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Religion, nationalism and national identity in medieval Spain and Portugal

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Peter Linehan
Peter Linehan*
Affiliation:
University of Cambridge St John’s College
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Extract

A no ser por el Clero, y en especial por el Episcopado español’, declared Vicente de Lafuente a century ago, ‘España sería un pais sin historia, pues la historia sin escribir no es historia’. Lafuente himself was a layman—though it did not always show—with conventional views regarding the ‘democratic tyranny’ of his age which a spell as rector of Madrid university during the student and other troubles of the mid-1870s served only to reinforce. He found it odd that he rather than an ecclesiastic should have written the first ecclesiastical history of Spain. A committee of churchmen had been formed in Rome for the purpose in 1747, but it is too soon to report on the outcome of that venture. Lafuente’s history, though more than a century old, is still the only full-scale work of its kind by a Spaniard—’and since that time there is not a single chronicle that I can discover; though (like John of Salisbury in his day) I have found in church archives notes of memorable events which could be of help to any future writers who may appear’. In presenting some of these notes here, in the context of the theme of this conference, I find myself altogether less daunted by the notion of nationalism, which a self–respecting medievalist is expected fastidiously to eschew, than by the problem of how to evaluate the testimony of so many witnesses, clerical and lay, medieval and modern.

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Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 18: Religion and National Identity , 1982 , pp. 161 - 199
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1982

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References

1 [Vicente, de] Lafuente, [Historia Eclesiástica de España] 6 vols (2 ed Madrid 1873-5) 4, p 307 Google Scholar.

2 Ibid 1, p 1; 6, p 268; Viu, V. Cacho, La Institución Libre de Enseñanza 1 (Madrid 1962) pp 214, 302-17Google Scholar.

3 Lafuente 1, pp 285-92. Compare the general introduction by [R.] Garcia Villoslada to the projected five-volume [Historia de la Iglesia en España]—of which vols 1 (to 711) and 5 (since 1810) have so far appeared: 1 (Madrid 1979) pp xxiii-xxiv.

4 Historia Pontificals, ed and trans Chibnall, M. (London/Edinburgh 1956) p 2 Google Scholar.

5 Compare Werner, K. F., ‘Les nations et le sentiment national dans l’Europe médiévale’, RH 244 (1970) pp 285–304 Google Scholar, esp pp 285-9.

6 Compare the two English translations of the work of [Américo] Castro: ‘Life was grounded in religion, and religion was the station from which, directly or indirectly, every activity emerged’ [The] Structure of Spanish History [transl King, E. L.] (Princeton 1954) p 189)Google Scholar; ‘Life was grounded in faith, and faith was the origin, directly or indirectly, of every activity’ The Spaniards[. An Introduction to their History, trans King, W. F. and Margaretten, S.] (Berkeley/Los Angeles/ London 1971) p 456 Google Scholar.

7 [Conde, F. J. Fernández, El Libro de los Testamentos de la Catedral de Oviedo (Rome 1971) pp 50–67 Google Scholar, 367-72; idem, ‘La obra del obispo ovetense D. Pelayo en la historiografía española, Boletín del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos 25 (Oviedo 1971) pp 249-91.

8 ‘Chroniclers of medieval Spain’, Hispanic Review 6 (Philadelphia 1938) p 230. Compare Albornoz, C. Sánchez, ‘El Aula Regia y las asembleas políticas de los godos’, CHE 5 (1946) p 86 Google Scholar; Barbero, [A.] and Vigil, [M.], La formación [del feudalismo en la Peninsula Ibérica] (Barcelona 1978) p 290 Google Scholar.

9 ‘iQué pobre, triste y desolada se nos quedaría España!’: García Villoslada, pp xlv-xlvi.

10 ‘Hízole Dios patron de España que ya no era, para cuando por su intercesion, por su dotrina y por su espada volviese á ser. Hízole patron de la fe que aun no teniamos, para que la tuviésmos’: F. de Quevedo, Su espada por Santiago (1628), Obras ed Orbe, A. Fernández-Guerra y, B[iblioteca de] A[utores] E[spañoles] 48, 2 (Madrid 1859) p 445 Google Scholar. For the context see Kendrick, T. D., Saint James in Spain (London 1960) pp 64-7Google Scholar.

11 Villada, [Z] Garcia, [El destino de España en la historia universal] (2 ed Madrid 1940) p 111 Google Scholar.

12 Ibid pp 82-3.

13 de Urbel, [J.] Pérez, El monasterio en la vida española de la Edad Media (Barcelona 1942) pp 79 Google Scholar, 76, and 5-6 on the subject of the debt of ‘nuestra patria’ to the medieval monks, and their role ‘en el desarrollo de nuestra nacionalidad.’ In the same year Dom Justo described Saint Isidore as ‘el primer español’ to have possessed ‘una idea clara y fija de la unidad de España, y sin detrimento de la pureza y fervor de un universalismo católico’: a revealing protestation: idem and Ortega, T., San Isidoro (Antologia) (Madrid 1942) p 34 Google Scholar.

14 Serra, J. Rius, ‘El derecho visigodo en Cataluña’, S[panischen] F[orschungen der] G[örresgesellschafi] 8 (Münster 1940) p 67 Google Scholar.

15 References in Linehan, [P. A.], [The] Spanish Church [and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century] (Cambridge 1971) p 15 Google Scholar. Antisemitic sentiment in these years is described in Aronsfeld, C. C., The Ghosts of 1492. Jewish aspects of the struggle for religious freedom in Spain 1848-1976 (New York 1979) pp 43-7Google Scholar.

16 Pelayo, [M.] Menéndez, [Historia de los heterodoxos españoles,] 1 ed Madrid 1880-82 (ed Biblioteca de Autores, Cristianos, Madrid 1956) 2, p 1193 Google Scholar. Lafuente’s eulogistic appraisal as censor eclesiástico is repr. ibid 1 , pp xiv-xvi. Menendez Pelayo’s response in his second edn (1910) was to describe Lafuente’s Historia as ‘demasiado elemental’ (ibid p 22). See below p 000.

17 See Atard, V. Palacio, Menéndez Pelayo y la historia de España (Valladolid 1956) pp 13 Google Scholar, 44.

18 ‘¿A quién debe España su gloriosa Reconquista? Al sentimiento religioso. ¿Quién alentó, purificó, dió forma y dirección conveniente y adecuada á este sentimiento? La Iglesia. Todas las proezas de la Reconquista, ya sociales, ya individuales, están marcadas con ese augusto sello. Se luchaba por Dios antes que por la Patria’: Villaescusa, [M.] Hernández, [Recaredo y la unidad católica] (Barcelona 1890) pp 343 Google Scholar, 358.

19 Pidal, R. Menéndez, introduction to Historia de España (Madrid 1926) 1 p xxvii Google Scholar: quoted approvingly by García Villoslada, p xlv.

20 Thus Gaztambide, [J.] Goni, [Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada en España] (Vitoria 1958) p 39 Google Scholar, whose chapter 2 is entitled ‘La Reconquista, Guerra Santa’: also highly thought of by García Villoslada (pp xl-xli). That the ‘finger of providence’ guided Spain’s destiny during these centuries is asserted by García Villada, p 108.

21 ‘¿Cuando nace España? A mi entender, en el momento en que la Iglesia católica la recibe en sus brazos oficialmente y en cierto modo la bautiza en mayo del 589’: García Villoslada, p xlii. Cf García Villada, p 104.

22 Surveyed by Lapeyre, H., ‘Deux interprétations de l’histoire d’Espagne: Américo Castro et Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz’, Annales 20 (1965) pp 1015-37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 [Roger] Collins has recently spoken of the ‘moral or providential explanations’ of the events of 711 as ‘the kind of interpretations that were used of the closing years of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom and the Battle of Hastings during the last century, and today would rightly be greeted with ridicule’: ‘Mérida and Toledo [: 550-585]’, [in Visigothic Spain. New Approaches] ed James, [E.] (Oxford 1980) p 189 Google Scholar. Compare John, E., ‘Edward the Confessor and the Norman succession’, EHR 94 (1979) p 254 n. 1 Google Scholar. John’s view that ‘to be intelligible the Norman Conquest needs to be understood as the climax of a crisis that had been going on for generations, not as a sudden bolt from the ‘blue’ (p 267) applies equally to 711, and suggests that a comparative study, both historical and historiographical,, might be of interest. Freeman’s remark to Canon Meyrick in 1891 may be noted in passing: ‘History of the Church of Spain! That’s a large undertaking!’ Stephens, W. R. W., The Life and Letters of E. A. Freeman, 2 vols (London 1895) 2 p 448 Google Scholar.

24 Russell, P. E., ‘The Nessus-shirt of Spanish history’, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 36 (Liverpool 1959) p 223 Google Scholar.

25 Sánchez-Albornoz, [C.], España: un enigma histórico, 2 vols (Buenos Aires 1956) I pp 249 Google Scholar (on ‘la naturaleza nacional y “divinal”‘ of the Reconquest), 283-6 (on Castro’s estimate of the significance of Santiago), 303-11 (denying equivalence of Christian and Moorish zeal in respect of Holy War); Castro, The Spaniards, pp 449-56.

26 Sánchez-Albornoz, , España: un enigma histórico, 1, p 309 Google Scholar.

27 Compare Hillgarth, [J. N.], The Spanish Kingdoms [1250-1516,] 2 vols (Oxford 1976, 1978) 2, pp 372-4Google Scholar.

28 Barbero, and Vigil, , Sobre los orígenes sociales de la Reconquista (Barcelona 1974) pp 78-9Google Scholar, 96 (‘El fenómeno histórico llamado Reconquista no obedeció en sus orígenes a motivos puramente políticos y religiosos, puesto que como tal fenómeno existía ya mucho antes de la llegada de los musulmanes’); idem, La formación, pp 234-5, 259-60; Pidal, G. Menéndez, ‘Mozárabes y asturianos en la cultura de la Alta Edad Media’, B[oletín de la] R[eal] A[cademia de la] H[istoria] 134 (Madrid, 1954) p 151 Google Scholar. Compare the criticisms of Sánchez-Albornoz, , ‘Observaciones [a unas paginas sobre el inicio de la Reconquista’, CHE 47-8 (1968)] pp 341-52Google Scholar; Dufourcq, [C.-E.], ‘Notes de lecture’, Revue d’histoire et de civilisation du Maghreb 4 (Rabat 1968) pp 74-8Google Scholar.

29 Cagigas, I. de las, Minorias etnico-religiosas de la Edad Media española I: 2 vols (Madrid 1948) 2, p 444 Google Scholar.

30 ‘C’est la force des armes qui orienta l’histoire’: Dufourcq, ‘Berbérie et Ibérie médiévales: un problème de rupture’, RH 240 (1968) p 323—although in the struggles of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, he concedes, ‘la religion devint un élément caractéristique, essentiel’ (p 319). Compare Menéndez Pelayo: ‘No elaboraron nuestro unidad el hierro de la conquista ni la sabiduria de los legisladores; la hicieron los dos apóstoles y los siete varones apostólicos.’

31 Glick, [T. F.], [Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages. Comparative perspectives on social and cultural formation] (Princeton 1979) passim, esp pp 33-5Google Scholar; Ruiz, T. F., ‘Expansion et changement: la conquête de Seville et la société castillane (1248-1350)’, Annales 34 (1979) pp 548-9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Lafuente, 3, p 13.

33 Olagüe, [I.], [Les Arabes n’ont jamais envahi l’Espagne] (Bordeaux 1969), passim, esp pp 232 Google Scholar, 258; Guichard, [P.], Structures sociales [“orientales” et “occidentales” dans l’Espagne musulmane] (Paris/The Hague 1977)Google Scholar: see my review in Social History 2 (London 1978) pp 377-9.

34 Bitter regret at the fate of ‘infelix Spania . . . condam deliciosa et nunc misera effecta’ is expressed in the so-called Cronica Mozárabe de 734 (ed Mommsen, T., MCH AA, 11, p 353 Google Scholar), but the ‘vehemently nationalist’ author, though almost certainly a churchman, was evidently a Mozarab writing under Moorish domination. See Alonso, [B.] Sánchez, [Historia de la historiografia española,] 2 ed (Madrid 1947) 1, pp 101-4Google Scholar; Díaz, [M. C.] Díaz y, La historigrafía [hispana desde la invasión árabe hasta el año 1000’,] in De Isidoro al siglo XI (Barcelona 1976) pp 207-9Google Scholar. The charter evidence of the Christian kingdom is analysed by Barrau-Dihigo, L., ‘Étude sur les actes des rois asturiens (718-910)’, Revue hispanique 46 (Paris 1919) pp 1–192 Google Scholar.

35 Sánchez-Albornoz, Observaciones’ p 351.

36 Idem, ‘Una crónica asturiana perdida?’, Revista de Filología Hispánica 7 (Buenos Aires-New York 1945) pp 105-46: reprinted in his Investigaciones [sobre historiografia hispana medieval (siglos VIII al XII)] (Buenos Aires 1967) pp 111-60. The most revealing recent accounts of this and related matters are Díaz y Díaz, ‘La historiografía, SSSpoleto 17. i (1970) pp 313-43 (repr. in his De Isidoro al siglo XI, pp 205-34), and Barbero and Vigil, ‘La historiografía [de la época de Alfonso III]’ La formación, pp 232-78.

37 Gómez-Moreno, [M.], [‘Las primeras crónicas de la Reconquista: el ciclo de Alfonso III’,] BRAH 100 (1932) p 604 Google Scholar; Barbero and Vigil, La formación, p 262. Compare Ruano, [E.] Benito, ‘La historiografía [en la Alta Edad Media española]’, CHE 17 (1952) pp 71-4Google Scholar.

38 Gómez-Moreno, p 601; de Parga, [L.] Vázquez, ‘La biblia [en el reino asturleonés’,] SSSpoleto 10 (1963) pp 278-9Google Scholar. For an anthropological interpretation of another liaison in the Christian camp, also with important political consequences, see Barbero and Vigil, ‘La sucesión al trono [en el reino astur]’ La formación, pp 349-51: here the analysis leads to Frazer’s Golden Bough rather than to Holy Writ.

39 Vázquez de Parga, ‘La biblia’ p 277. Gómez-Moreno (p 586) infers lay authorship-—’por sabio que pareciese’—of Crónica Rotense from the barbarity of its Latin. Thus too Sánchez-Albornoz, ‘La redacción original de la Crónica de Alfonso III’, Investigaciones, p 25.

40 Crónica de Alfonso III, ed Arteta, A. Ubieto (Valencia 1961) pp 18–19 Google Scholar.

41 Ibid pp 28-35; Vázquez de Parga, ‘La biblia’ pp 279-80.

42 Sánchez-Albornoz, Investigaciones, pp 31-7; David, [P.], Études historiques [sur le Galice et le Portugal du VIe au XIIe siècle] (Lisbon-Paris 1947) p 320 Google Scholar. Compare Maravall, [J. A.], El concepto de España [en la Edad Media] (2 ed Madrid 1964) pp 305-9Google Scholar; Díaz y Díaz, De Isidoro al siglo XI, pp 214-15.

43 Sánchez-Albornoz, Investigaciones, pp 116-18; Díaz y Díaz, De Isidoro al siglo XI, pp 215-16.

44 Barbero and Vigil regard the chronicle’s Oppa at Covadonga as ‘el prototipo del obispo que ha pactado con los musulmanes’, note the development of the historic Oppa (brother of Wittiza and bishop of Seville) into the chronicle’s Oppa (son of Wittiza and bishop of Toledo), and suggest that he may have been the literary creation of Mozarabic clergy opposed to the type of alliance with the Muslim which Oppa here was represented as favouring; even that ‘con la presencia de Oppas, Asturias se transforma en Toledo’: La formación, pp 275-6. Compare Díaz y Díaz, De Isidoro al siglo XI, p 224.

45 Crónica Albeldense, ed Gómez-Moreno, pp 602-3; de] Valdeavellano, [L., [Historia de España] I, 2 vols (4 ed Madrid 1968) 1, pp 435-6Google Scholar; Schlunck, H., ‘La iglesia de San Julián de los Prados (Oviedo) y la arquitectura de Alfonso el Casto’, Estudios sobre la monarquía asturiana. Colección de trabajos realizada con motivo del XI centenario de Alfonso II el Casto, celebrado en 1942 (2 ed Oviedo 1971) pp 405-65Google Scholar. On Leovigild’s precedent see Collins, ‘Mérida and Toledo’, pp 212-14.

46 de Parga, L. Vázquez, Lacarra, J. M., Ríu, J. Uría, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, 3 vols (Madrid 1948) 1 pp 39–46 Google Scholar.

47 Valdeavellano, 1 p 444; de Vinyals, R. d’Abadal [i], La batalla del Adopcionismo en la desintegración de la Iglesia visigoda (Barcelona 1949)Google Scholar.

48 ‘Nam nunquam est auditum ut Libanenses Toletanos docuissenť: PL 96 (1854) col 918C; Amann, E., L’Époque carolingienne, FM 6 (Paris 1947) pp 130-34Google Scholar. Compare Ríu, M., ‘Revisión del problema adopcionista en la diócesis de Urgel’, AEM 1 (1964) pp 77–96 Google Scholar. The ‘anti-Toledanism’ of Alfonso II’s reign is remarked by Díaz y Díaz, De Isidoro al siglo XI, p 221.

49 Above, n 39. Compare Díaz y Díaz, De Isidoro al siglo XI, p 222.

50 See the version of Oppa’s confrontation with Pelayo in the early twelfth-century Historia Silense, [ed de Urbel, J. Pérez and Ruíz-Zorrilla, A. González] (Madrid 1959) pp 132-4Google Scholar. As late as 1216-17 the archbishop of Braga’s proctor at the papal curia could seek to damage Toledo’s case by recalling ‘quod Opa, quondam archiepiscopus Toletanus . . . apostavit cedens in sectam Mohabitarum et per eum amissa fuit tota Hyspania et recuperata per Bracarensem’: Feige, [P.] [, Die Anfange des portugiesischen Königtums und seiner Landeskirche], Spanischen Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, I. Reihe: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, 29 (Münster-in-W 1978) pp 85–436 Google Scholar, at p 399.

51 Thompson, E. A., The Goths in Spain (Oxford 1969) pp 316-17Google Scholar. Compare Lacarra, [J. M.], ‘La iglesia visigoda [en el siglo VII y sus relaciones con Roma]’, SSSpoleto 7. i (1960) pp 358-60Google Scholar, 373-5.

52 Hillgarth, ‘Popular religion in Visigothic Spain’, James, Visigothic Spain, pp 40-41.

53 Chronicon Johannis Biclarensis, ed Campos, J. (Madrid 1960) pp 89 Google Scholar, 91, 141-3; Vitas . . . V.9.4: ‘qui [scil. Reccaredus] non patrem perfidum sed Christum dominum sequens ab Arianae haereseos pravitate conversus est’—substituting ‘Christum dominum’ for ‘fratrem martyrem’ in Gregory, Dial. 3. 31—cit. Thompson, [E. A.], ‘[The] Conversion [of the Visigoths to Catholicism]’, Nottingham Mediaeval Studies 4 (Nottingham 1960) p 12 Google Scholar. Compare Fontaine, J., ‘Conversion et culture chez les Wisigoths d’Espagne’, SSSpoleto 14 (1967) pp 109-12Google Scholar, 117-20, 143-4.

54 Thompson, ‘Conversion’ pp 19-22; Hillgarth, , ‘Coins and Chronicles[: Propaganda in sixth-century Spain and the Byzantine background]’, Historia 15 (Wiesbaden 1966) pp 491–501 Google Scholar.

55 [Historia Gothorum,] ed Mommsen, [T.], MGH AA, 11, p 287 Google Scholar.

56 Garvin, [J. N.], [The Vitas Sanctorum Patrum Emeretensium] (Washington 1946) pp 490-91Google Scholar; Salazar, J. Tamayo, Anamnesis sive commemorationis sanctorum Hispanorum . . ., 1 (Lyons 1652) pp 202-3Google Scholar, 2 p 580; Estal, J.-M.del, ‘Culto de Felipe II a San Hermenegildo’, La Ciudad de Dios 174 (El Escorial 1961) pp 550-52Google Scholar; Linehan, Spanish Church, p 330. Compare de Maio, R., ‘L’ideale eroico nei processi di canonizzazione della controriforma’, in Riforme e miti nella Chiesa del Cinquecento (Naples 1973) pp 261-2Google Scholar.

57 Maravall, El concepto de España pp 257-8 (Pelayo); Linehan, Spanish Church pp 3331-3 (Fernando); Torrents, [J.] Masso, [‘Historiografia de Catalunya en català durant l’epoca nacional’], Revue hispanique 15 (1906) pp 546-7Google Scholar.

58 ‘Coins and Chronicles’ p 501. If Collins is correct in his suggestion that Hermenegild had not converted to Catholicism at the time of his rebellion, then the irony of the situation may be less—but not the interest of the treatment which it received at the hands of later writers: ‘Mérida and Toledo’ pp 215-18.

59 Laus Spaniae, ed Mommsen p 268; Hillgarth, , ‘Historiography in Visigothic Spain’, SSSpoleto 17 (1969) pp 298-9Google Scholar, and F. Udina Martorell and J. Fontaine in discussione, ibid pp 345-50. Compare Lacarra, ‘La iglesia visigoda’ pp 353-84, and O. Bertolini in discussione, ibid p 406; Sánchez-Albornoz, , España: un enigma histórico 1 pp 353 Google Scholar, 357; Pérez de Urbel, above n 13; Hernández Villaescusa who contents himself with the assumption that the kings nominated bishops ‘por una especie de delegación’ from Rome (p 352). On Isidore’s position see Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxford 1971) pp 53-5Google Scholar; Barbero and Vigil, ‘El feudalismo visigodo’, La formación pp 174-6; and for the view that the events of 589 witnessed ‘la aparición de una verdadera Iglesia nacional, al margen no solo del Imperio de Oriente sino de la propria Roma’, de Cortazar, [J. A.] García, [La Época medieval: Historia de España Alfaguara], 2, (5 ed Madrid 1978) p 43 Google Scholar.

60 Hernández, M. Cruz, ‘San Isidoro y el problema de la “cultura” hispano-visigoda’, AEM 3 (1966) pp 414 Google Scholar, 422-3, commenting on Fontaine, J., Isidore de Seville et la culture classique dans l’Espagne visigothique (Paris 1959)Google Scholar.

61 The view that Isidore’s writings express a vision of ‘una nacionalidad naciente, pero ya inequívocamente diferenciada y autónoma’ is found in Romero, J. L., ‘San Isidoro de Sevilla. Su pensamiento históricopolítico y sus relaciones con la historia visigoda’, CHE 8 (1947) pp 57-8Google Scholar; Maravall, El concepto de España pp 21-2. Compare de Parga, L. Vázquez, ‘Notas sobre la obra histórica de S. Isidro’, Isidoriana, [ed Díaz, M. C. Díaz y] (León 1961) p 106 Google Scholar: ‘No ha hecho, creo yo, historia nacional, sino dar una historia de pueblos no romanos, con independencia, y considerar en la laus Hispaniae a España unida al pueblo godo. Pero no hay propiamente concepto de nacionalidad.’ For later use of Isidore see Díaz y Díaz, ‘Isidoro en la Edad Media hispana’, Isidoriana pp 345-87 (repr De Isidoro al siglo XI, pp 143-201).

62 Maravall, El concepto de España pp 344, 355: ‘Creo que es absolumente indispensable para entender nuestra Edad Media partir de ese principio de fragmentariedad’; Sánchez-Albornoz, , ‘La sucesión al trono [en los reinos de León y Castilla]’, Boletin de la Academia Argentina de Letras 14 (Buenos Aires 1945) pp 35–124 Google Scholar—repr in his Estudios [sobre las instituciones medievales españolas] (Mexico 1965) p 673.

63 Maravall, El concepto de España pp 350, 351, 357, 359.

64 Ibid pp 408-9, 388-99, 366, 380, 384, 369.

65 Schramm, [P. E.] [(trans de Parga, L. Vázquez)], Las insignias[de la realeza en la Edad Media española] (Madrid 1960) p 63 Google Scholar. On unction as ‘el factor constitutivo o al menos confirmante de la legitimidad real’ in the Visigothic period see Rovira, J. Orlandis, ‘La iglesia visigoda y las problemas de la sucesión al trono en el siglo VII’, SSSpoleto 7. i (1960) pp 333-51Google Scholar, esp pp 349-51, and O. Bertolini, G. B. Picotti, L. Prosdocimi, J. M. Lacarra and G. P. Bognetti in discussione, ibid pp 385-95, 398-404; de Aguilera, A. Barbero, ‘El pensamiento político visigodo y las primeras unciones regias en la Europa medieval’, Hispania 30 (Madrid 1970) pp 245–326 Google Scholar, esp pp 314-17. For developments after 711 see Barbero and Vigil, ‘La sucesión al trono’, La formación, p 290.

66 Schramm, Las insignias, p 32. Alfonso X in the thirteenth century scoffed at the thaumaturgic pretensions of the kings of France and England: Maravall, , [‘Del regimen feudal al regimen corporativo en el pensamiento de Alfonso X’], Estudios [de historia del pensamiento español] (2 ed Madrid 1973) p 117 Google Scholar.

67 Lacarra, , Historia del reino de Navarra en la Edad Media (Pamplona 1975) p 295 Google Scholar (compare pp 246-7); Schramm, , ‘Der Köníg von Navarra (1035-1512)’, ZRG GAbt 81 (1951) pp 144-9Google Scholar. I have not seen Lacarra’s El juramento de los reyes de Navarra (1234-1329) (Madrid 1972).

68 Martín, [B.] Palacios, [La coronación de los reyes de Aragón 1204-1410. Aportación al estudio de las estructuras medievales] (Valencia 1975) pp 23 Google Scholar, 77-81, 107-8, 308. The importance of the ceremonial of royal unction enacted there in establishing Toledo as the capital of Visigothic Spain is stressed by Collins, , ‘Julian of Toledo and the royal succession in late seventh-century Spain’ in Early Medieval Kingship, ed Sawyer, P.H. and Wood, I. N. (Leeds 1977) pp 45-6Google Scholar.

69 Palacios Martín pp 83-6; Antón, L. González, Las Uniones aragonesas y las Cortes del reino (1283-1301) 2 vols (Zaragoza 1975) 1 pp 373-8Google Scholar, 438-40.

70 Below pp 190-91.

71 De Rebus Hispaniae, 9. 14: ed Lorenzana, F., PP Toletanorum quotquot extant Opera, 3 (Madrid 1793, repr Valencia 1968) p 204 Google Scholar.

72 Sánchez-Albornoz, ‘La sucesión al trono’, Estudios p 663 (compare Barbero and Vigil, ‘La sucesión al trono’, La formación pp 279-353); Candeira, A. Sánchez, El “regnum-imperium” leonés hasta 1037 (Madrid 1951) passim, esp pp 11 Google Scholar, 65 (Ramiro III anno 974); Sánchez-Albornoz, , España: un enigma histórico 2, pp 373-80Google Scholar; Goñi Gaztambide pp 33-5.

73 de Gaiffier, B., ‘Les notices hispaniques dans le Martyrologe d’Usuard’, An Bol 55 (1937) pp 268-83Google Scholar; idem, Recherches d’hagiographie latine (Brussels 1971) p 8. Compare Collins, ‘Mérida and Toledo’ p 214.

74 PL 115 (1854) col 859; Glick p 176; Olagüe p 268: ‘Si nous n’en avions d’autres, ce seul témoignage suffirait à ruiner la légende.’ Compare Colbert, E. P., The Martyrs of Córdoba (850-859): a study of the sources (Washington 1962)Google Scholar.

75 Indiculus luminosus: PL 121 (1854) cols 555-6; Waltz, [J.], [‘The significance of the voluntary martyrs of ninth-century Córdoba’], The Muslim World 60 (Hartford, Conn., 1970) p 155 Google Scholar.

76 García Villada, above p 163; Pérez, de Urbel, San Eulogio de Córdoba, o la vida andaluza en el siglo IX (2 ed Madrid 1942) pp 124 Google Scholar, 253: ‘un gran símbolo. Por ella encomendaba la realización de su más grande anhelo a aquellos montañeses, fuertes e indomables, que habian conservado con toda su pureza la tradición española.’ In the south of course ‘la tradición española’ was tainted: ‘estos hombres estaban inficionados hasta la medula por el influjo de la nueva civilización’ (p 252), whereas Eulogius and Leocadia were ‘los dos campeones del españolismo tradicional’ (p 249). Compare Waltz pp 232-5.

77 Historia Silense pp 197-204; A. Vinayo González, ‘Cuestiones histórico-críticas en torno a la traslación del cuerpo de San Isidoro’, Isidoriana pp 285-98. The importance of possessing the complete remains is illustrated by Compostela’s reaction when archbishop Mauricio of Braga acquired an extra head of Saint James in the Holy Land: David, Études historiques pp 475-7.

78 Lacarra, , ‘Aspectos económicos de la sumisión de los reinos de taifas, 1010-1102’, Homenaje a J. Vicens Vives (Barcelona 1965) pp 255-77Google Scholar; Bishko, [C. J.], ‘Fernando I y [los origenes de la alianza castellanoleonesa con] Cluny’, CHE 47-8 (1968) pp 31–135 Google Scholar, 49-50 (1969) pp 50-117, esp pp 47-8, 99-135; Segl, P., Königtum und Klosterreform in Spanien. Untersuchungen über die Ctuniacenserklöster in Kastilien-León vom Beginn des 11. bis zur Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts (Kalimünz 1974) pp 73-6Google Scholar; Valdeavellano 2, p 285.

79 L. López Santos, ‘Isidoro en la literatura medioeval castellana’, Isidoriana pp 402-8; Historia Silense p 201: ‘Expavit barbarus, et licud infidelis, virtutem tamen Domini admirans . . .’ Compare the editors’ introduction (p 48) where the significance of this admission seems to be misunderstood.

80 Balbas, L. Torres, Algunos aspectos del mudejarismo urbano medieval (Madrid 1954) pp 78-9Google Scholar.

81 Ed cit pp 129-30; Maravall, El concepto de España p 30.

82 Díaz y Díaz, ‘La historiografía’ pp 219-21.

83 Ed cit pp 115-16, reproducing the account of Gregory the Great (above n 53). The Compilatio Ovetensis of 883 (cit. Garvin p 488) had not gone so far.

84 ‘La Iglesia de España ha seguido la suerte del Estado en su próspera y adversa fortuna, alentando al combate, exhortando en la pelea, consolando en la derrota, y cortando las rencillas y discordias fraternales: en los escasos momentos de ócio ha manejado la pluma, mientras el guerrero descansaba apoyada en su lanza’: Lafuente 3 pp 379-80.

85 Ibid 3 p 290; Menéndez Pelayo 1 p 455; Ortiz, J. López (bishop of Túy), ‘La restauración de la cristiandad’, [El] Concilio de Coyanza [(Miscelanea)] (León 1951) pp 5 Google Scholar, 11-12. Understanding of this subject began in earnest with A. García Gallo’s fundamental monograph [‘El Concilio de Coyanza. Contribución al estudio del derecho canónico español en la Alta Edad Media’], Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español 20 (Madrid 1950) pp 275-633—although he too assumes the absence of ‘situaciones intolerables’ (pp 364-6). The same assumption is present throughout the much-quoted work of Bidagor, R., La “iglesia propria” en España. Estudio histórico-canónico (Rome 1933) esp pp 82 Google Scholar, 98, 115. Indeed, it held to explain the slow pace of reform during the twelfth century (p 157). For Bidagor the Visigothic regime is normative (pp 169-70) and its incompatibility with ‘Gregorian’ notions is not considered. Compare Lacarra, ‘La iglesia visigoda’ p 384: ‘si . . . no se apartó de la Iglesia Universal en sus principios dogmáticos, ni recusó formalmente la autoridad del Romano Pontífice, de hecho vivió encerrada en sí misma’; and Magnou-Nortier, E., La Société laïque et l’église dans la province ecclésiastique de Narbonne (zone cispyrénéenne) de la fin du VIIIe à la fin du XIe siècle (Toulouse 1974) pp 447–518 Google Scholar, for the experiences during these years of a closed society which was in many ways comparable.

86 García Gallo pp 321-3; idem, ‘Las redacciones de los decretos del Concilio de Coyanza’, Concilio de Coyanza pp 25-39, esp pp 31-2; Díez, G. Martínez, ‘El concilio compostelano del reinado de Fernando I’, AEM I (1964) pp 121-38Google Scholar, esp pp 133-5; Engels, O., ‘Papsttum, Reconquista und Spanisches Landeskonzil im Hochmittelalter’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 1 (Amsterdam 1969) pp 276-87Google Scholar.

87 García Gallo pp 298-9, 342-3: cc. VII.3; IX (on Liber iudicum and Lex Gothica). Compare c. XIV of the Pelagian redaction (absent from the earlier redacción portuguesa) confirming ‘totos illos foros cunctis habitantibus in Legione quos dedit illis rex domnus Adefonsus’ (Ibid p 302): a royalist interpolation indeed.

88 ‘El sentimiento católico, irresistible en la raza, se sobrepuso a todo instinto de orgullo nacional, por grande y legítimo quefuese’: Menéndez Pelayo 1 p 458; ‘No todas las acciones de los Santos son santas, ni tiene el cristiano obligación de aceptar cada una de ellas en particular. ¿Quien hoy proclamará el papa infalible en política y quien podra igualmente defender la conducta de San Gregorio VII con respecto á España?’: Lafuente 3 pp 363-4.

89 Cowdrey, H. E. J., The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform (Oxford 1970) pp 221-2Google Scholar, 226. Compare David, EÉtudes historiques pp 377-82; Bishko, ‘Fernando I y Cluny’, CHE 49-50, pp 100-4.

90 ‘De Romano autem ritu quod tua iussione accepimus sciatis nostram terram admodum desolatam esse’ (Alfonso VI to Hugh of Cluny, July 1077): David, Études historiques pp 402-3, 419-20. See also Morris, C., ‘Judicium Dei: the social and political significance of the ordeal in the eleventh century’, SCH 12 (1975) pp 98-9Google Scholar; Servatius, [C.], [Paschalis II. (1099-1118). Studien zu seiner Person und seiner Politik] (Stuttgart 1979) pp 29–32 Google Scholar.

91 Bonnassie, P., La Catalogne du milieu du Xe à la fin du XIe siècle 2 vols (Toulouse 1975-6) 2 pp 701-5Google Scholar, esp p 703: ‘Tout révérence gardée envers le successeur de Pierre, l’Eglise catalane n’admet, au temporel, d’autre chef que le comte de Barcelona et elle s’intègre naturellement au nouveau système gouvernemental que celui-ci met en place.’

92 Kehr, P., Das Papsttum und die Königreiche Navarra und Aragon bis zur Mitte des XII Jahrhunderts, ADAW, PhH Kl (Berlin 1929) pp 55-7Google Scholar.

93 Fletcher, [R. A.], [The Episcopate in the Kingdom of León in the Twelfth Century] (Oxford 1978) cap 5, esp pp 184 Google Scholar, 203.

94 Val, M. Criado del, Teoría de Castilla la Nueva. La dualidad castellana en los origenes del español (Madrid 1960) pp 84-5Google Scholar, 100-101: ‘su participación en la Reconquista será de distinto signo religioso que la de Castilla, y en algunos momentos no parecerá tener conciencia de ello’ (p 100).

95 De Rebus Hispaniae, 6. 24: ed Lorenzana, pp 137-8Google Scholar; Orlandis, J., ‘Un problema eclesiástico de la Reconquista española: la conversión de mezquitas en iglesias cristianas’, Mélanges offerts à jean Dauvillier (Toulouse 1979) pp 597-9Google Scholar. Compare Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, 2 pp 477-8Google Scholar.

96 Mansilla, D., ‘Disputas diocesanas entre Toledo, Braga y Compostela en los siglos XII al XV’, Anthologica Annua 3 (Rome 1955) pp 89–143 Google Scholar, esp pp 91-130; Recio, J. F. Rivera, La iglesia de Toledo en el siglo XII (1086-1208) 2 vols (Rome 1966-76) 1 Google Scholar passim.

97 Vázquez, de Parga, La División de Wamba[. Contribución al estudio de la historiay geografia eclesiásticas de la Edad Media española] (Madrid 1943) esp pp 89–93 Google Scholar; Mansilla, D., Iglesia castellano-leonesa y curia romana en los tiempos del rey San Femando (Madrid 1945) pp 94-7, esp p 95 n 19 Google Scholar.

98 Vázquez de Parga, La División de Wamba p 46; Maiques, V. Castell, ‘Un elenco de códices de la Hispana del año 1239’, Anthologica Annua 16 (1968) pp 329-43Google Scholar.

99 Burns, R. I., ‘Canon Law and the Reconquista: convergence and symbiosis in the kingdom of Valencia under Jaume the Conqueror (1213-1276)’, Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (Salamanca, 21-25 September 1976) ed Kuttner, S. and Pennington, K. (Vatican City 1980) pp 398–402 Google Scholar.

100 Feige pp 244-5, 300-307.

101 Ibid p 384. At issue was the king’s marriage within the forbidden degrees. See González, J., Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid 1943) pp 69–70, 112Google Scholar; Fletcher pp 195-203.

102 Feige, pp 384-5.

103 Ibid p 390.

104 ‘Ponit procurator Bracarensis, quod Bracara est in capite provinciarum Hyspanie habito respectu ad mare Oceanum, cui vicinior est Bracara quam Toleto. Respondet archiepiscopus Toletanus, quod non est in capite sed in fine’; Braga’s protest that the papal privileges presented by Toledo ‘non sint originalia sed confirmatoria tantum’: ibid pp 399-400, 409.

105 ‘Accidit ergo quod olim domnus Alfonsus . . . qui antea infans vocabatur, interim terram illam dilatavit (. . .) regnum latum et spaciosum fecit et ab hac sacrosancta sede de infante meruit rex vocari, propter cuius strenuitatem et mentoritorum dotem concessionem a Romana ecclesia per privilegium obtinuit, quod nulla ecclesiastica persona (. . .) in regno suo iurisdicionem vel potestatem aliquam haberet nisi papa vel eius legatus. Obtinuit ius, quod quamcumque terram a Sarracenis occupasset propter exaltacionem fidei, quam (. . .) christianos (. . .) dilataverat Sarracenos opprimendo et eos per archiepiscopum suum Bracarensem ad fidem convertendo, cuicumque vellet, posset supponere ecclesie’; ‘(Bracarensis) archiepiscopus (in capitone) illius terre multas expensas fecerat in expeticione eundo cum rege, sicut mos et consuetudo est terre illius, et ob hoc multas possessiones Bracarensis ecclesie pignerari obligavit, quas pro parte nondum redimere potuit . . .’: ibid 393-4.

106 Ibid pp 335-7.

107 Primera Partida, ley 5, tit. 17: Alfonso X el Sabio. Primera Partida (manuscrito Add. 20.787 del British Museum) ed Bonet, J.A Arias (Valladolid 1975) p 77 Google Scholar; Linehan, Spanish Church p 108.

108 ‘Nec videmus causam, quare dominus papa tantam iniuriam nobis vellet faceré, cum etiam dampnum romane ecclesie procuraret. Preterea cum regnum Portugalense sit eius et solvat ei annuatim duas marchas auri, quod non facit aliud regnum in Hyspania . . .’: Feige p 418.

109 Ibid p 423.

110 Linehan, , ‘[The] Spanish Church revisited [: the episcopal gravamina of 1279]’, Authority and Power: Studies on Medieval Law and Government presented to Walter Ullmann on his seventieth birthday ed Tierney, B. and Linehan, P. (Cambridge 1980) p 127 Google Scholar and references cited there.

111 ‘En su conjunto nacionalismo religioso e intervencionismo regio en la Iglesia crecieron paralelamente’: García de Cortazar p 491.

112 ‘Cual si ésta hubiera sido un accidente en la vida española, incapaz de crear derechos’: Lacarra, , ‘La reconquista y repoblación del Valle del Ebro’ in La Reconquista española y la repoblación del país (Zaragoza 1951) p 79 Google Scholar. The notion persisted throughout the medieval period; see Fernando del Pulgar, cited Maravall, El concepto de España p 274. Compare González, B. Blanco, Del cortesano al discreto, 1 (Madrid 1962) 374 Google Scholar:‘por haber cristalizado prematuramente la unidad espiritual en tres conjuntos, Portugal, Castilla y Aragón, no se logró, ni en la Edad moderna, la unidad definitiva’.

113 De Expugnatione [Lyxbonensi ed David, C. W.[ (New York 1936) pp 76–80 Google Scholar; Hehl, E.-D., Kirche und Krieg im 12. Jahrhundert. Studien zu kanonischem Recht und politischer Wirklichkeit (Stuttgart 1980) pp 259-61Google Scholar.

114 ‘. . . cum omnibus sarcinis vestris, peccuniis, et pecculiis, cum mulieribus et infantibus, patriam Maurorum repeteritis unde venistis, linquentes nobis nostra’: De Expugnatione pp 114-16. The archbishop’s exogamous assumptions deserve consideration in the context of the work of Guichard (above n 33). As to his historical calculations, compare the altogether more sanguinary account of the Muslim occupation which in 1096 Pedro I of Aragón reckoned had already lasted for 460 years: Gudiol, A. Duran, Colección diplomática de la catedral de Huesca (Zaragoza 1965) p 90 Google Scholar. The formation of historical consciousness at this period deserves further study.

115 De Expugnatione pp 140, 176. Forty-two years later, in 1189, the German author’s account of the foreign crusaders’ participation at the siege of Silves is harshly critical of the Portuguese: ‘nec laborabant nee pugnabant, sed tantum insultabant nobis quod in vanum laboremus et quod inexpugnabilis esset munitio’: Narratio [de itinere navali peregrinorum Hierosolymam tendentium et Silviam capientium] ed David, C. W., Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 81 (Philadelphia 1939) pp 629-30Google Scholar. Russell, J. C. suggests that Glanvill may have been the author of the 1147 account: ‘Ranulf de Glanville’, Speculum 45 (1970) p 74 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 ‘Nulla ergo itineris incepti vos festinationis seducat occasio, quia non Iherosolimis fuisse sed bene interim invixisse laudabile est’, in the words of the bishop of Porto in 1147: De Expugnatione p 78. The Narratio contains no mention of a similar plea, or the need for one, in 1189.

117 ‘Propter hoc satagite: vigiles estote/Maurorum insidias: o plebs cavetote/Quid egerit Corduba: olim mementote/Damiate insuper: cronicam scitote’:‘Guillelmi Petri de Calciata rithmi de lulia Romula seu Ispalensi urbe’, ed Catalan, D. and Gil, J., AEM 5 (1968) pp 549-57, v 91Google Scholar. See Bishko, C. J., ‘The Spanish and Portuguese Reconquest, 1095-1492’, A History of the Crusades 3, ed Setton, K.M (Madison-London 1975) pp 396–456 Google Scholar.

118 Linehan, Spanish Church chaps 6-9.

119 Truce of God: synod of Toulouges (1027): ‘la primera vegada que apareix en la Història una treva general i periòdica’: d’Abadal, R., L’abat Oliba, bisbe de Vie i la seva època (3 ed Barcelona 1962) pp 234-7Google Scholar; law and order: council of Palencia (1129): Procter, E. S., Curia and Cortes in León and Castile 1072-1295 (Cambridge 1980) p 23 Google Scholar; prohibition of Christians bearing arms against Christians: council of Vallodolid (1155) c 17; ed. Erdmann, C., Das Papsttum und Portugal im ersten Jahrhundert der portugiesischen Geschichte, ADAW PhH Kl (Berlin 1928) p 57 Google Scholar; good money in Catalonia and Aragon from 1155: Bisson, T. N., Conservation of Coinage. Monetary exploitation and its restraint in France, Catalonia, and Aragon (c. A.D. 1000-c. 1225) (Oxford 1979) pp 78–83, 102-4Google Scholar.

120 Pereira, I. da Rosa, ‘Les statuts synodaux d’Eudes de Sully au Portugal’, L’Année Canonique 15 (Paris 1971) p 470 Google Scholar (Lisbon synod 1232x48), permitting a maximum of three godparents. Compare Liriehan, , ‘Pedro de Albalat, arzobispo de Tarragona y su “Summa Septem Sacramentorum’”, Hispania Sacra 22 (Madrid 1969) p 18 Google Scholar note m (Valencia 1258): limit of two.

121 Early marriage is recommended in Partida 2, 20, 1, not only for its own sake but also because ‘quando los homes casan temprano si fina alguno dellos, el que finca puede casar despues, asi que farà fijos con sazon, lo que non podrien tan bien facer los que tarde casasen’: Las Siete Partidas ed Real Academia de la Historia, 3 vols (Madrid 1807) 2 p 190 Google Scholar. Inheritance patterns, however, tended to frustrate this effect: Dillard, H., ‘Women in Reconquest Castile: the fueros of Sepúlveda and Cuenca’, Women in Medieval Society ed Stuard, S.M. (Philadelphia 1976) pp 71–94, esp p 87Google Scholar. See also Kofman de Guarrochena, L. C. and Carzolio de Rossi, M. I., ‘Acerca de la demografía astur-leonesa y castellana en la Alta Edad Media’, CHE 47-8 (1968) p 155 Google Scholar.

122 García de Cortazar p 344.

123 For example, in the years after the death of Alfonso VI (1109): Valdeavellano 2, pp 392-423.

124 See Linehan, , ‘The synod of Segovia (1166)’, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 10 (Berkeley 1980) pp 31–44 Google Scholar. Note also the marked Visigothic content of the Burgo de Osma MS from which the text is derived.

125 ‘El siglo XIII es el gran siglo de la Edad Media, superior al siglo VI, equiparable en muchos conceptos al XVI’—and without the ‘paganism’ of the latter: Lafuente 4 p 6.

126 Linehan, , La iglesia española [y el papado en el siglo XIII] (Salamanca 1975) pp 104 n 81, 204-6Google Scholar.

127 Chronicon Mundi [ed Scottus, A.], Hispania Illustrata 4 (Frankfurt 1608) p 113 Google Scholar.

128 David, Études historiques pp 431-9, esp p 437: ‘Luc de Tuy a bien vu que l’unité liturgique exigeait l’accord des écritures.’ Compare Mundó, A. M., ‘La datación de los códices liturgicos visigóticos toledanos’, Hispania Sacra 18 (1965) pp 1-25, esp pp 20-21Google Scholar; Servatius pp 26-8. See also Linehan, Spanish Church p 63 n 8, for another aspect of the same attitude.

129 Post, G., ‘Vincentius Hispanus and Spanish nationalism’ in Studies in Medieval Legal Thought (Princeton 1964) pp 482-93CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Compare above p 186.

130 Cirot, G., ed, ‘Chronique latine inédite des Rois de Castile (1236)’, Bulletin Hispanique 14 (Bordeaux 1912) pp 357-8Google Scholar. (The author was almost certainly Bishop juan of Osma: Lomax, [D. W.], ‘The authorship of the Chronique Latine des Rois de Castile ,’ Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 40 (1936) pp 205-11)Google Scholar. Compare Defourneaux, M., Les Français en Espagne aux Xle et Xlle siècles (Paris 1949) pp 182-93Google Scholar; Lomax, , ‘Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada [como historiador]’, Actas del Quinto Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas (Bordeaux 1974) Bordeaux 1977) p 591 Google Scholar.

131 Planeta ed Alonso, M. (Madrid 1943) p 178 Google Scholar.

132 Ibid pp 175-6, 183-93, esp p 185.

133 Ibid pp 452-7.

134 Linehan, Spanish Church pp 239-40.

135 Ibid p 240; idem, ‘Segovia: a “frontier” diocese in the thirteenth century’, EHR 96 (1981) pp 482-6.

136 Ed Catalán and Gil (above n 117) v 75; Lafuente 4 pp 197-9. For further instances see Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms 1 pp 109-11, 2 p 93 Google Scholar.

137 ‘Episcopi, abbates et clerus ecclesias et monasteria construunt, et ruricolae absque formidine agros excolunt, ammalia nutriunt, et non est qui exterreat eos’: Chronicon Mundi p 113; Burns, R. I., ‘The parish as frontier institution in thirteenth-century Valencia’, Speculum 37 (1962) p 250 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The attitude was deep-rooted: Benito Ruano, ‘La historiografía’ pp 78-9.

138 Maravall, El concepto de España pp 335–6; idem, Estudios pp 138, 151.

139 See Lomax, , ‘La lengua oficial de Castilla’, Actele celui de-al Xll-lea Congres International de Lingvistică #x015F;i Filologie Romanică (Bucarest 1971) pp 411-17Google Scholar.

140 Cròniques Catalanes 2, ed Dihigo, L.Barrau and Torrents, J. Massó (Barcelona 1925 P 77 Google Scholar. Elsewhere he characterizes the gallici: ‘ad vinum insuper anhelebant, in quo continue consueverant balneari’; attributes the victory of Las Navas de Tolosa to king Pedro II; and chides the aragoneses for failing to come to Pedro III’s assistance against thegallicos (pp 87, 52, 90).

141 Sánchez Alonso, 1 pp 235-45; Tate, R.B., ‘Nebrija the historian’, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 34 (1957) p 144 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

142 Massó Torrents pp 517-19. The Latin text of pope Nicholas III’s charges against Alfonso X in 1279 were translated into Spanish ‘por que sopiessemos meior guardar al Rey e tractar en la corte algunas cosas a su servicio’: Linehan, ‘Spanish church revisited’ p 141.

143 Only the Latin translation of his chronicle has survived, ed. Morel-Fatio, A., ‘Chronique des Rois de Castille (1248-1305)’, BEC 59 (1898) pp 325-78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

144 Crònica de la población de Ávila ed Segura, A. Hernández (Valencia 1966) p 31 Google Scholar.

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145 De Rebus Hispaniae praefatio auctoris, ed Lorenzana pp 1-4; Sánchez Alonso, 1, pp 131-7.

146 Lomax, ‘Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada’ pp 588-90.

147 Linehan, Spanish Church cap 8; idem, ‘Spanish Church revisited’, pp 141-7.

148 Villanueva, J., Viage literario a las iglesias de España 20 vols (Madrid 1803-52) 20 pp 3, 175-6Google Scholar; Lafuente 4 pp 384-5. Compare Benito Ruano, ‘La historiografía’ p 70.

149 Sánchez-Albornoz, , España: un enigma histórico 1 p 356 Google Scholar; Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms 2 p 92 Google Scholar; Linehan, Spanish Church p 185.

150 Wolff, P., ‘The 1391 pogrom in Spain. Social crisis or not?’, PP 50 (1971) pp 4-18, esp pp 8-10, 12, 16Google Scholar. For signs of these tendencies in 1279 and 1313 see Linehan, ‘Spanish Church revisited’ pp 135-6, 140. Note that in 1278 the standard text of anti-Jewish polemic, Raymundus Martini’s Pugio Fidei had been completed —compare Willi-Plein, I. and Willi, T., Glaubensdolch und Messiasbeweis. Die Begegnung von Judentum, Christentum and Islam im 13. Jahrhundert in Spanien (Neukirchen 1980)Google Scholar. For Rodrigo of Toledo’s relationship with Jews see Gras-soti, H., ‘Don Rodrigo Ximénez de Rada, gran señor y hombre de negocios en la Castilla del siglo XIII’, CHE 57-8 (1973) p 91 Google Scholar.

151 See Netanyahu, B., The Marranos of Spain fiom the late XIVth to the early XVIth century according to contemporary sources (2 ed New York 1973)Google Scholar.

152 The Spanish Kingdoms 2 pp 141, 197-205.

153 Prosistas castellanos del siglo XV 1, ed Penna, M. BAE 116 (Madrid 1959) pp 205-33, esp 210, 225-6, 229Google Scholar. See Tate, R.B., ‘The Anacephaleosis of Alfonso García de Santa María, bishop of Burgos, 1435-1456’, in Hispanic Studies in honour of I. González Llubera ed Pierce, F. (Oxford 1959) pp 391-3Google Scholar; Suárez Fernández, L., Castilla, el Cisma y la crisis conciliar (1378-1440) (Madrid 1960) pp 115-20Google Scholar.

154 Maravall, El concepto de España pp 324-5; Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms 2 pp 395-6Google Scholar. Compare de Azcona, T., La elección y reforma del episcopado español en tiempo de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid 1960) esp chapter 12Google Scholar.

155 Black, A. J., Monarchy and Community: Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy 1430-1410 (Cambridge 1970) p 88 Google Scholar; Muldoon, J., Popes, Lawyers and Infidels. The Church and the Non-Christian World. 1250-1550 (Liverpool 1979) pp 120–130 Google Scholar; Linehan, Spanish Church p 326.

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158 Above n 85.

159 Barbero and Vigil, La formación p 235, and above p 167. Castro’s objection to the term was on different grounds. ‘Let us imagine as a fantastic case’, he suggested in Structure of Spanish History p 376, ‘that after a few centuries the Mexicans should succeed in retaking California—Los Angeles and San Francisco—and let us ask ourselves if this would be a reconquest. The retaking of Toledo, Cordova, Sevilla and Granada must be thought of in the same way.’ This passage was suppressed in The Spaniards —wisely perhaps. Compare above n 114.

160 de Granjel, L., Panorama de la Generación de 98 (Madrid 1959) p 180 Google Scholar.

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