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Heale, Martin
2013.
Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535.
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The Musicians of the Lady Chapel of Winchester Cathedral Priory, 1402–1539
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 February 2009
Extract
In any evaluation of the character and accomplishments of the English Reformation, an essential ingredient must be a sympathetic but, so far as possible, objective assessment of the nature – in all its strengths and weaknesses – of the unreformed Church and religion upon which the Reformation was wrought. Among the multifarious operations of the pre-Reformation Church, perhaps the most central to its fundamental purposes was the conduct by its clergy of the worship of God and the celebration of the sacrifice of the mass, as effected on the small scale by the parish clergy and on the grand scale by the priests and clerks of the greater collegiate churches and the religious of the monasteries. As acts of worship, commemoration and intercession, the efficacy of these rituals lay in the simple fact of their enactment by those to whom their conduct was committed, irrespective of the grandeur of the setting or the presence or absence of any congregation or other attendance. Nevertheless, credit both terrestrial and celestial was perceived to redound upon those institutions which endeavoured to clothe their acts of devotion and worship with the finest products that the artisans of the day could create, within the grandest achievements of their contemporary architects. In respect of the conduct of the liturgy, it was, in the event, those institutions which had carried these arts to their highest levels that eventually proved to be the principal casualties of the Reformation process; a period of less than fifteen years (1535–49) sufficed to effect the extinction of all the monastic churches, and of all the collegiate churches except for some thirty which enjoyed cathedral status, academic function or extremely close royal connection.
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References
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18 ‘Cum quedam conventio nuper facta et indentata fuisset inter dominum hugonem [Basyng] Priorem et Conventum ecclesie cathedralis sancti Swithini Winton' ex parte una et Johannem Talmach tune dominum manerii de upsombourne ex parte altera super speciali collecta pro dicto Johanne et Alicia uxore sua in missa beate marie cotidie preter in maioribus festis dicenda et pro eorum obitu cum uno Cantore in choro annuatim faciendo, que quidem indentura sic incipit, “Ces sont les covenantz” etc Cuius altera pars in archivis altaris virginis predicte presto habetur’: Cartulary of William Basyng, hordarius, fo. 7v.
19 Ibid. These arrangements can be seen in operation on all the surviving accounts of the hordarius from this point onwards, though the accountants contrived to give Alice's name erroneously as Joan, : Compotus rolls, 286–7, 291, 294, 297, 303Google Scholar.
20 Westminster Abbey Muniments, bk 1 (Liber Niger), fo. 86v; apparently Tyes had opted to take no livery, food or accommodation, but a plain salary of £10 os. od. per year.
21 Priory register 1, fo. 15V; reproduced in facsimile in Matthews, B., The music of Winchester Cathedral, London 1974, 9Google Scholar; calendared in The register of the Common Seal of the Priory of St Swithun's, Winchester, 1345–1497, ed. Greatrex, J. (Hampshire Record Series ii, 1978), 19, no. 53Google Scholar.
22 Priory register 1, fo. 18v; Register of the Common Seal, 21, no. 63.
23 Holschneider, A., Die Organa von Winchester, Hildesheim 1968Google Scholar; Berry, M., ‘What the Saxon monks sang: music in Winchester in the late tenth century’, in Yorke, B. (ed.), Bishop Aethelwold: his career and influence, Woodbridge 1988, 149–60Google Scholar.
24 Harrison, , Music in medieval Britain, 113Google Scholar. Except for the late tenth-century ‘Winchester Tropers’, no manuscripts of mediaeval polyphony directly of Winchester Cathedral provenance are known to survive.
25 McKinnon, J. W., ‘The tenth-century organ at Winchester’, Organ Yearbook v (1974), 4–19Google Scholar.
26 Winchester Cathedral Cartulary, i, second foliation, fo. 2v, nos 9 (1107), 10 (c. 1150); fo. IV, no. 3 (1172); calendared in English in The Chartulary of Winchester Cathedral, ed. Goodman, A. W., Winchester 1927, 5, 10, 3Google Scholar. The income drawn by the precentor from the manor of Elindon amounted in 1331 to £5 os. od. per year: Cartulary, iii, fo. 110v; Chartulary of Winchester Cathedral, 208.
27 Account of almoner, 1317/18: a payment of 6d. to ‘a certain man, a clerk of the organ-builder’: Compotus rolls, 404. The word used, organista, at this period means not ‘organist’ but either ‘singer of polyphonic music’ or ‘organ-builder’; the latter meaning seems the more likely here.
28 ‘Te deum laudamus in choro cum pulsacione omnium campanarum [et] sono organorum solempniter decantetis’: Winchester Cathedral Cartulary, ii, fo. 14r; Chartulary of Winchester Cathedral, 118.
29 For a number of examples, see Bowers, R., ‘The performing ensemble for English church polyphony, c. 1320–c. 1390’, in Boorman, S. (ed.), Studies in the performance of late mediaeval music, Cambridge 1983, 182 and n. 51Google Scholar.
30 The Black Book of Winchester, ed. Bird, W. H. B., Winchester 1925, 50Google Scholar.
31 Keene, D. J., Survey of medieval Winchester, Oxford 1985, 1373Google Scholar. The source is apparentl y the Court Rolls, City of Winchester, 2 Henry vi: Hampshire Record Office (cited hereinafter as HRO), MS W/D1/55. In 1417 Tyes had owned a pair of cottages in Buck Street: Keene, , Medieval Winchester, 786Google Scholar.
32 Compotus rolls, 442 (also 443–59 passim).
33 BL, Add. MS 57950, fos 15r (Gloria), 99v–100r (Sanctus). For the complete music (in quartered note-values), see The Old Hall manuscript, ed. Bent, M. and Hughes, A. (Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae xlvi, 1969–1973), i. 32–5, 369–72Google Scholar. A facsimile of the complete music of the Gloria in its original notation may be found in Apel, W., The notation of polyphonic music 900–1600, 5th edn, Bloomington 1953, 365Google Scholar.
34 The location of the group of Marian antiphons in this manuscript, between the settings of Gloria and Credo and thus taking the place of the sequence, shows the collection to have been for use at Lady Mass.
35 For a 1441 reference to the accomplishments of the almonry school boys as entertainers in a secular context, see Warton, , History of English poetry, iii. 324Google Scholar.
36 Priory register 1, fo. 49V; Register of the Common Seal, 67, no. 211.
37 Priory register 1, fo. 54r; transcribed in full in Register of the Common Seal, 74, no. 236. The letter is dated 26 July, but the year is not identified. However, Alton was installed as prior only in 1435, and the documents following this in the register date from 25 Mar. 1437 and later.
38 Chitty, H., ‘The basins given by Henry VI to Winchester College’, Notes and Queries, 12th ser. i (1916), 442Google Scholar.
39 Keene, , Medieval Winchester, 999, 1011, 1181Google Scholar.
40 Priory registeri, fo. 80v; Register of the Common Seal, 109, no. 330.
41 Lists of the organ-players of the cathedral published hitherto have included the name of one John Langton, in a long and otherwise unoccupied interval between John Tyes (1402) and Matthew Fuller (1538): Matthews, B., The organs and organists of Winchester Cathedral, Winchesterc. 1970, 18, 20Google Scholar, and Music of Winchester Cathedral, 9. Langton's existence is known only from the text of a memorial inscription now lost, but originally located in the nave south aisle and recorded as follows in [anon.], The history and antiquities of Winchester, Winchester 1773, i. 77Google Scholar: ‘Musicus et Medicus, Langton jacet ipse Johannes; Organa namque loqui Fecerat ipse QUASI.’ A date in the late fifteenth century seems far too early for the erection of a public epitaph composed in classical hexameters, for which an origin in the late sixteenth or seventeenth centuries appears far more probable. It is likely that, writing in 1773, the author mistranscribed as ‘Langton’ some Latin form such as Lantus. John, Lant was both musicus (chorister and lay clerk of Christ Church, Oxford in the 1560s and 1570s, where his kinsman Bartholomew was organistGoogle Scholar) and medicus (he was licensed to practise medicine in 1594–5), an died in Winchester and was buried in the cathedral in 1615; he was not the cathedral organist, but it seems certain that his must be the burial-site marked by the inscription: Oxford, Christ Church, Chapter register A, fos 1–41 passim; Vlasto, J., ‘An Elizabethan anthology of rounds’, Musical Quarterly xl (1954), 224CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cathedra l register 1, s.a. 1615; Shaw, H. W., The succession of organists of the Chapel Royal and the cathedrals of England and Wales from c. 1538, Oxford 1991, 294–5Google Scholar.
42 Bowers, R., ‘Some observations on the life and career of Lionel Power’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association cii (1975/1976), 125–6Google Scholar.
43 Idem, ‘The performing pitch of English fifteenth-century church polyphony’, Early Music viii (1980), 21–8, and ‘The vocal scoring, choral balance and performing pitch of Latin church polyphony in England, c. 1500–58’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association cxii (1987), 38–76Google Scholar.
44 The monastic customaries allocated in full detail the execution of the successive phases of each liturgical service in choir either to omnes or to groups or individual monks of the top or second form. The kinds of duties which in the secular uses were allocated to the chorister boys were all discharged in the regular uses by junior monks of the second form Harrison, , Music in medieval Britain, 39–40Google Scholar), and such a provision simply left no location – either physical or liturgical – into which young boys extraneous to the monastic community could be placed. It was the absence of any corresponding provisions in respect of Lady Mass sung out of choir that allowed the use of boys' voices to be admitted to the Lady Chapel.
46 Similar arrangements for the attendance of cantor and boys at the Friday Jesus Mass applied at Durham Cathedral Priory: The riles of Durham, ed. Fowler, J. T. (Surtees Society cvii, 1902), 32, 34Google Scholar.
46 As usual for documents of this kind, Pynbrygge's contract was compiled throughout with much legal verbiage and circumlocution: the boys whom he was to teach were described as ‘all the boys of the prior and his successors now serving and in the future to serve in the choir of the said church [in choro eiusdem ecclesie] at the times of divine service’ (my italics). It is not at all clear that the singing-boys could ever have joined the monks at services in the principal choir (see n. 44 above). It is therefore doubtful whether this interpretation should be accorded to a phrase more likely to have been intended to bear only a general import, to indicate merely that Pynbrygge's teaching was to prepare the boys to sing at services conducted in the church – although actually only at the Lady Mass and Jesus Mass sung out of choir. The phrase concerned recurs in the 1510 contract of Thomas Goodman (Priory register 11, fo. 44r), since the whole paragraph in which it occurs was transplanted verbatim from his predecessor's indenture; however, it was conspicuously omitted when the same paragraph was revised for inclusion in the contract of his next successor, Matthew Fuller, in 1538 (Priory register in, fo. 73r).
47 1482: ibid. 1, fo. 106v (Register of the Common Seal, 140, no. 402); 1510: Priory register 11, fo. 44V.
48 Tracy, Charles, ‘The Lady Chapel stalls, in Crook, , Winchester Cathedral, 231–46Google Scholar.
49 Compotus rolls, 300, n. 1.
50 For the singing-boys, a bench would have been placed on the floor on the north and south sides in front of these stalls, of which practice, of course, no trace remains.
51 PRO, E 315/102, fo. 16r.
52 Priory register 11, fo. 44V.
53 Ibid. fo. 44r. In this source, Priory register 11, Pynbrygge's new contract is dated 12 Mar. 1509 (os), and Goodman's contract 20 Mar. 1510 (os); however, the copies of the two documents are adjacent, and given the manner in which they represent the transfer of the teaching of the boys from Pynbrygge to Goodman it seems clear that they should be dated in the same, and not successive years. In its engrossment in the Decree and Order Books of the Court of Augmentations (PRO, E 315/102, fo. 16r), the indenture issued to Goodman is dated not 20 but 27 Mar. 1510, which must be the correct date.
54 PRO, E 315/494, p. 2; see below, pp. 229–30.
55 Compotus rolls, box 66, roll numbered [SS 23*]: Curialitates et dona.
56 PRO, E 315/494, p. 2.
57 One such would have been William London alias Alen. After the Dissolution in 1539 he remained at the cathedral to become one of the inaugural minor canons of the New Foundation, and was sufficiently knowledgeable in polyphonic music to undertake the copying of books of polyphony in 1541–2: ibid, p. 2; so-called ‘Book of Portions’ (rede Book of Proportion), 28 Apr. 1541, unfoliated; Documents relating to the foundation of the Chapter of Winchester, ed. Kitch, G. W.in and Madge, F. T. (Hampshire Record Society i, 1889), 55Google Scholar; Treasurer's Book 1541–2, fos 2r, 4r, 6r, 8r, 10v. He may even be identifiable with the composer Alen, William whose five-part setting of Gaude virgo mater Christi has survived: Cambridge, Peterhouse, MSS Music471–4, no. 20Google Scholar; Sandon, N., ‘The Henrician part-books at Peterhouse, Cambridge’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association ciii (1976/1977), 106–40, at p. 114CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘F G A B-flat A: thoughts on a Tudor motif’, Early Music xii (1984), 56Google Scholar.
58 So-called ‘Book of Portions’, 28 Apr. 1541, unfoliated; Foundation of the Chapter of Winchester, 55.
59 Compotus roll without reference: Account of anniversarian 1530–1, Expense consuete: Et in solut' henrico Perrat organum ludenti per annum xxvjs viijd.
60 Ibid. Custus domorum and Locagium in Civitate et Soka: Keene, , Medieval Winchester, 1304–1305Google Scholar. The will of John Netter (alias Baker) survives: HRO, U Wills 1557 A–B, no. 33.
61 Compotus roll, box 66, roll numbered [SS 23*]: Account of Warden of Altar of Blessed Virgin Mary 1529–30, Redditus tarn in Civitate quam in Soka; Keene, , Medieval Winchester, 1357Google Scholar.
62 Priory register 111, fo. 73r. His level of salary is given on the dissolution staff-list as £5 6s. 8d. p.a. (PRO, E 315/494, p. 2), which seems much more likely than £4 6s. 8d. p.a., as given in the copy of his contract entered into the priory register.
63 ‘Very syke In bodye’, he made his will on 18 Sept. 1534, and it was proved on 9 Oct. in the same year; his only named legatee was his wife Elizabeth: HRO, B Wills 1534–6, no. 34.
64 Priory register 111, fos 35r (in English), 69V (in Latin). Stempe was also active in property-dealing in the town; as Henry Stempe ‘singyngman’ he leased certain properties from the prior and convent in Aug. and Sept. 1538 (ibid. fo. 79r; charter T1A/3/1 /92aa). For Stempe's will of 12 Apr. 1549 see HRO, B Wills 1549, nos 119–21.
65 Henry Jaye's will of 1543 survives as ibid. W[ill] R[egister] 4, p. 238. It is just conceivable that a singer employed principally in one of the three other professional choirs in the city – those of the chapels of Winchester College, the Hospital of St Cross and St Elizabeth's College, Wolvesey – might have been able to undertake in addition membership of the group of singing-men staffing the cathedral Lady Chapel choir.
66 Compotus rolls, 301.
67 Compotus roll without reference: Account of anniversarian 1530–1, Liberacio denariorum.
68 Compotus rolls, 303. For a like increase in numbers at another Wessex monastery steeped in ancient distinction, mystique and esteem, see Dunning, R. W., ‘Revival at Glastonbury 1530–9’, in Baker, D. (ed.), Renaissance and renewal in Christian history, Oxford 1977, 219–20Google Scholar; also, more generally, Greatrex, J., ‘Some statistics of religious motivation’, in Baker, D. (ed.), Religious motivation (Studies in Church History xv, 1978), 179–86Google Scholar.
69 Priory register 111, fo. 83V (1538). In Feb. 1522 Richard Fox, bishop of Winchester, sent to the prior a set of visitation comperta for reform, which included a common-form claim that complaint had been made that the boys of the almonry were neither well chosen nor well taught: HRO: Register of Bishop Fox, iv, fos 67r–8v.
70 In this year, the convent engaged a schoolmaster, John Barynton, to teach Latin grammar to the young monks, and granted that his servant-boy should take his meals ‘in our common hall, with others, the boys of our chapel’: Priory register 1, fo. I47r (Register of the Common Seal, 185, no. 510).
71 Contract of engagement of Peter Druett as teacher of Latin grammar to the young monks: Priory register 11, fo. iv.
72 Ibid. 111, fo. 83V; the words printed here in italic occur thus in the vernacular in the original.
73 Ibid. 11, fo. 44r; 111, fo. 73r.
74 This expedient was expressly ordained in the case of the Lady Chapel choir of the priory of Lanthony Secunda, Gloucester, in 1533; for this and other instances, see Bowers, ‘Vocal scoring’, 56–7.
75 Compare the provisions introduced at Chichester Cathedral in 1526: ibid. 50–1.
76 In about 1490 the texts (without music) of seven vernacular songs were entered into spaces previously left blank in a large anthology of verse first compiled at the cathedral priory during the third quarter of the fifteenth century. It is likely that their inclusion permits the generation of some idea of actual recreational music-making enjoyed in the priory at this time, for each is marked ‘ij panes’ as if for singing. Indeed, anonymous two-voice settings of two of the seven texts do happen to survive complete in a contemporary song-book: Wilson, E., ‘Some new texts of early Tudor songs’, Notes and Queries, new ser. xxvii (1989), 293–5Google Scholar; Fenlon, Iain, ‘The music’, in Wilson, E. and Fenlon, I., The Winchester anthology, Cambridge 1981, pp. 41–2, fos 115V, 116VGoogle Scholar; Early Tudor songs and carols, ed.Stevens, John (Musica Britannica xxxvi, 1975), nos 31, 46Google Scholar.
77 BL, MS Harley 604, fo. 118r (for date, see fo. 121r). This inventory has been printed at least twice, but in transcriptions too inaccurate to use: Canterbury, Cathedral Library, MS Inventory 29: the transcription printed in The inventories of Christ Church, Canterbury, ed. Legg, J. W. and Hope, W. St J., London 1902, 164Google Scholar, is serviceable.
78 Contracts of Alexander Bell (1487), Thomas Foderley (1496), John Tildesley (1502), Robert Perrot (abortive, 1512), Thomas Ashwell (1513), John Brimley (1537): Durham Cathedral, Priory register v, fos 3V, 37r, 70r, 142r, 152r, 262r.
79 Canterbury, Cathedral Library, Add. MS 128/7; BL, Add. MS 30520.
80 PRO, E 315/494, p. 2. Fuller, Stempe, Netter and Jaye were all appointed to be singing-men in the New Foundation choir, as also was Thomas Goodman: Treasurer's book 1541–2, fos 2r–8r. Nevertheless, in 1542 Fuller, Goodman, Stempe and even the aged Edmund Pynbrygge were moved to claim in the Court of Augmentations that they had been deprived of their livelihoods at the Dissolution, and each sought the award of a pension in compensation. Pynbrygge (who must have been in at least his eighties) was out of luck, but pensions (with arrears) were granted to the others: PRO, E 315/101, fo. 144V; E 315/102, fo. 16r; E 315/93, fo. 36V. Fuller is known to have collected his award: PRO, SC 6 Henry VIII 7422, fo. 34V. For Stempe's failure to collect his quia deficit acquietancia1, see SC 6 Henry VIII 7419, fo. 34V. Goodman did collect his pension, until he sold to a speculator in 1546: PRO, E 315/251, fo. 39V; E 315/252, fo. 26v; E 315/253, fo. 23V; E 3:5/254, fo. 29v; E 315/255, fo. 42V; E 315/236, fo. 236V.
81 Evidence for some fifty such Lady Chapel choirs in monastic churches has so far been found, at establishments ranging from the rural obscurity of Tywardreath Priory in Cornwall to the greatest in the land, and that tally is certainly far from complete; the number in existence by the 1530s probably ran to several dozens.
82 PRO E 36/116, pp. 19–20.
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