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HERDER'S PHANTOM PUBLIC*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 November 2012

CHASE RICHARDS*
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of Pennsylvania E-mail: ivr@sas.upenn.edu

Abstract

Some of Herder's most striking ideas stemmed from his early evaluation of German literary publicity, which to his mind stood in stark contrast to conditions in the sociable world. Such a predicament bespeaks the importance of considering the relationship between printed text and lived sociability in the Enlightenment. By charting the heady twists and turns in his intellectual development from 1765 to 1769, this essay treats the young Herder in what for him became an aesthetically charged field between the two. The “phantom” public which he came to envision would be manifest to the senses, at least to the extent that it might be “felt” by the reader of print, but it also amounted to a surrogate for the more tangibly sensual experience of face-to-face community.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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Footnotes

*

This article began as a first-year proseminar paper in the Department of History at the University of Pennsylvania. For their guidance I extend hearty thanks in particular to Warren Breckman, Roger Chartier, and Benjamin Nathans. Because of Emily Dolan, I had the wonderful opportunity to share a shorter version with my esteemed co-participants at the Herder, Music, and Enlightenment conference in 2008. Their responses were of great help. Finally, I have benefited from the comments of astute anonymous readers, as well as the thoughtful suggestions of Duncan Kelly. All have my sincerest gratitude.

References

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12 Redekop, Benjamin W., Enlightenment and Community: Lessing, Abbt, Herder and the Quest for a German Public (Montreal, 2000), 37–57, 185–8Google Scholar.

13 La Vopa, “Conceiving a Public,” 108–9.

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15 La Vopa, “Herder's Publikum,” 15.

16 I refer of course to Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, new edn (London, 2006).

17 Blitz, Hans-Martin, Aus Liebe zum Vaterland: Die deutsche Nation im 18. Jahrhundert (Hamburg, 2000), 153–71Google Scholar; Clark, Iron Kingdom, 219–30. Eckhart Hellmuth looks at Prussian patriotism as emblematic of the artificiality of the nation in “Die ‘Wiedergeburt’ Friedrichs des Großen und der ‘Tod fürs Vaterland’: Zum patriotischen Selbstverständnis in Preußen in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Hellmuth and Reinhard Stauber, eds., Nationalismus vor dem Nationalismus? (Hamburg, 1998), 23–54.

18 Blitz, Aus Liebe zum Vaterland, 148–49.

19 von Aretin, Karl Otmar Freiherr, “Reichspatriotismus,” in Birtsch, Günter, ed., Patriotismus (Hamburg, 1991), 2536Google Scholar.

20 Kaiser, Gerhard, Pietismus und Patriotismus im literarischen Deutschland: Ein Beitrag zur Problem der Säkularisation, 2nd edn (Wiesbaden, 1973), esp. 7084Google Scholar; Blitz, Aus Liebe zum Vaterland, 150–52, 184–6; Prignitz, Christoph, Vaterlandsliebe und Freiheit: Deutscher Patriotismus von 1750–1850 (Wiesbaden, 1981), 738Google Scholar. See also Rudolf Vierhaus, “‘Patriotismus’: Begriff und Realität einer moralisch-politischen Haltung,” in idem, Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert, 101–7.

21 Bödeker, Hans Erich, “Thomas Abbt: Patriot, Bürger und bürgerliches Bewußtsein,” in Vierhaus, Rudolf, ed., Bürger und Bürgerlichkeit im Zeitalter der Aufklärung (Heidelberg, 1981), 225–6, 246–9Google Scholar; Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 165. Unfortunately I do not have space in which to develop the problem of intra-German “foreignness,” or the experience of Germans in German-speaking principalities to which they had no native ties. It is certainly worth exploring.

22 Rudolf Vierhaus, “Montesquieu in Deutschland: Zur Geschichte seiner Wirkung als politischer Schriftsteller im 18. Jahrhundert,” in idem, Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert, 9–32; Vazsonyi, Nicholas, “Montesquieu, Friedrich Carl von Moser, and the ‘National Spirit Debate’ in Germany, 1765–1767,” German Studies Review 22 (1999), 231–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In the Lettres persanes, Montesquieu embraced the “sentimental Troglodyte” as a unified “man-citizen” and ideal bearer of rights. See Maslan, Susan, “The Dream of the Feeling Citizen: Law and Emotion in Corneille and Montesquieu,” SubStance 109 (2006), 7681Google Scholar.

23 Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 126–38.

24 Abbt, Thomas, “Vom Tode für das Vaterland,” in Kunisch, Johannes, ed., Aufklärung und Kriegserfahrung: Klassische Zeitzeugen zum Siebenjährigen Krieg (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), 613Google Scholar.

25 Bödeker, “Thomas Abbt,” 236–7; Vierhaus, “Montesquieu in Deutschland,” 20–21.

26 Abbt, “Vom Tode,” 600. See also Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 140–41.

27 Abbt, “Vom Tode,” 603, 614.

28 On death for the fatherland as a popular poetic topos of these years see Blitz, Aus Liebe zum Vaterland, 223–65.

29 Abbt, , “Vom Tode,” 594. Refer also to Dagobert de Levie, “Patriotism and Clerical Office: Germany 1761–1773,” Journal of the History of Ideas 14 (1953), 622–7Google Scholar.

30 The details of his appointment can be found in Haym, Herder, 1: 81–4.

31 See Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 180 ff. Cf. Mah, “The Man with Too Many Qualities,” 17–18; Haym, Herder, 1: 123–7.

32 Herder, Johann Gottfried, Werke in zehn Bänden, ed. Bollacher, Martinet al., 10 vols. (Frankfurt am Main, 1985–2000), 1Google Scholar: 42–3.

33 Ibid., 1: 45–7.

34 Harth, Dietrich, “Über die Geburt der Antike aus dem Geist der Moderne,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 1 (1994), 99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jauß, Hans Robert, “Modernity and Literary Tradition,” Critical Inquiry 31 (2005), 347CrossRefGoogle Scholar ff. For background on the Querelle see DeJean, Joan, Ancients against Moderns: Culture Wars and the Making of a fin de siècle (Chicago, 1997)Google Scholar; and Levine, Joseph M., The Battle of the Books: History and Literature in the Augustan Age (Ithaca, 1991)Google Scholar. On the protracted German reception of the Querelle, which bled into questions of confession and national identity, see Pago, Thomas, Gottsched und die Rezeption der Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes in Deutschland: Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung des Vorzugsstreits für die Dichtungstheorie der Aufklärung (Frankfurt am Main, 1989)Google Scholar; Kapitza, Peter K., Ein bürgerlicher Krieg in der gelehrten Welt: Zur Geschichte der Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes in Deutschland (Munich, 1981)Google Scholar; and Fuhrmann, Manfred, “Die Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes, der Nationalismus und die Deutsche Klassik,” in Fabian, Bernhard, Schmidt-Biggemann, Wilhelm, and Vierhaus, Rudolf, eds., Deutschlands kulturelle Entfaltung: Die Neubestimmung des Menschen (Munich, 1980), 4967Google Scholar.

35 Harth, “Über die Geburt,” 105–6. See also Oergel, Maike, “Ende der ‘Querelle’? Deutsche und britische Definitionen der modernen Identität im Kulturschatten der Antike 1750–1870,” in von Essen, Gesa and Turk, Horst, eds., Unerledigte Geschichten: Der literarische Umgang mit Nationalität und Internationalität (Göttingen, 2000), 7299Google Scholar.

36 “Über Thomas Abbts Schriften” (1768) would see Herder explicitly identify this orality problematic with “Vom Tode.” Herder struck a patronizing note, but he showed sympathy with Abbt's work. His motivation to eulogize his late peer had been the sight of Abbt's “shadow before me, which beckoned me to his early grave,” though the two had never met or exchanged letters. Around the same time Herder confided to Friedrich Nicolai, “Abbt's death is irreplaceable for Germany. If ever there has been for me, in terms of mindset and mood, an author so complete, as it were, then it was he in his writings. But how few there may be who can extrapolate from what he delivered to what he could have done and wanted to do.” Herder, Werke, 2: 598, 565–6; Herder to Christoph Friedrich Nicolai, 19 Feb. 1767, in Herder, Johann Gottfried, Briefe: Gesamtausgabe, ed. Dobbek, Wilhelm and Arnold, Günter, 14 vols. (Weimar, 1977), 1Google Scholar: 70–72. See also Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 174–8.

37 See Zammito, John H., Kant, Herder, and the Birth of Anthropology (Chicago, 2002), 163–5Google Scholar.

38 Herder, Werke, 1: 47.

39 Ibid., 1: 51.

40 Ibid., 2: 575.

41 Mah, “The Man with Too Many Qualities,” 18–25; Beiser, Enlightenment, Revolution, and Romanticism, 198–201.

42 Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 8–35. On Thomasius see Peter, Geselligkeiten, 37–85; Schneider, Öffentlichkeit und Diskurs, 138–49. Along with Samuel Pufendorf he stands at the center of a vigorously revisionist study of the post-1648 German philosophical scene, in which the dominance of metaphysics was hardly a given. See Ian Hunter, Rival Enlightenments: Civil and Metaphysical Philosophy in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge, 2001).

43 See Zande, Johan van der, “In the Image of Cicero: German Philosophy between Wolff and Kant,” Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995), 421–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Peter, Geselligkeiten, 86–114; Fauser, Gespräch, 76–91.

44 Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 145 ff. See also Haym, Herder, 1: 44–66.

45 See Bachmann-Medick, Doris, Die Ästhetische Ordnung des Handelns: Moralphilosophie und Ästhetik in der Popularphilosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1989), esp. 3475CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 33; Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 39; Hammermeister, Kai, The German Aesthetic Tradition (Cambridge, 2002), 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is not to say that Herder did not already explore aesthetics as a theory of art, as the essays published anonymously as Kritische Wälder (1769) demonstrate.

47 Minter, Catherine J., “‘Empfindsamkeit’ and Nervous Sensibility in Eighteenth-Century Germany,” Modern Language Review 96 (2001), esp. 1016–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reill, Peter Hanns, Vitalizing Nature in the Enlightenment (Berkeley, 2005), 147–54Google Scholar; Mullan, John, Sentiment and Sociability: The Language of Feeling in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1988), 2Google Scholar. A sampling of additional related works: Sant, Ann Jessie Van, Eighteenth-Century Sensibility and the Novel: The Senses in Social Context (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Denby, David J., Sentimental Narrative and the Social Order in France, 1760–1820 (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barker-Benfield, G. J., The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago, 1992)Google Scholar. Thomas Reinert has described Adam Ferguson's “aesthetic” proposal in the 1767 Essay on the History of Civil Society that the disenchantment of commerce be counteracted with noble public feeling. See Reinert, Thomas, “Adam Ferguson's Aesthetic Idea of Community Spirit,” Studies in English Literature 48 (2008), 613–32Google Scholar.

48 Gleissner, Roman, Die Entstehung der ästhetischen Humanitätsidee in Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1988), esp. 26–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 142–69, 186–221; Beiser, Frederick C., Diotima's Children: German Aesthetic Rationalism from Leibniz to Lessing (Oxford, 2009), 138–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The personal impact of this intellectual schism on Herder at the end of his life is poignantly discussed in Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 234–5.

49 Solms, Friedrich, Disciplina aesthetica: Zur Frühgeschichte der ästhetischen Theorie bei Baumgarten und Herder (Stuttgart, 1990), 911Google Scholar, 18 ff. Baumgarten's debt to Christian Wolff has been underappreciated. On the revision of his legacy and the problem of originality see Beiser, Diotima's Children, 118–23.

50 Hilliard, Kevin F., “Die ‘Baumgartensche Schule’ und der Strukturwandel der Lyrik in der Gefühlskultur der Aufklärung,” in Aurnhammer, Achim, Martin, Dieter, and Seidel, Robert, eds., Gefühlskultur in der bürgerlichen Aufklärung (Tübingen, 2004), 13–14, 22Google Scholar.

51 Adler, Hans, “Aisthesis, steinernes Herz und geschmeidige Sinne: Zur Bedeutung der Ästhetik-Diskussion in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Schings, Hans-Jürgen, ed., Der ganze Mensch: Anthropologie und Literatur im 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1994), 96–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 See Vierhaus, Rudolf, “Moses Mendelssohn und die Popularphilosophie,” in Albrecht, Michael, Engel, Eva J., and Hinske, Norbert, eds., Moses Mendelssohn und die Kreise seiner Wirksamkeit (Tübingen, 1994), 2542Google Scholar.

53 Proß, Wolfgang, “Nachwort,” in Herder und die Anthropologie der Aufklärung, vol. 2 of Johann Gottfried Herder, Werke, ed. Proß, Wolfgang (Munich, 1987), esp. 1130–32Google Scholar. See also Bödeker, “Thomas Abbt,” 228–9.

54 See Grimminger, Rolf, “Die Utopie der vernünftigen Lust: Sozialphilosophische Skizze zur Ästhetik des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Bürger, Christa, Bürger, Peter, and Schulte-Sasse, Jochen, eds., Aufklärung und literarische Öffentlichkeit (Frankfurt am Main, 1980), 116–32Google Scholar. For a treatment of such undertakings in the Aufklärung refer to Carhart, Michael C., The Science of Culture in Enlightenment Germany (Cambridge, MA, 2007)Google Scholar.

55 Irmscher, Hans Dietrich, “Grundzüge der Ästhetik Herders,” in Andraschke, Peter and Loos, Helmut, eds., Ideen und Ideale: Johann Gottfried Herder in Ost und West (Freiburg im Breisgau, 2002), 46–7Google Scholar.

56 Haym, Herder, 1: 102–23.

57 Beaurepaire, Pierres-Yves, “The Universal Republic of the Freemasons and the Culture of Mobility in the Enlightenment,” French Historical Studies 29 (2006), 407–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 Note the emphasis on the “pure” humanity of the lodge in Manheim, Aufklärung und öffentliche Meinung, 89–98. On the subsequent utopian–political turn of German freemasonry, exemplified by the Illuminati of the 1770s and 1780s, see Manfred Agethen, Geheimbund und Utopie: Illuminaten, Freimaurer und deutsche Spätaufklärung (Munich, 1984). After Koselleck, German historians have brought fine-grained specifics of social structure to bear upon the scholarly study of the lodge, integrating it into a better-rounded picture of bourgeois associational life during the Aufklärung. See Schindler, Norbert, “Freimaurerkultur im 18. Jahrhundert: Zur sozialen Funktion des Geheimnisses in der entstehenden bürgerlichen Gesellschaft,” in Berdahl, Robert M.et al., eds., Klassen und Kultur: Sozialanthropologische Perspektiven in der Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), 205–62Google Scholar; Reinalter, Helmut, ed., Aufklärung und Geheimgesellschaften: Zur politischen Funktion und Sozialstruktur der Freimaurerlogen im 18. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1989)Google Scholar; Horst Möller, “Enlightened Societies in the Metropolis: The Case of Berlin,” in Hellmuth, The Transformation of Political Culture, 219–33. That freemasonry differed from other Enlightenment forms of sociability to the extent that it privately “reconstituted the polity and established a constitutional form of self-government” is a claim that outstrips the temporal bounds of this article, at least within the German context. See Jacob, Margaret C., Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry in Eighteenth-Century Europe (Oxford, 1991), 20, 2351Google Scholar.

59 Thus the thesis that “Herder's philosophy originated with the theoretical problem of sensation and reflection,” from my vantage point, requires qualification: why, and how inflected? Cf. Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 45.

60 See Chytry, Josef, The Aesthetic State: A Quest in Modern German Thought (Berkeley, 1989)Google Scholar.

61 Quoted in Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 152–7. See Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 33–42.

62 Adler, Hans, Die Prägnanz des Dunklen: Gnoseologie, Ästhetik, Geschichtsphilosophie bei J. G. Herder (Hamburg, 1990), 97101Google Scholar; Solms, Disciplina aesthetica, 39 ff. Also apposite are Heinz, Marion, Sensualistischer Idealismus: Untersuchungen zur Erkenntnistheorie des jungen Herder, 1763–1778 (Hamburg, 1994)Google Scholar; and Barnouw, Jeffrey, “The Cognitive Value of Confusion and Obscurity in the German Enlightenment: Leibniz, Baumgarten, and Herder,” Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 24 (1995), 2950CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63 Here see Zammito, John H.et al., “Johann Gottfried Herder Revisited: The Revolution in Scholarship in the Last Quarter-Century,” Journal of the History of Ideas 71 (2010), 672–8Google Scholar.

64 Nuzzo, Angelica, “Kant and Herder on Baumgarten's Aesthetica,” Journal of the History of Philosophy 44 (2006), 578, 591–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 In this Herder steered close to Moses Mendelssohn, whose “psychological aesthetics of perfection ultimately underwrites an anthropological model that unites the sensual perfection of art with the perfectability [sic] of man.” Hammermeister, German Aesthetic Tradition, 19.

66 Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 147; Haym, Herder, 1: 36 ff.

67 Haym, Herder, 1: 97–103.

68 Herder, Werke, 1: 130–34; Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 183–5.

69 Herder, Werke, 1: 114.

70 Ibid., 1: 693–4. See also Van der Zande, “In the Image of Cicero,” 431.

71 Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 65–70. See also Dahlstrom, Daniel O., “The Aesthetic Holism of Hamann, Herder, and Schiller,” in Ameriks, Karl, ed., The Cambridge Companion to German Idealism (Cambridge, 2000), 82Google Scholar. Herder did not adopt Hamann's derision of the public: Robert, Robert, “J. G. Hamann and the Problem of Public Reason,” Monatshefte 98 (2006), 1219Google Scholar. For a clear-eyed look at the underappreciated influence of Johann Georg Hamann in German letters, consult Betz, John R., “Reading ‘Sibylline Leaves’: J. G. Hamann in the History of Ideas,” Journal of the History of Ideas 70 (2009), 93118CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See too Haym, Herder, 1: 68–78.

72 Herder, Werke, 1: 23–7, 9/2: 138–40.

73 See the commentary in ibid., 1: 1004–19, 1201–4. In addition refer to Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 160–63; and La Vopa, “Herder's Publikum,” 7–8.

74 Herder, Werke, 1: 170–71.

75 Ibid., 1: 255. Cf. Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 99–103.

76 Herder to Scheffner, 31 Oct. 1767, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 91–4.

77 Vazsonyi, “Montesquieu,” 231–40. See also Blitz, Aus Liebe zum Vaterland, 281–340. Friedrich Carl von Moser was the son of another prominent jurist–intellectual and staunch defender of the Reich, Johann Jakob Moser. See Mack, Mack, Johann Jakob Moser and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation (Chapel Hill, 1981)Google Scholar.

78 Herder to Johann Georg Hamann, mid-March 1769, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 130–35.

79 Herder, Werke, 1: 177, 570. See also Redekop, Enlightenment and Community, 193–6.

80 Norton, Herder's Aesthetics, 59–67.

81 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 206. The formulation of a uniquely modern “spirit of moderation” on the part of the legislator was not a concern for Herder. See Pangle, Thomas L., Montesquieu's Philosophy of Liberalism: A Commentary on The Spirit of the Laws (Chicago, 1973), 271–3Google Scholar. Around this time began for Herder a lifelong desire to make of Montesquieu's system a “usable” method. Vierhaus, “Montesquieu in Deutschland,” 30–31.

82 Whether one ought to designate this site as Volk, Sprache, or Nation, at least at this stage in Herder's intellectual development, and in an age before the dawn of political nationalism, is frankly not vital. On related problems, see in particular Michael Zaremba, Johann Gottfried Herders humanitäres Nations- und Volksverständnis: Ein Beitrag zur politischen Kultur der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Berlin, 1985), 117–20; Vicki, Vicki, “Towards an Ontology of Holistic Individualism: Herder's Theory of Identity, Culture and Community,” History of European Ideas 22 (1996), 252Google Scholar.

83 Here I rely on the excellent commentary of Rainer Wisbert in Herder, Werke, 9/2: 861–972. Refer additionally to Haym, Herder, 1: 337–80.

84 Haym, Herder, 1: 87–97, 321–34. Cf. Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 160–63.

85 Herder to Johann Georg Scheffner, 21 June 1766, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 55–7.

86 Mah, “The Man with Too Many Qualities,” 31–3, 35.

87 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 11–13.

88 La Vopa, “Herder's Publikum,” 8–9, 12–13.

89 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 28–9. Compare the analogous remarks of Herder to Johann Friedrich Hartknoch, late Oct. 1769, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 166–71.

90 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 29–33. An apt description of Herder's vacillation between the theoretical and the “practical” is to be found in Richard, Richard, “Herder's Journal meiner Reise,” in Koepke, Wulf, ed., Johann Gottfried Herder: Language, History, and the Enlightenment (Columbia, SC, 1990), esp. 102–3Google Scholar.

91 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 52. Cf. Zammito, Birth of Anthropology, 309–10.

92 Herder to Hartknoch, 4 Aug. 1769, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 155–60.

93 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 106.

94 Ibid., 9/2: 81–2, 93.

95 Herder to Hartknoch, mid-Nov. 1769, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 174–5. Cf. La Vopa, “Herder's Publikum,” 14–15; Mah, “The Man with Too Many Qualities,” 38–9.

96 Herder, Werke, 9/2: 101–3.

97 Ibid., 9/2: 105, 111–12.

98 Ibid., 9/2: 14–15.

99 Herder to Hartknoch, mid-Dec. 1769, in Herder, Briefe, 1: 181–4.

100 La Vopa, “Herder's Publikum,” 15–17.

101 Cf. Samson B. Knoll, “The Experience Denied: Herder Abroad,” in Koepke, Johann Gottfried Herder, 190.

102 Recent scholarship has been attentive to the polarity between pluralism and universalism in the mature Herder, which allows for greater interpretive flexibility than previously assumed. See, for example, Peter, Peter, “The Nature of Collective Individuals: J. G. Herder's Concept of Community,” History of European Ideas 25 (1999), 291304Google Scholar; Damon, Damon, “The Reluctant Pluralism of J. G. Herder,” Review of Politics 62 (2000), 267–93Google Scholar; Sonia, Sonia, “Enlightened Relativism: The Case of Herder,” Philosophy and Social Criticism 31 (2005), 309–41Google Scholar. Compare Pauline, Pauline, “Six Varieties of Cosmopolitanism in Late Eighteenth-Century Germany,” Journal of the History of Ideas 60 (1999), 515–18Google Scholar. On pluralism see Sankar, Sankar, “Enlightenment Anti-imperialism,” Social Research 66 (1999), 966, 998–99Google Scholar.