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Agrarian Precursors of the Mexican Revolution: The Development of an Ideology

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

John M. Hart*
Affiliation:
University of North Dakota, Grand Forks, North Dakota
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During the second half of the nineteenth century, when Mexico was beginning a slowly drawn-out process of industrialization and urbanization, the seemingly quiet countryside was experiencing agrarian unrest of proportions unprecedented in the nation's history. Trapped between increasing population on diminished ejidal and pueblo landholdings and ever-growing estates and demands of large property owners, Mexican campesinos in three states—eastern Morelos, southeastern Mexico, and northwestern Puebla— sought relief by means of insurrection. Because these agrarian uprisings during the last third of the nineteenth century were a prelude to similar and more famous occurrences during the fateful epoch 1910-1917, their causes, nature, and significance are essential for understanding an important aspect of the Mexican Revolution.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1972

References

1 In recent years a number of works have been published describing the exploits of Mexican agrarian revolutionary leaders such as Emiliano Zapata, Francisco Villa and Pascual Orozco. Yet, while virtually all observers agree that agrarian grievances were inherited from the nineteenth century and more particularly from the Díaz regime, none of these studies which delve into the agrarian aspect of the Mexican Revolution have selectively examined the significance or possible influence of particular agrarian precursors of the conflagration that erupted in 1910.

2 For discussions of the Rio Verde uprising see Gama, Valentín, “La Propiedad en México. La Reforma Agraria,” Revista Mexicana de Ingenería y Arquitectura, (México D.F., 1931),Google Scholar Numbers 6, 8, 9, and 10; also, Herzog, Jesús Silva, El Agrarismo Mexicano y La Reforma Agraria, (Mexico D.F., 1959), 6263.Google Scholar

3 For the most extensive discussion of the agrarian movement in the nineteenth century see Silva Herzog. However, the author, with the exception of the Rio Verde incident, did not examine the uprisings studied in this essay.

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8 For a description of the land acquisition process in the colonial period see Chevalier, Francois, Land and Society in Colonial Mexico; The Great Hacienda, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963).Google Scholar For an excellent discussion of hacienda expansion in nineteenth century Morelos see Womack, John, Zapata and the Mexican Revolution, (New York, 1969), 3766.Google Scholar

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31 Ibid.

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33 González, , “¡Apeo y Deslinde de Terrenos! ¡Abajo la Usurpación!,” El Hijo, Number 67, November 4, 1877.Google Scholar

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63 Diario del Imperio, (México D. F.), Number 136, June 14, 1865.

64 Letters, General Francisco Naranjo to Negrete, Villa Aldama, Nuevo León, January 27, 1866, February 6, 1866, and February 7, 1866; also, General Juan N. Sáenz to Negrete, February 6, 1866, and February 7, 1866 (point of dispatch unknown); Archivo Juárez, Biblioteca Nacional, México D.F.

65 Five letters, Negrete to Colonel Pedro Villegas, Santa Ana, Puebla, February 14, 1869; also letter, Negrete to Lt. Colonel Melitrón Galarza, February 14, 1869, Chiaulla, Puebla; Archivo Juárez, Biblioteca Nacional, México D.F.

66 Don Miguel Negrete,” El Hijo, Number 220, October 10, 1880.

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70 Ramírez, Díaz, Apuntes Históricos, 73.Google Scholar

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77 For data on land distribution and the size of haciendas before the Revolution of 17910 see Womack, , Zapata, 391392 Google Scholar; Magana, Gildardo, Emiliano Zapata y El Agrarismo en México (5 Volumes), Tomo 1, (México D.F., 1951), 39 Google Scholar; and Diez, Domingo, Dos Conferencias sobre el Estado de Morelos, (México D.F., 1919), 56.Google Scholar

78 ProfessorWomack, John in his perceptive Zapata and the Mexican Revolution, 405,Google Scholar makes the claim of “ originality “ for Zapata’s Plan de Ayala and Agrarian Law. Díaz Soto y Gama, however, has argued the case for the precursors with the claim that the Plan of Ayala offered the people nothing more than what the nineteenth century agrarians had proposed in the face of insurmountable odds (La Revolución Agraria, 49–50).

79 For the closest comparison see the “Ley del Pueblo,” El Socialista, Number 30, August 4, 1878; and La Revolución Social, Number 2, December 18, 1879.

80 Womack, , Zapata, 393.Google Scholar