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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 January 2018
The Kemalist leadership of early Republican Turkey attempted to transform the country's Muslim populace with a heavy emphasis on secularism, scientific rationalism, and nationalism. Several studies have examined the effects of this effort, or the “Turkish Revolution,” at the central and more recently provincial levels. This article uses first-hand accounts and statistical data to carry the analysis to the village level. It argues that the Kemalist reforms failed to reach rural Turkey, where more than 80 percent of the population lived. A comparison with sedentary Soviet Central Asia's rural transformation in the same period reveals ideology and the availability of resources as the underlying causes of this failure. Informed by a Marxist–Leninist emphasis on the necessity of transforming the “substructure” for revolutionary change, the Soviet state undermined existing authority structures in Central Asia's villages to facilitate the introduction of communist ideals among their Muslim inhabitants. Turkey's Kemalist leadership, on the other hand, preserved existing authority structures in villages and attempted to change culture first. However, they lacked and could not create the resources to implement this change.
Author's note: I thank Bruce Hall, Mona Hassan, Marianne Kamp, Adam Mestyan, and the three reviewers of IJMES for their suggestions as I worked on improving this article.
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108 Nikolaevich Abashin, Sergei, Sovetskii kishlak: mezhdu kolonializmom i modernizatsiei (Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2015), 240–311 Google Scholar illustrates the dynamics of this process well. See also Sartori, Paolo, “Towards a History of the Muslims’ Soviet Union: A View from Central Asia,” Die Welt des Islams 3 (2010): 315–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For examples of Soviet construction from Turkmen and Kyrgyz contexts, which neighbored sedentary Central Asia but reflected similar Soviet practices, see Lynn Edgar, Adrienne, Tribal Nation: The making of Soviet Turkmenistan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; and İğmen, Ali F., Speaking Soviet with an Accent: Culture and Power in Kyrgyzstan (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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110 Shaikhova, Formirovanie novykh, 226; Poliakov, Vsesoiuznaia perepis’, 36.
111 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 11–13. For a brief account of the changes in alphabet, see Winner, Thomas G., “Problems of Alphabetic Reform among the Turkic Peoples of Soviet Central Asia, 1920–41,” Slavonic and East European Review 31 (1952): 133–47Google Scholar.
112 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 305.
113 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 311.
114 See, for instance, Khalid, Islam after Communism; and Abashin, Sovetskii kishlak.
115 Erdentuğ, Hal, 35.
116 Scott, James C., Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
117 See Tomasz Gross, Jan, “Social Control under Totalitarianism,” in Toward a General Theory of Social Control: Selected Problems, ed. Black, Donald (Orlando, Fl.: Academic Press, 1984), 2:59–77 Google Scholar; and Tomasz Gross, Jan, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Goldman, Wendy Z., Terror and Democracy in the Age of Stalin: The Social Dynamics of Repression (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar for a detailed depiction of how the interplay of state policies and local initiatives induced social fragmentation in the case of the Stalinist terror.
118 Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 254 and elsewhere; Keller, To Moscow. On the role of local enthusiasts, see Kamp, New Women, 186–228; and Penati, “The Reconquest.”
119 The purge of tribal and religious notables in the wake of a rebellion by Southeast Anatolia's Kurds in 1925 is probably the one major exception to this. See van Bruinessen, Martin, Aga, Shaikh, and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan (London: Zed Books, 1992)Google Scholar.
120 For examples of such attacks, see Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji, esp. 68–77.
121 See Jashke, Gotthard, Yeni Türkiye'de İslamlık, trans. Örs, Hayrullah (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1972)Google Scholar; and Temel, Mehmet, Atatürk Dönemi Din Hizmetleri (Ankara: Akçağ, 2010), 13–84 Google Scholar.
122 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 193–98, 207; Erdentuğ, Hal, 78–79; Stirling, Turkish Village, 254–59; Szyliowicz, Political Change, 47–48; and Frederick Frey, W. and Roos, Leslie L., Social Structure and Community Development in Rural Turkey: Village and Elite Leadership Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for International Studies MIT, 1967), esp. 3–26 Google Scholar.
123 On the payment of imams, see Aran, Evedik, 29; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 111; and Esenel, Geç Kalmış, 134. Alptekin, Köyün, 34 provides the laws regulating the selection and payment of imams. For a discussion of the limitations of turning locally funded village imams into central state functionaries in a different context, that of late tsarist Russia, see Tuna, Mustafa, Imperial Russia's Muslims: Islam, Empire and European Modernity, 1788–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 52–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
124 Yılmaz, Becoming Turkish, 73–74, 124–37.
125 Szyliowicz, Political Change, 48–49.
126 See Makal, Köyümden, 120–24.
