We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2015
In a famous account of his travels, titled El destino de un continente, the Argentine writer Manuel Ugarte describes his somewhat disconcerting encounter with the Cuban ex-president Jos Miguel Gmez while traveling through Latin America during the 1920s. Ugarte, a committed advocate of panhispanismo—the idea that Spanish America was and should be unified by its shared Spanish heritage, especially in light of the threat from Anglo- Saxon culture—had come to Cuba to give a series of lectures. Shortly after one of his presentations, the Argentine was introduced to Gmez, who took Ugarte to task for his criticism of Cuba's close relationship to the United States. You reproach us, Gmez said, for not defending our legacy of Spanish civilization, but what have all of you [Latin Americans] done to encourage us, to support us, to make us feel that we are not alone? Taken aback and made suddenly self-conscious by the accusation, Ugarte concluded that the Cuban was admonishing him for failing to uphold the very principles he was espousing in his lectures. It seemed as if, through the voice of her representative, all Cuba was saying, It is not we who broke the link; it was you who broke it in allowing it to be cut. After some time and much thought, Ugarte came to the realization that Cuba was not alone responsible for the Cuban situation. Some responsibility was also borne by Latin America. Through his encounter with Gmez, Ugarte was forced to recognize the limitations of framing what he referred to as the Cuban situation exclusively in the context of a cultural war between the United States and Spain. Indeed, the expresident's challenge inspired him to reconsider Cuba's nineteenth-century struggles with both Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism in a distinctly inter-Latin American context.
I would like to thank Margaret Chowning, Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, Enrique Lpez Mesa, Camilo Trumper, Lucienne Muller, and the members of the Cultures and Texts Atlantic Studies Workshop of the State University at Buffalo for their helpful comments on various drafts of this article. My thanks also go to the anonymous reviewers of The Americas, whose insightful comments helped to focus and strengthen this piece.
1. Ugarte, Manuel, El destino de un continente (Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Patria Grande, 1962), p. 65.Google Scholar
2. Ibid.
3. There are dozens of fine texts in this category. The seminal work is that of Prez, Louis Jr., from his older Cuban Between Empires, 1878-1902 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998)Google Scholar and On Becoming Cuban: identity, Nationality, and Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1999) to his latest work, Cuba in the American Imagination: Metaphor and the Imperial Ethos (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008). Also indispensable is the work of Foner, Philip S., especially The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of U.S. Imperialism (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1972).Google Scholar See also Guerra, Lillian, The Myth of Jose Marti: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005);Google Scholar and de Paz, Ibrahim Hidalgo, Cuba 1895-1898, contradicciones y disoluciones (Havana: Centro de Estudios Martianos, 1999);Google Scholar and la Torre, Mildred de, Conflictos y cultura poltica: Cuba, 1878-1898 (Havana: Editorial Poltica, 2006).Google Scholar
4. Here the seminal work is from Scott, Rebecca, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985);Google Scholar Casanovas, Joan, Bread or Bullets: Urban Labor and Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1898 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Ferrer, Ada, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 868-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999);Google Scholar and Prados-Torreira, Teresa, Mambisas: Rebel Women in Nineteenth-Century Cuba (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005).Google Scholar For studies of Cubans in the United States, see Lazo, Rodrigo, Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2005);Google Scholar Mesa, Enrique Lpez, La comunidad cubana de New Torb: siglo XIX (Havana: Centro de Estudios Martianos, 2002);Google Scholar Poyo, Gerald E., With All, and for the Good of All: The Emergence of Popular Nationalism in the Cuban Communities of the United States, 1848-1898 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1989);Google Scholar and Greenbaum, Susan D., More Than Black: Afro-Cubans in Tampa (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002).Google Scholar
5. Lawrence Tone, John, War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carol ina Press, 2006).Google Scholar For another recent reconsideration of the war, see Sarmiento Ramirez, Ismael, Cuba: la necesidad aguza el ingenio: cultura material del Ejrcito Libertador de Cuba, 1868-1898 (Madrid: Real de Catorce Editores, 2006).Google Scholar
6. Many histories of Cuban migrs in the United States arc essentially biographies of prominent figures like Jos Mart, Toms Estrada Palma, Gonzalo Quesada, Antonio Macco, and others. For studies of Cuban emigr communities in the United States, see Poyo, , With All, and for the Good of Alln; Prez, Cuba Between Empires; Green-baum, More Than Black; Lazo, Writing to Cuba; Lpez Mesa, La comunidad cubana de New York; Laura Ramos, Translating Empire: Jos Mart, Migrant Latino Subjects, and American Modernities (Durham, N.C., and London: Duke University Press, 2008);Google Scholar and Sarracino, Rodolfo, Jos Mart en cl Club Crepsculo de Nueva York: en busca de nuevos equilibrios (Guadalajara: Editorial Universitaria, 2010).Google Scholar
7. Several studies consider inter-Latin American relations in the era of Cuban independence. See Buchenau, Jrgen, In the Shadow of the Giant: Tlje Making of Mexicos Central-American Policy, 1876-1930 (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1996).Google Scholar Many Latin American scholars have also considered the relationships between Cubans and Latin Americans and the experiences of Cubans in Latin America during the independence process. The only survey work on the topic is Vilaboy, Sergio Guerra, La Amrica Latina y la Guerra de Independencia de Cuba, 1895-1898 (Caracas: Ed. Koeyu, 1999).Google Scholar Interest in Latin America and the Cuban question has been particularly strong in Mexico. Some significant works are Salvador Prez, E. Morales, Espacios en disputa: Mxico y la independen eia de Cuba (Mexico: SRE, 1998);Google Scholar Muoz Mata, Laura, ed., Mxico y el Caribe: vnculos, intereses, regin (Mexico: Instituto Mora, 2002);Google Scholar Rojas, Rafael, Cuba mexicana: historia de una anexin imposible (Mexico: SRE, 2001);Google Scholar Gonzlez, Leticia Bobadilla, La revolucin cubana en la diplomacia, prensa y clubes de Mxico, 1895-1898: tres visiones de una revolucin finisecular (Mexico: SRE, 2001);Google Scholar Espinosa Blas, Margarita, La poltica exterior de Mxico hacia Cuba, 1890-1902 (Mexico: SRE, 2004);Google Scholar Guadalupe, Alvarez Llovers, Mxico y la independencia de Cuba, 1824-1836 (Mexico: Instituto Politcnico Nacional, 2008);Google Scholar and Bojrquez Urzaiz, Carlos E., La emigracin cubana en Yucatn (Mexico: Ediciones Imagen Contemporanea, 2000).Google Scholar
8. This correspondence can be found at the Cuban national archive in the collection Archivo de la Delegacin del Partido Revolucionario Cubano en Nueva York (1892-1898). A limited selection of the letters was published in a five-volume scries titled Correspondencia diplomtica de la delegacin cubana en Nueva York durante la Guerra de Independencia de 1895 a 1898 (Havana: Imprenta El Siglo XX, A. Muniz y hno. 1943-1946). I have consulted both original documents in the archive and volumes 1, 2 and 4 of the published series.
9. These are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, and Mexico.
10. For a complete case study, see my dissertation, Ph.D. Caban migrs, Mexican Politics and the Cuban Ques-tion, 1895-1899 (Berkeley: University of California, 2007).Google Scholar
11. See Tone, War and Genocide, and Sarmiento Ramirez, Cuba: la necesidad ajjuza el ingenio. Older relevant works include Foner, The Spanish-Cuban-American War.
12. Spains more aggressive and interventionist policies in the mid-nineteenth century had encouraged Latin American statesmen to see the Cuban movement as the continuation of the struggles waged by Latin Americans against Spanish colonialism during the nineteenth century. In this context, defeating Spain in Cuba became a matter of national and hemispheric security.
13. There are many good studies of Spanish-Latin American relations in the nineteenth century. One of the most comprehensive is Isidro Seplveda Muozs book El sueo de la madre patria: hispanoamericanismo y nacionalismo (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Hispnicos e Iberoamericanos, 2005). For the specific case of Mexico, see the studies, following: Agustn Snchez Andrs and Ral Figueroa Esquer, Mxico y Espaa en el siglo XIX: diplomacia, relaciones triangulares e imaginarios nacionales (Mexico: Instituto Tecnolgico Autnomo de Mxico, 2003);Google Scholar Llorens, Antonia Pi-Suer, Una historia de encuentros y desencuentros: Mxico y Espaa en el siglo XIX (Mexico, Secretara de Relaciones Exteriores, 2001);Google Scholar and Granados, Aimer, Debates sobre Espaa: el hispanoamericanismo en Mxico a fines del siglo XIX (Mexico: Colegio de Mxico, Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, 2005).Google Scholar
14. The links between the rise of positivism, scientific liberalism, and social Darwinism in Latin America and the official and widespread refusal to aid or recognize the Cuban revolutionary struggle have not been sufficiently studied. A few works by Mexican scholars have explored the position of the Porfirian elite on the Cuban question. These include Salvador E. Morales Prez, Espacios en disputa; Laura Mufioz Mata, ed., Mxico y el Caribe; Rafael Rojas, Cuba mexicana; Leticia Bobadilla Gonzalez, La rcvoluciSn ctibana, and Margarita Espinosa B1s, La politica exterior.
15. Although the Cuban independence movement enjoyed much popularity and official support in the 1860s and 1870s, awareness of the movement and the war was considerably more widespread in the 1890s. This was in large part due to the growth of migr communities, the formal organization of the PRC, and the coverage of Cuban affairs in newspapers of wide circulation. A comprehensive study on this inter-Latin American solidarity movement has yet to be done.
16. The Spanish manifestos and consular records were consulted in Madrid at the Archivo General de la Administracin (hereafter AGA) and at the Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa. Mexican newspapers were consulted at the Hemeroteca Nacional in Mexico City. All other materials arc published or microfilmed and available in the United States.
17. Regarding the Gran Le gin del Aguila Negra plot, see documents in the collection Mexico y Cuba: dos pueblos unidos en la historia, 2 vols. (Mexico: Centro de Investigacin Cientfica Jorge L. Tamayo, 1982). See also Garrig, Roque E., Historia documentada de la conspiracin de los Soles y Rayos de Bolvar (Havana: El Siglo XX, A. Muniz y hno, 1929).Google Scholar
18. Guerra Vilaboy, La Amrica Latina.
19. Mrquez Sterling, Manuel, La diplomacia en nuestra historia (Valencia: F. Sempere y Compaa, 1910) p. 116.Google Scholar
20. Sanders, James E., The Vanguard of the Atlantic World: Contesting Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, Latin American Research Review 46:2 (2011), pp. 104–127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21. See Santana, Adalberto and Guerra Vilaboy, Sergio, eds., Benito Jurez y Cuba (Mexico: Miguel Angel Porra, 2007).Google Scholar
22. Sabato, Hilda, The Many and the Few: Political Participation in Republican Buenos Aires (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), p. 132. For more on Cubans in Argentina see the recent work by Enrique Lpez Mesa.Google Scholar
23. For more on the connections between Cuba and various Latin American countries during the 1860s and 1870s, see works on Mexico and Cuba by Salvador E. Morales Prez, Laura Muoz Mata, Rafael Rojas, Leticia Bobadilla Gonzlez, Margarita Espinosa Bls, Guadalupe Alvarez Llovers, and Carlos E. Bojrquez Urzaiz. See also Snchez Parodi, Ramn et al., Jos Mart y Eloy Alfaro: luchadores inclaudicables por la libertad de nuestra Amrica Latina (Quito: Miraflores, 2003);Google Scholar Antonio, Jos Garca, Quintana, Venezuela y la independencia de Cuba (Havana: Editorial Pablo de la Tmente, 2005);Google Scholar and Riverend Brusone, Julio Le et al., Cuba-Colombia; una historia comn (Bogot: Editorial Universidad Nacional, 1995).Google Scholar
24. Jos Joaqun Palma skillfully used his connections with President Soto to help several members of the insurgent army, including Mximo Gmez, situate themselves in Central America after the treaty of Zanjn ended the Ten Years War. Rafael Mara Merchns contributions during these years were of a more literary nature. He continued to work as a journalist, writing for one of the most important pro-insurgent newspapers in Latin America, the Estrella de Panama. During the 1890s, Merchn also published numerous essays about Cuban politics and several books of poetry. Another PRC representative and a poet of considerable notoriety himself, Jos Joaqun Palma published several books of poems and is remembered fondly in Guatemala for writing that countrys national anthem.
25. There are hundreds of books and articles published on Jos Mart. Some of the more noteworthy and most recent are Ramos, Laura, Translating Empire; Alfred L-pez, Jos Mart and the Future of Cuban Nationalisms (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2006);Google Scholar and Shnookal, Deborah and Muniz, Mirta, eds., Jos Mart Reader: Writings on the Americas (Melbourne: Ocean, 2007).Google Scholar
26. This observation has been made by many scholars, including Philip S. Foner, Louis Prez Jr., and, more recently, Lillian Guerra.
27. The idea of total war hinged on the destruction of Cubas sugar economy, which was meant to cripple the Spanish war effort. Tone notes that Cubans pioneered this strategy in the Ten Years War and then implemented it again at the end of the century.
28. Lillian Guerra has shown in her latest book that Martis discourse was so vague that in the twentieth century he was taken up by Cubans with radically opposed political projects. Although his commitment to social justice need not be questioned, it is becoming increasingly clear that his political discourse was pragmatic. His genius lay in his ability to unite Cubans, not in his ability to lay out a clear plan for social transformation.
29. In the years before the formation of the party, Marti spent time in both the United States and Latin America, especially Mexico and Guatemala where he was personally attended by Jos Joaqun Palma. It is here among other places that Marti honed the Latin American consciousness evident in the most famous of his essays, Our America. However, it seems that Marti himself recognized the shifting politics and the reluctance on the part of Latin American countries to alienate Spain. In short, he was skeptical about the possibilities of building solidaritythere. Marti was nothing if not sage, but he was only one among many migrs, some of whom—like the men whose correspondence I have analyzed here—truly believed that they could obtain support from Latin America,
30. Palma, Estrada to Agero y Betancourt, March 16, 1896, CD vol., Vol. 1, pp. 14–16.Google Scholar
31. Tone, , War and Genocide, pp. 150–151.Google Scholar
32. Ibid.
33. The PRC clubs and organizations established under the leadership of Jos Mart were now responsible to a new cadre of representatives appointed by Estrada Palma and approved by the provisional government. The intention was to impose a centralized structure in which the representatives bore the responsibility for both diplomatic labors and the collection of material resources for the war effort. The transition was not necessarily easy, and the new system produced power struggles and conflicts in more than a few places. The older cadre were faithful followers of Marti, whereas the new appointees were largely friends and associates of Toms Estrada Palma.
34. There were concrete benefits to the recognition of belligerency rights, though these were seen as secondary by the PRC leadership. For example, if belligerency rights were granted by the United States or Latin American nations within the circum-Caribbean, Cubans would be entitled to protection as they entered neutral ports and would be permitted to buy and ship munitions freely to Cuba. Although the granting of those rights by South American countries was unlikely to benefit Cuba directly due to the sheer distance that separated the island from most of the nations of the continent, granting the rights would have been extremely pertinent as a sign of moral solidarity that could exert pressure on Spain to end the war.
35. See Muller, Cuban migrs, Mexican Politics.
36. Nicolas Domnguez Cowan to Toms Estrada Palma, August 9, 1895, Correspondencia Diplomtica de la Delegacin Cubana en Nueva York Durante la Guerra de Independencia de 1895 a 1898 (hereafter cited as CD), Caja 82, Exp. 13720.
37. Estrada Palma to Porfirio Daz, May 1896, CD vol.1, p. 36.
38. Buchenau, , Shadow of the Giant, p. 42.Google Scholar
39. The only evidence we have of this meeting is a letter written by Marti indicating that he was pleased with the outcome. Mart docs not specify the kind of support furnished by the president. For details, see Herrera Franyutti, Alfonso, Mart en Mxico: recuerdos de una poca (Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1996).Google Scholar
40. Snchez Parodi et al., Jos Marti y Eloy Alfaro.
41. Ibid., p. 66.
42. PRC representatives working in Chile, Bolivia, and Peru were in constant contact and worked to coordinate their organizing efforts between 1895 and 1898. Evidence of their collaborations can be found in their letters to Toms Estrada Palma.
43. See volumes 1, 2, and 4 of the Correspondencia diplomtica de la Delegacin Cubana en Nueva York durante la Guerra de Independencia de 1895 a 1898 (Havana: El Siglo XX, A. Muniz y hno. 1943-1946). Here and elsewhere in the article I have consulted the above-referenced published collection of letters between Estrada Palma and his representatives in Latin America. For my work on Mexico, I use original documents consulted in the Archivo Nacional de Cuba.
44. The belligerency petitions in these countries are discussed in the following documents: Barnet, Enrique B. to Estrada Palma, Toms, March 31, 1898, CD vol. 4, p. 172;Google Scholar Aristides Agero y Betancourt and Nicols de Crdenas y Chappotn to Toms Estrada Palma, August 22, 1895, CD vol. 2, p. 19; Betancourt, Agero y to Palma, Estrada, October 21, 1896, CD vol. 2, pp. 62–65;Google Scholar Betancourt, Agero y to Palma, Estrada, February 12, 1897, CD vol. 2, pp. 85–86;Google Scholar Betancourt, Agero y to Palma, Estrada, no date, CD vol. 2, pp. 93–96;Google Scholar Alsina, Joaquin to Palma, Estrada, July 8, 1896, CD vol. 2, pp. 178–179;Google Scholar and Cowan, Domnguez to Palma, Estrada, September 9, 1895, CD, Caja 82, Exp. 13720.Google Scholar
45. See Betancourt, Agero y and Chappotn, Crdenas y to Palma, Estrada, September l0, 1895, CD vol. 2, p. 22 Google Scholar and Betancourt, Agero y to Palma, Estrada, October 16, 1895, CD vol. 2, pp. 327–29.Google Scholar
46. See Muller, Cuban migrs.
47. Ugartc, , El destino, p. 55.Google Scholar
48. Estrada Palma to Agero y Betancourt, March 16, 1896, CD vol. 1, p. 14.
49. Estrada Palma to Crdenas y Chappotn, June 3, 1896, CD, vol. 1, p. 48.
50. Estrada Palma to Alsina, June 11, 1896, CD vol. 2, p. 55.
51. This solidarity was manifested in both the U.S. and Latin America press. John Lawrence Tone mentions the press campaigns in support of Cuba Libre, but several dissertations produced between the 1930s and 1970s also examined the impact of the Cuban question in the U.S. press. See the dissertations by George Washington Auxier, Mark Matthew Welter, Joseph E Wisan, Mary Ann Mans, and Joseph Ezra Wisan.
52. Agero y Betancourt and Crdenas y Chappotn to Palma, Estrada, August 22, 1895, CD vol. 2, p. 19.Google Scholar
53. Agero y Betancourt to Estrada Palma, September 3, 1895, CD vol. 2, p. 21.
54. Ibid., February 2, 1896, CD vol. 2, p. 35.
55. Estrada Palma to Agero y Betancourt, March 19, 1896, CD vol. 1, p. 14.
56. Fras, Jose Antonio to Estrada Palma, Toms, September 7, 1897, CD vol. 4, p. 97.Google Scholar
57. Merchn, Rafael Mara, Colombia y Cuba: suscripcin para auxilio de los enfermos y heridos del Ejrcito Libertador Cubano (Bogot: La Luz, 1897), p. 46.Google Scholar
58. Ibid., p. 46–47.
59. For more information on Cuban political clubs in Mexico, see Bobadilla Gonzalez, La revolucin cubana, and Mullcr, Cuban migrs. For listings of financial contributions and opinion pieces coming from Latin America, sec newspapers like the Estrella de Panam, El Americano (Chile), Diario del Hogar (Mexico), and Patria (New York City). See also the Archivo de la Delegacin del Partido Revolucionario Cubano en Nueva York (1892-1898) in the Archivo Nacional de Cuba for letters from Latin Americans addressed to Toms Estrada Palma and other miscellaneous materials regarding Cuban political clubs in Latin America.
60. For relatively recent studies of pan-Americanism, see Sheinin, David, ed., Beyond the Ideal: Pan-Americanism in Inter-American Affairs (Westport, Conn:. Greenwood Press, 2000)Google Scholar and Polyn, Millery, From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism 1870-1964 (Gainesville: University of Florida, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
61. Murphy, Gretchen, Hemispheric Imaginings: The Monroe Doctrine and Narratives of U.S. Empire (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
62. This border conflict involved Venezuela and Britain and was fought over the dividing line between Venezuela and British Guiana. Venezuela appealed to the United States for support in this matter beginning in the 1870s. The U.S. government finally demanded that Britain submit the dispute to arbitration, citing the Monroe Doctrine as the source of its authority. Britain reluctandy accepted the U.S. arbitration under the vague threat of war, and the dispute was ultimately settled in Britains favor in 1899. The significance of this event is profound because Britains acceptance of the arbitration constituted a tacit acceptance of U.S. dominance in the hemisphere, thus paving the way for U.S. intervention in Latin America in the twentieth century.
63. For more on U.S. interests in Cuba, see Louis Prez Jr.s work and John Lawrence Tones recent publication, War and Genocide.
64. Agero y Betancourt to Estrada Palma, May 22, 1898, CD vol. 1, pp. 15–16.
65. The most concrete manifestation of the new relationship was the recognition of the independence of the former colonies and the establishment of diplomatic relations, a process that was not complete until 1894 when Spain formally recognized Honduras. Relations between Spain and Latin America were strong enough in the 1890s that in border disputes during this decade between Bolivia and Peru, Colombia and Ecuador, Peru and Ecuador and Mexico and Guatemala, governments entrusted arbitration to Spain. In his official correspondence, Agero y Betancourt described how the selection of Spain as arbiter for South American border disputes frustrated his organizing efforts. Discussion of the Mexico-Guatemala arbitration appears frequently in the correspondence of the Spanish foreign minister, which can be found at AGA, Alcal de Henares, Spain.
66. For more on Spains relationships with its existing and former colonies in the nineteenth century, see Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher, The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006);Google Scholar Isidro Scplveda Muoz, Sueo de la madre patria; Agustn Snchez Andrs and Ral Figueroa Esquer, Mxico y Espaa en el siglo XIX; Antonia Pi-Suer Llorcns, Encuentros y desencuentros; and Aimer Granados, Debates sobre Espaa.
67. See Schmidt-Nowara, Conquest of History.
68. See Scplveda Muoz, Sueo de la madre patria.
69. The union established branches in the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina.
70. Islas, Daniel M., La Unin Ibero-Americana y sus resultados prcticos en Amrica: embriaguez de imaginacin, Continente Americano (December 8, 1895).Google Scholar
71. Recently, many historians of Spain and the Spanish immigrant community in Latin America have characterized the attitudes of Spanish representatives and elite immigrants as racist and paternalistic. See Aimer Granados, Debates sobre Espaa.
72. Published manifesto, 1895. AGA, fondo: 54, Caja 9942.
73. Merchn to Estrada Palma, October 31, 1895, CD vol. 2, pp. 118–119.
74. For recent literature on the impact of the Haitian revolution in the Caribbean and beyond, see Gar-raway, Doris, Tree of Liberty: Cultural Legacies of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008);Google Scholar Geggus, David Patrick and Fiering, Norman, eds., The World of the Haitian Revolution (Bloonv ington: Indiana University Press, 2009);Google Scholar Monro, Martin and Walcott-Hackshaw, Elizabeth, Echoes of the Haitian Revolution, 1804-2004 (Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2008);Google Scholar Popkin, Jeremy D., Ton Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010);Google Scholar and Childs, Matt, The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle Against Atlantic Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).Google Scholar
75. For more on the impact of scientific racism and eugenics in Latin America, see Graham, Richard, ed. The Idea of Race in Latin America 1870-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990)Google Scholar and Stcpan, Nancy, The Hour of Eugenics: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991).Google Scholar
76. An extended discussion of the impact of Cuban migr politics on Mexican students and journalists and of the repression both groups were subject to at the hands of Spanish immigrants and Mexican authorities can be found in my Ph.D. dissertation.
77. Borrero, Esteban to Gutirrez, Rafael A., April 9, 1898. CD vol. 2, p. 223.Google Scholar
78. Palma, Estrada to Cowan, Domnguez, June 6, 1896, CD vol. 1, p. 51.Google Scholar
79. Palma, Estrada to Alsina, June 11, 1896, CD vol. 1, p. 55.Google Scholar
80. Palma, Estrada to Crdenas y Chappotn, August 21, 1896, CD vol. 1, p. 72.Google Scholar
81. Palma, Estrada to Agero y Betancourt, October 19, 1896, CD vol. 1, p.89.Google Scholar
82. See Muller, Cuban Emigres.
83. Mcrchn to Estrada Palma, December 24, 1895, CD vol. 2, p. 124.
84. Jos Joaqun Palma to Toms Estrada Palma, March 18, 1898, CD vol. 4, p.7.
85. Ibid.
86. Perhaps the best evidence of these collaborations can be found in Morales Prez, Salvador E. and Snchez Andrs, Agustn, Diplomacias en conflicto: Cuba y Espaa en el horizonte latinoamericano del 98 (Mexico: Centro de Investigacin Jorge L. Tamayo, 1998).Google Scholar There is an extensive discussion of the collaboration between Jos Brunetti y Gayoso, the Spanish foreign minister in Mexico, and the Diaz government in my Ph.D. dissertation.
87. Betancourt, Agero y to Estrada Palma, April 26, 1896, CD vol. 2, p. 43.Google Scholar
88. Borrero, Esteban to Toms Estrada Palma, April 19, 1898, CD vol. 2, p. 247.Google Scholar
89. Borrero to Estrada Palma, April 23, 1898, CD vol. 2, p. 227.
90. There is a discussion of this pamphlet in a letter from Merchn to Palma, Estrada, June 11, 1898, CD vol. 2, pp. 143–144.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
91. Merchn, , La redencin de un mundo (Bogot: La Luz, 1898), p, 14.Google Scholar In a letter to Estrada Palma, Merchn stated that he had written the essay in response to several espaolistas who had expressed their desire that Spain win the war against the United States. Merchn to Estrada Palma, June 11, 1898, CD vol. 2, p. 144.
92. Ibid., p. 14.
93. Ibid., p. 15.
94. What makes Merchns about-face even more striking is the fact that in the interwar years he was a committed autonomista who favored Spains continued rule in Cuba provided that Cuba was granted a status equivalent to that enjoyed by other Spanish provinces.
95. Sterling, Mrquez, La diplomacia, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar
96. Ugarte, , El destino, p. 64.Google Scholar
97. Ibid., p. 55.
98. Ibid., p. 65.
99. Ugartc, El destino, p. 68.
You have
Access
