similar numbers: Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 1158–60.

91 GAMO f. 1p, op. 2, d. 54, l. 125 (NKVD and NKGB special reports, Minsk region).

92 GAMO f. 1p, op. 9, d. 118, l. 11 (Minsk executive committee report about the schools in Minsk region).

93 NARB f. 4p, op. 17, d. 103, l. 42.

94 On the ubiquity of sexual harassment, male sexual exploitation and strategic ‘marriages,’ see Slepyan, Stalin’s Guerrillas, 329–38. For the perspective of a female partisan, see Sulia Wolozhinski Rubin, Against the Tide. The Story of an Unknown Partisan (Jerusalem, 1980), 109–20.

95 GAMO f. 1p, op. 2, d. 143, l. 570.

96 GAMO f. 1p, op. 2, d. 143, first quote l. 561, second quote ll. 562.

97 Quoted from GAMO f. 1p, op. 2, d. 143, l. 560.

98 Both quotes from NARB f. 49, op. 29, d. 688, l. 390.

99 Berkhofflocates this suspicion at the highest level, in and around Stalin’s inner circle: Berkhoff, Motherland in Danger, 223, 242. The suspicion also extended to Red Army soldiers who had fallen into German captivity and former civilian forced laborers. Briefly: Penter, “Local Collaborators,” 351. Even former partisans were not exempt: Slepyan, Stalin’s Guerrillas, 277.

100 The wording was as follows: “Did you live in territory that was temporarily occupied by the Germans during the [Great] Patriotic War (where, when, and job during that time)?” Quoted from the anketa of F. V. Prutnikov, January 7, 1947, NARB f. 4p, d. 29, op. 729, l. 392 (petitions to Ponomarenko).

101 Quoted from Dolzhenko’s letter: GARF f. 7523, op. 32, d. 443, l. 2 (petitions by repatriates and those who lived under occupation).

102 See P.’s letter (source No. 209) in: Aleksiandr, Guzhaloŭski, ed., “. . . Milastsi Vashai prosim,” albo Adzin god v naveishai gistoryi Belarusi, adliustravany ŭ listakh, zaiavakh, skargakh i inshykh formakh zvarotu gramadzian (Minsk, 2006), 216–7Google Scholar. The editor did not publish last names.