Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-mp689 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-24T00:17:08.871Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The ‘Franklins of Colombia’: Immigration Schemes and Hemispheric Solidarity in the Making of a Civilised Colombian Nation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 November 2017

ERNESTO BASSI
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

During the 1820s, Colombia's diplomats in London, Washington and Philadelphia worked hard to obtain diplomatic recognition for their nascent republic. Their efforts were also geared towards making Colombia attractive to European and North American settlers whose industry and work ethic would, they hoped, turn it into a civilised and modern Euro-Atlantic nation. The immigration schemes they promoted enable us to understand the type of nations the nation-makers of post-independence Spanish America envisioned and how, by appealing to sentiments of hemispheric solidarity – among other means – they sought to turn their visions into reality. A comparison with similar eighteenth-century schemes promoted by the Bourbons, moreover, reveals the persistence, albeit with some critical modifications, of late-colonial ways of thinking and envisioning society.

Spanish abstract

Durante los años 1820, los diplomáticos de la joven nación colombiana en Londres, Washington y Filadelfia trabajaron duramente para obtener el reconocimiento diplomático a su naciente república. Sus esfuerzos también estuvieron encaminados a convertir a Colombia en un lugar atractivo para colonos europeos y norteamericanos cuya actitud industriosa y de trabajo, ellos esperaban, habría de convertirla en una nación euro-atlántica civilizada y moderna. Los esquemas migratorios que promovieron explican el tipo de naciones que vislumbraron los creadores de la América hispana de la postindependencia y cómo, al apelar a sentimientos de solidaridad hemisférica – entre otras maneras – intentaron hacer de su visión una realidad. Una comparación con esquemas similares promovidos por los borbones en el siglo XVIII, por otra parte, revela la persistencia, aunque con algunas modificaciones importantes, de formas de pensar e imaginar la sociedad heredadas del periodo colonial tardío.

Portuguese abstract

Durante os anos vinte do século dezenove, os diplomatas da jovem nação colombiana em Londres, Washington e Filadélfia trabalharam arduamente para obter reconhecimento diplomático para sua república nascente. Seus esforços tinham também a finalidade de tornar a Colômbia atraente para colonos europeus e norte-americanos, cuja diligência e laboriosidade, eles esperavam, transformariam o país em uma nação euro-atlântica moderna e civilizada. Os regimes de imigração que eles promoveram tornam claro o tipo de nações que os arquitetos de nação da América espanhola pós-independência vislumbravam e como, ao apelar à sentimentos de solidariedade hemisférica – entre outras maneiras – eles procuraram transformar suas visões em realidade. Entretanto, uma comparação com regimes similares promovidos pelos Bourbons no século dezoito revela a persistência, ainda que com algumas modificações críticas, da maneira de pensar e vislumbrar sociedades herdadas do período do colonialismo tardio.

Keywords

nineteenth-century Colombian historyColombian diplomatic historynation-makingimmigration to Latin Americahemispheric American relationshistoria colombiana del siglo XIXhistoria diplomática de Colombiaconstrucción nacionalinmigración a Latinoaméricarelaciones hemisféricas americanashistória colombiana do século dezenovehistória diplomática colombianaconstrução de naçãoimigração à América Latinarelações hemisféricas americanas
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 3 , August 2018 , pp. 673 - 701
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I want to thank Raymond Craib, Durba Ghosh, Mostafa Minawi, Ananda Cohen-Aponte, Nancy Appelbaum, Shawn McDaniel and Julia Chang for their comments on early versions of this article. I am particularly grateful for the close reading and critical suggestions of the journal editors and the three anonymous readers who invested much time and energy in this piece and pushed me to rethink many sections.

References

1 José Rafael Revenga, secretary of foreign relations, to Francisco Antonio Zea, plenipotentiary minister in Europe and the United States, 24 Dec. 1819 (see note 14).

2 For the wars’ violent nature, see Thibaud, Clément, Repúblicas en armas: Los ejércitos bolivarianos en la guerra de independencia en Colombia y Venezuela (Bogotá: Editorial Planeta, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 For competing political imaginaries see Sanders, James, The Vanguard of the Atlantic World: Creating Modernity, Nation, and Democracy in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Sartorius, David, Ever Faithful: Race, Loyalty, and the Ends of Empire in Spanish Cuba (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013)Google Scholar.

4 The Republic of Colombia, covering roughly the area that today constitutes Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama, was created by the Fundamental Law of 17 December 1819. Because the diplomatic agents studied in this article represented the Republic of Colombia, I use the term ‘Colombia’ throughout to refer to the territory covered by the republic created in 1819 (what historians today, to avoid confusion, tend to call ‘Gran Colombia’). For the Fundamental Law see Pombo, Manuel Antonio and Guerra, José Joaquín (eds.), Constituciones de Colombia (Bogotá: Imprenta de Echeverría Hermanos, 1892)Google Scholar.

5 For descriptions of Colombia's political landscape see Lynch, John, Simón Bolívar: A Life (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 177Google Scholar and Safford, Frank and Palacios, Marco, Colombia: Fragmented Land, Divided Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 104–31Google Scholar.

6 Donghi, Tulio Halperin, The Aftermath of Revolution in Latin America (New York: Harper and Row, 1973)Google Scholar.

7 Key studies for understanding the efforts to obtain recognition and financial loans include Deas, Malcolm, ‘The Fiscal Problems of Nineteenth-Century Colombia’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 14: 2 (1982), pp. 287–328CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bushnell, David, The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 1954), pp. 76–111Google Scholar; Calderón, María Teresa and Thibaud, Clément, La majestad de los pueblos en la Nueva Granada y Venezuela (Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia/Taurus, 2010)Google Scholar; Ardila, Daniel Gutiérrez, El reconocimiento de Colombia: Diplomacia y propaganda en la coyuntura de las restauraciones (1819–1831) (Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2012)Google Scholar. Gutiérrez Ardila lists the ‘agents of recognition’, ibid., pp. 53–9.

8 Brown, Matthew and Paquette, Gabriel, ‘Introduction: Between the Age of Atlantic Revolutions and the Age of Empire: Europe and Latin America in the Axial Decade of the 1820s’, in Brown, Matthew and Paquette, Gabriel (eds.), Connections after Colonialism: Europe and Latin America in the 1820s (Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2012), p. 2Google Scholar.

9 See Nieto, Mauricio, Orden natural y orden social: Ciencia y política en el Semanario del Nuevo Reyno de Granada (Bogotá: UNIANDES, 2009)Google Scholar.

10 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, Facundo: Civilization and Barbarism (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Alberdi, Juan Bautista, ‘Gobernar es poblar’, in Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Cruz Hermanos, 1899), vol. 8, pp. 266–76Google Scholar (originally published in 1852 in his ‘Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la República Argentina’).

11 Larson, Brooke, Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Foote, Nicola, ‘Writing Latin American Nations from their Borders: Bringing Nationalism and Immigration Histories into Dialogue’, in Foote, Nicola and Goebel, Michael (eds.), Immigration and National Identities in Latin America (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2014), pp. 281–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Key studies of migration to Latin America as actual flow of people include Moya, José, Cousins and Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Lesser, Jeffrey, Immigration, Ethnicity, and National Identity in Brazil, 1808 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Baily, Samuel, Immigrants in the Lands of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870–1914 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Baily, Samuel and Míguez, Eduardo (eds.), Mass Migration to Modern Latin America (Wilmington, DE: SR Books, 2003)Google Scholar.

14 Revenga to Zea, ‘Instrucciones a que … habrá de arreglar su conducta el E.S. Francisco Zea en la misión que se le ha conferido por el gobierno de Colombia para ante los del continente de Europa y de los Estados Unidos de América’, Bogotá, 24 Dec. 1819, Archivo General de la Nación, Colombia (hereafter AGNC), Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores (hereafter MRE), Delegaciones – Transferencia 2 (hereafter DT2), 242, 320v.

15 Franklin served in France as agent of the 13 rebel colonies from 1776 to 1778. In 1778, following France's recognition of their independence, Franklin became plenipotentiary minister and, two years later, the first US ambassador to France. He remained in this post until 1785. Preceded by his fame as a scientist and inventor, Franklin, in the words of a biographer, enjoyed ‘France's adoration’. Isaacson, Walter, Benjamin Franklin: An American Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2003), p. 328Google Scholar.

16 These characterisations are recurrent in the diplomatic correspondence. See Revenga to Santos Michelena, Bogotá, 12 June 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 321, 4v; Revenga to Zea, ‘Instrucciones’, 317v–318r; Pedro Gual to Revenga, Bogotá, 9 Feb. 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 18r.

17 Restrepo, ‘Exposición que el secretario … del interior … hizo al Congreso de 1824’, in Administraciones de Santander (Bogotá: Biblioteca de la Presidencia de la República, 1990), vol. 1, p. 246Google Scholar; Restrepo, Diario político y militar (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1954), vol. 1, p. 222Google Scholar.

18 ‘South America’, AGNC, Archivo Anexo I, Historia, 25, 295. See also Brown, Matthew and Roa, Martín Alonso (eds.), Militares extranjeros en la independencia de Colombia. Nuevas perspectivas (Bogotá: Museo Nacional de Colombia, 2005), p. 263Google Scholar.

19 ‘Constitución de la República de Colombia’ (1821), in Pombo and Guerra (eds.), Constituciones, p. 143.

20 The residency requirements decreased if a foreigner acquired property in Colombia or married a Colombian. ‘Ley sobre naturalización de extranjeros’ (3 Sept. 1821), Gaceta de Colombia, 5 (20 Sept. 1821)Google Scholar.

21 Gaceta de Colombia, 87 (15 June 1823). 1Google Scholar fanega = 1.58 acres.

22 AGNC, República, Libros de Manuscritos y Leyes Originales, 50, 94.

23 ‘Contrata de cesión y venta de tierras baldías’, Gaceta de Colombia, 182 (10 April 1825)Google Scholar; ‘Quinta contrata de cesión de tierras baldías’, Gaceta de Colombia, 206 (25 Sept. 1825)Google Scholar.

24 Restrepo, ‘Exposición que el secretario … del interior … hace al Congreso de 1826’. ‘Contrata’; ‘Colonisación’, Gaceta de Colombia, 219 (25 Dec. 1825)Google Scholar. Deveraux, English and MacGregor mostly recruited soldiers to fight during the war against Spain. But they gave recruits the option to stay in Colombia. Brown, Matthew, Adventuring through Spanish Colonies: Simón Bolívar, Foreign Mercenaries and the Birth of New Nations (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006), pp. 113–18Google Scholar. For MacGregor's fraudulent scheme, see Sinclair, David, Sir Gregor MacGregor and the Land that Never Was: The Extraordinary Story of the Most Audacious Fraud in History (London: Headline, 2003)Google Scholar.

25 Rheinheimer, Hans, Topo: The Story of a Scottish Colony near Caracas, 1825–1827 (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1988), pp. 36, 39–44Google Scholar.

26 ‘Colonisación’; Rheinheimer, Topo, pp. 34–8.

27 Well-known examples are: [Walker, Alexander and Zea, Francisco Antonio], Colombia: Being a Geographical, Statistical, Agricultural, Commercial, and Political Account of that Country, Adapted for the General Reader, the Merchant, and the Colonist (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1822)Google Scholar; Mollien, Gaspard, Travels in the Republic of Colombia in the Years 1822 and 1823 (London: C. Knight, 1824)Google Scholar; Hall, Francis, Colombia: Its Present State, in Respect of Climate, Soil, Productions, Population, Government, Commerce, Revenue, Manufactures, Arts, Literature, Manners, Education, and Inducements to Emigration (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1824)Google Scholar; Hall, Colombia (Philadelphia, PA: A. Small, 1825)Google Scholar; Cochrane, Charles Stuart, Journal of a Residence and Travels in Colombia during the Years 1823 and 1824 (London: Henry Colburn, 1825)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duane, William, A Visit to Colombia in the Years 1822 & 1823 (Philadelphia, PA: Thomas H. Palmer, 1826)Google Scholar; Hamilton, John Potter, Travels through the Interior Provinces of Columbia (London: John Murray, 1827)Google Scholar.

28 Mollien's work, characterised by its negative depiction of how Colombians treated foreigners, appears exceptional in its non-adherence to Colombia's immigration schemes. Throughout his account Colombians appear as feeling ‘antipathy … to foreigners’ and as ‘not sufficiently fond of foreigners’. Mollien, Travels, pp. 360, 369.

29 Sowell, David, ‘Presentación’, in Sowell (ed.), Santander y la opinión angloamericana. Visión de viajeros y periódicos, 1821–1840 (Bogotá: Biblioteca de la Presidencia de la República, 1991), pp. xiii, xvGoogle Scholar.

30 Bowman, Charles Jr., ‘Manuel Torres, a Spanish American Patriot in Philadelphia, 1796–1822’, The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 94: 1 (1970), pp. 26–53Google Scholar; Gual to Torres, Bogotá, 1 Aug. 1821, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 128, 146.

31 The accounting books of Colombia's diplomatic delegation in London include payments to several printers, including Rudolf Ackermann, whose pro-revolutionary publications in English and Spanish made him a valuable friend of the Spanish American cause. ‘Diario de los gastos de delegación’ (1829), AGNC, MRE, DT2, 325, 2–15; Vera, Eugenia Roldán, The British Book Trade and Spanish American Independence: Education and Knowledge Transmission in Transcontinental Perspective (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003)Google Scholar. In 1822, Zea signed a contract with Carlos Cazar to establish and run a printing house devoted to the publication of news about Colombia's politics and economic prospects. It is not clear if the printing house actually published anything. ‘Contracto hecho entre … Francisco Antonio Zea … y Carlos Cazar de Molina, para formar un establecimiento litográfico’, London, 1 Aug. 1822, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 242, 262.

32 [Walker and Zea], Colombia, vol. 1, p. cxvi.

33 Hall, Colombia (Philadelphia, 1825), pp. 56–93Google Scholar; [Walker and Zea], Colombia, vol. 1, pp. cxvi–cxxiv.

34 Cochrane, Journal, pp. vii, 231.

35 Hamilton, Travels, p. 155.

36 Duane, Visit, pp. 537–42.

37 Rivadavia to Messrs. Hullet Brothers and Co., Buenos Aires, 24 Sept. 1821 and 18 June 1822, in Documentos para la historia argentina, vol. 14: Correspondencias generales de la provincia de Buenos Aires relativas a relaciones exteriores (Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1921), pp. 52, 112Google Scholar.

38 Rivadavia to Juan Thomas Barber Beaumont, Buenos Aires, 13 Dec. 1822; ‘Instrucción que el Señor Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Gobierno … ha mandado formar …’, Buenos Aires, 4 March 1824; Rivadavia to Messrs. Hullet Brothers and Co., Buenos Aires, 8 March 1824, in Documentos, XIV, pp. 163–5, 469–79, 475.

39 Moya, Cousins and Strangers, p. 49.

40 Registro oficial de la República Argentina (Buenos Aires: La República, 1880), p. 59Google Scholar.

41 Buchenau, Jürgen, ‘Small Numbers, Great Impact: Mexico and Its Immigrants, 1821–1973’, Journal of American Ethnic History, 20: 3 (2001), pp. 23–49Google Scholar; Eller, Anne, We Dream Together: Dominican Independence, Haiti, and the Fight for Caribbean Freedom (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), pp. 106–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gott, Richard, ‘Latin America as a White Settler Society’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 26: 2 (2007), pp. 267–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Sartorius, Ever Faithful, p. 41.

43 Ibid., pp. 42–5; Ferrer, Ada, Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 17–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Gardoqui to Caballero y Góngora, New York, 23 Feb. 1788, Archivo General de Indias, Santa Fe, 645.

45 Landers, Jane, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 86Google Scholar; ‘The Cedula of Colonization of 1783’, The Trinidad Historical Society Publication, 108 [n.d.], pp. 1–8, reproduced as Appendix 1 in Robinson, A.N.R., The Mechanics of Independence (Barbados, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago: University of the West Indies Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Newson, Linda, ‘Inmigrantes extranjeros en América Española: El experimento colonizador de la isla de Trinidad’, Revista de Historia de América, 87 (1979), pp. 79–103Google Scholar.

46 Moñino, José (Count of Floridablanca), ‘Instrucción reservada’, in del Río, Antonio Ferrer (ed.), Obras originales del Conde de Floridablanca (Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra, 1867), pp. 227, 229Google Scholar.

47 Ibid., p. 229.

48 y la Torre, Antonio Narváez, ‘Provincia de Santa Marta y Riohacha del Virreynato de Sta. Fé’, in Ortiz, Sergio Elías (ed.), Escritos de dos economistas coloniales: Don Antonio de Narváez y La Torre y Don José Ignacio de Pombo (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1965), p. 42Google Scholar.

49 Francisco Arango y Parreño, ‘Discurso sobre la agricultura de La Habana y medios de fomentarla’, quoted in Tomich, Dale, ‘The Wealth of Empire: Francisco Arango y Parreño, Political Economy, and the Second Slavery in Cuba’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 41: 1 (2003), p. 8Google Scholar. The French colony of Saint-Domingue became the independent republic of Haiti in 1804.

50 Zea and Salazar, for instance, had been active participants in the enlightened circles of Santa Fe (Bogotá) before independence. For New Granada's enlightened creoles, see Silva, Renán, Los ilustrados de Nueva Granada, 1760–1808: Genealogía de una comunidad de interpretación (Medellín: Banco de la República / EAFIT, 2002)Google Scholar.

51 While Colombia abolished slavery only in 1851, the ley de manumisión of July 1821 abolished the slave trade and, by freeing the children of slaves born after the proclamation of the law, traced a path towards abolition. See Bierck, Harold, ‘The Struggle for Abolition in Gran Colombia’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 33: 3 (1953), pp. 365–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Arango, Diana Soto, Francisco Antonio Zea: Un criollo ilustrado (Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles, 2000), pp. 165–204Google Scholar.

53 Revenga to Zea, ‘Instrucciones’.

54 Walton to Simón Bolívar, quoted in Gutiérrez, El reconocimiento de Colombia, p. 120.

55 Del Real to Santander, London, 22 Dec. 1819, in Cortázar, Roberto (ed.), Correspondencia dirigida al General Francisco de Paula Santander (Bogotá: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1964–8), vol. 5, p. 281Google Scholar.

56 Walker and Zea collaborated in the writing and translation of a description of Colombia first published in both English and Spanish in 1822 (see note 27).

57 George Canning, British foreign secretary 1822–7, was often dismissive and frequently refused to meet with Colombian envoys. Given that Britain had formal diplomatic relations with Spain, the British Foreign Office was, at least during the first half of the 1820s, not willing to openly recognise Colombia's independence. Official recognition came only in 1825. See Kaufmann, William, British Policy and the Independence of Latin America, 1804–1828 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1951), pp. 164–81Google Scholar; Gutiérrez, El reconocimiento de Colombia, pp. 59–63.

58 Fitz, Caitlin, ‘The Hemispheric Dimensions of Early U.S. Nationalism: The War of 1812, Its Aftermath, and Spanish American Independence’, Journal of American History, 102: 2 (2015), pp. 357, 362CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Revenga to Zea, ‘Instrucciones’, 316r.

60 In sharp contrast to the US support for and official recognition of Colombia, the attitude of Monroe and Clay towards Haiti demonstrates that the US government favoured only certain types of republic. See White, Ashli, Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the Making of the Early Republic (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), pp. 124–202Google Scholar and Stinchcombe, Arthur L., ‘Class Conflict and Diplomacy: Haitian Isolation in the 19th-Century World System’, Sociological Perspectives, 37: 1 (1994), pp. 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Gleijeses, Piero, ‘The Limits of Sympathy: The United States and the Independence of Spanish America’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 24: 3 (1992), pp. 481–505CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 Salazar to Santander, Philadelphia, 26 June 1823, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 11, p. 290.

63 Salazar to secretary of foreign relations (hereafter SFR), New York, 24 Oct. 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 130, 64v; Salazar, Observations on the Political Reforms of Colombia (Philadelphia, PA: William Stavely, 1828)Google Scholar.

64 Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison and Adams had all been members of the American Philosophical Society: http://www.amphilsoc.org/memhist/search. Members of the Columbian Institute included Madison, Jefferson, the two Adams, Lafayette and Clay: see Rathbun, Richard, The Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1917), pp. 18–23Google Scholar.

65 Bowman, ‘Manuel Torres’.

66 ‘Death of Mr. Torres’, Niles’ Weekly Register (hereafter NWR), 22: 568 (27 July 1822), p. 321Google Scholar. Colonel Charles Todd, official envoy of the United States to Colombia, toasted ‘the memory of Manuel Torres, … the Franklin of South America’. NWR, 23: 587 (14 Dec. 1822), p. 230Google Scholar.

67 ‘Repertorio noticioso’, in Sowell (ed.), Santander, pp. 213–450.

68 The following analysis is based on information from ‘Chronicling America – Historic American Newspapers’ (http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/). The database consulted includes only weekly, monthly and quarterly publications. I further limited the results to newspapers and magazines (excluding reports, trade journals and scholarly journals). The ten publications that featured the most articles mentioning Colombia are, in descending order: NWR, Christian Register, Saturday Evening Post, Christian Secretary, The Columbian Star, Genius of Universal Emancipation, The Albion, Christian Watchman, Western Recorder and The Christian Advocate. NWR published about 30% of the 1,153 articles in these ten periodicals mentioning Colombia.

69 Of the total of 1,153 news pieces mentioning Colombia, 522 were published in the period 1825–7. For the periods 1822–4 and 1828–30 the numbers are 312 and 319.

70 Gruesz, Kirsten Silva, Ambassadors of Culture: The Transamerican Origins of Latino Writing (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 12, 54Google Scholar. See also Murphy, Gretchen, Hemispheric Imaginings: The Monroe Doctrine and Narratives of U.S. Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Sanders, Vanguard of the Atlantic.

71 Fitz, ‘Hemispheric Dimensions’, pp. 366, 378.

72 Salazar to SFR, Washington, 10 May 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 142, 9v.

73 SFR to Fernández Madrid, Bogotá, 12 May 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 118r. See also SFR to Manuel Hurtado, Bogotá, 29 July 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 30r; SFR to Hurtado, Bogotá, 28 Feb. 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 38v; SFR to Hurtado, Bogotá, 2 Nov. 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 63r.

74 Gual to Torres, Bogotá, 1 Aug. 1821, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 128, 146; SFR to Fernández Madrid, Bogotá, 12 May 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 310, 118r.

75 Palacio to Santander, Philadelphia, 9 June 1824, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 10, p. 209; ‘Estado de las entregas hechas por … el señor M.P. de la república en Londres …’, London, 31 Dec. 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 318, 31–4; Salazar to SFR, Washington, 2 June 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 130, 50v.

76 Salazar to Santander, Philadelphia, 26 June 1823, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 11, p. 290.

77 Salazar to SFR, Washington, 10 May 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 142, 9r.

78 For examples of news published in NWR that was originally published in other newspapers see ‘Repertorio noticioso’, pp. 216, 218, 224, 228, 270.

79 Gardner, Jared, The Rise and Fall of Early American Magazine Culture (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2012), p. 105Google Scholar.

80 Restrepo, ‘Exposición que el secretario … del interior … hace al Congreso de 1826’, in Administraciones de Santander, vol. 2, p. 25.

81 Salazar to SFR, Washington, 9 Jan. 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 142, 4r.

82 Vélez to SFR, Philadelphia, 14 Feb. 1828, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 143, 88r.

83 Salazar to SFR, Washington, 2 June 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 130, 50v; Zea to SFR, London, 30 Sept. 1822, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 242, 252r; Medina to Santander, New York, 27 Sept. 1826, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 7, p. 242.

84 ‘Prospecto de un periódico semanal que se publicará en castellano con el título “El Fénix”’, Philadelphia, 7 Jan. 1828, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 143, 123.

85 Palacio to Santander, New York, 10 July 1825, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 10, p. 246.

86 For the effect of Haiti on the imagination of US political leaders, see White, Encountering Revolution, pp. 124–202.

87 Palacio to Santander, New York, 10 July 1825, in Cortázar (ed.), Correspondencia, vol. 10, p. 247.

88 Fitz, ‘Hemispheric Dimensions’, pp. 376–8. See also Johnson, John J., A Hemisphere Apart: The Foundations of United States Policy toward Latin America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990)Google Scholar and Lewis, James E. Jr., The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood: The United States and the Collapse of the Spanish Empire, 1783–1829 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

89 Fitz, ‘Hemispheric Dimensions’, p. 379.

90 Johnson, Hemisphere Apart, p. ix.

91 According to Matthew Brown, about 500 foreign adventurers decided to stay in Colombia after the wars of independence. Brown, Adventuring through Spanish Colonies, pp. 42, 176–85.

92 Large to Salazar, Philadelphia, 20 April 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 69r; Salazar to Gual, Philadelphia, 21 April 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 130, 19v.

93 Salazar to José María Esteves, Washington, 15 April 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 130, 102v.

94 Salazar to Gual, Philadelphia, 1 May 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 74r; Salazar to Gual, Washington, 20 May 1824, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 73r; Salazar to Gual, Washington, 20 April 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 75r–81r; Salazar to Gual, Washington, 21 April 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 82r; Salazar to Gual, Washington, 20 May 1825, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 134, 90r–91r.

95 ‘Artesanos a quienes se han dado papeletas de pasaje para ir a bordo de la fragata La Plata’, 2 May 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 137.

96 The urban bias of the immigrants is also evident in Brown's list of foreign adventurers. Nearly 70% of the 384 foreigners who stayed settled in Bogotá and Caracas. Brown, Adventuring through Spanish Colonies, pp. 174, 176.

97 Of the foreign adventurers that make up Brown's study, 66 (roughly 20% of the 384 who stayed) married Colombian women. Ibid., pp. 179–82.

98 ‘Colonisación’, Gaceta de Colombia, 223 (22 Jan. 1826)Google Scholar.

99 Rheinheimer, Topo, pp. 55, 123, 125, 133.

100 Restrepo, ‘Exposición que el secretario … del interior … hace al Congreso de 1827 …’, in Administraciones de Santander, vol. 2, p. 251.

101 Salazar to SFR, Washington, 10 May 1827, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 142, 9v.

102 Revenga to Campbell, Bogotá, 22 July 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 309, 33v.

103 Campbell to Revenga, Bogotá, 5 June 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 319, 101–3.

104 Campbell to Revenga, Bogotá, 5 May 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 319, 87–8; Campbell to Revenga, Bogotá, 13 June 1826, ibid.

105 Campbell to Revenga, Bogotá, 5 May 1826, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 319, 87v.

106 Italian parliamentarian Enrico Ferri referred to ‘the mail stamp’ as ‘the most powerful Argentine immigration agent’. Quoted in Moya, Cousins and Strangers, p. 52.

107 Turner to Borrero, Bogotá, 19 June 1830, AGNC, MRE, DT2, 320, 114–18.

108 Parish, Woodbine, Buenos Ayres and the Provinces of the Río de La Plata (London: John Murray, 1839), pp. 29–30Google Scholar.

109 Buchenau, ‘Small Numbers, Great Impact’, p. 24.

110 Becher, Carl Christian, Mexico in den ereignissvollen Jahren 1832 und 1833 (Hamburg: Pethes & Besser, 1834), p. 259Google Scholar.

111 An estimated 150,000 foreigners (mostly Europeans) arrived in the United States during the 1820s. For US immigration data, see the database Historical Statistics of the United States (http://hsus.cambridge.org).

112 In Moya's explanation the combination of demographic explosion, the triumph of liberalism, the commercialisation of agriculture, industrialisation and innovations in transportation constitute the five revolutions that made mass migration possible. Moya, Cousins and Strangers, pp. 13–44 (quote p. 14).

113 Immigration data for Argentina, Brazil and the United States put the number of immigrants to these three countries at 6.4–6.5 million (1840–1932), 4.3–4.4 million (1821–1932), and 32.2–32.5 million (1820–1932) respectively. Ibid., p. 46.

114 Alberdi, ‘Gobernar es poblar’, pp. 267–71.

115 Moya, José, ‘A Continent of Immigrants: Postcolonial Shifts in the Western Hemisphere’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 86: 1 (2006), p. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 Ibid.