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Baptized but not Converted: The Vikings in Tenth–Century Francia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Christine Walsh*
Affiliation:
London

Extract

This essay focuses on one particular encounter between pagan and Christian in tenth–century Western Europe, namely the aftermath of the Viking settlement in Rouen and its environs in or around the year 911. There is little contemporary evidence for the early settlement and such as exists was written from a Christian perspective. The Vikings left no records, although their descendants wrote several romanticized accounts of their origins, again from a Christian perspective. Despite this bias in the sources, it is possible to use them to examine the interaction between the two groups. In particular, two letters survive, one from Pope John X (914–28/9) and one from Archbishop Hervé of Reims (900–22), which together give a unique perspective on what it was like at the sharp end of the Viking influx.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2015

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References

1 The principal sources are Dudo of St Quentin (fl. 960s– 1020s) and Flodoard of Reims (893/7–966). See De Moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducem, auctore Dudone Sanctii Quintini decano, ed. Lair, Jules (Caen, 1865);Google Scholar Dudo of St Quentin, History of the Normans, ed. and transl. Christiansen, Eric (Woodbridge, 1998);Google Scholar Flodoard of Reims, Historia Remensis Ecclesiae (MGH S 36); idem, Les Annales de Flodoard, ed. Lauer, Philippe (Paris, 1905);Google Scholar The Annals of Flodoard of Reims 919-966, ed. and transl. Fanning, Steven and Bachrach, Bernard, Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures 9 (Toronto, ON, 2011);Google Scholar Bates, David, Normandy before 1066 (Harlow, 1982), xii–xiii, 6, 8–12;Google Scholar Shopkow, Leah, History and Community: Norman Historical Writing in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Washington DC, 1997), 68–79;Google Scholar Albu, Emily, The Normans in their Histories: Propaganda, Myth and Subversion(Woodbridge, 2001), 9–11 Google Scholar.

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3 By Francia I mean the western Frankish lands which ultimately coalesced to form modern France.

4 The Annals of St-Bertin, transl. Nelson, Janet, Ninth-Century Histories 1 (Manchester, 1991), 60, 65-6;Google Scholar Forte, Angelo, Oram, Richard and Pederson, Frederic, Viking Empires (Cambridge, 2005), 59–63;Google Scholar Musset, Lucien,’Naissance de la Normandie (Ve–XIe siècles)’, in Boüard, Michel de, ed., Histoire de la Normandie (Toulouse, 1970), 75130, at 119;Google Scholar Mollat, Michel, Histoire de Rouen (Toulouse, [c. 1979]), 38.Google Scholar

5 St-Bertin, transl. Nelson, 51, where the Vikings are described as demon-worshippers.

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11 Dudo, transl. Christiansen, 48–9; Flodoard, Historia, 407; idem, Annals, ed. and transl. Fanning and Bachrach, 9. In 918 Charles the Simple confirmed certain lands of the monks of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, with the exception of lands already granted to Rollo, so the settlement must have existed by then: Recueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple, Roi de France (893-923), ed. Lauer, Philippe (Paris, 1949), no. 92;Google Scholar Dudo, transl. Christiansen, xiii-xxiii; Bates, Normandy before 1066, xii-xiii, 6, 8-12; Shopkow, History and Community, 68–79; Albu, Normans in their Histories, 9–11; David Douglas,‘Rollo of Normandy’, EHR 57 (1942), 417-36, at 425.

12 Dudo, transl. Christiansen, 36–46, 43; Janet Nelson,‘Normandy’s Early History since Normandy Before 1066, in Normandy and her Neighbours, goo–1250: Essays for David Bates, ed. Crouch, David and Thompson, Kathleen (Turnhout, 2011), 3–15, at 5;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Douglas,‘Rollo’, 427.

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18 For Harold, see Thegan of Trier, Vita Hludowici Imperatoris. 33 (MGH SS 2, 597); Anonymi Vita Hludowici Imperatoris 40 (MGH SS 2, 629). For Godafrid, see Annales Fuldenses sive Annales Regni Francorum Orientalis (MGH SRG i.u.s., 99); ET The Annals of Fulda, transl.Timothy Reuter, Ninth-century Histories 2 (Manchester, 1992), 92–3. See also Simon Coupland, ‘The Rod of God’s Wrath or the People of God’s Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions’, JEH 42 (1991), 535–54, at 552.

19 Milis, Ludo, ‘La Conversion en profondeur: un processus sans fin’, Revue du Nord 68 (1986), 487-98, at 494-6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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21 Ibid. 4.

22 Wallace-Hadrill, J. Michael, The Vikings in Francia: The Stenton Lecture 1974 (Reading, 1975), 12–13.Google Scholar

23 His fate is unknown but he is thought to have died in prison: St-Bertin, transl. Nelson, 74, 79, 111, 119.

24 Wallace-Hadrill, , Vikings in Francia, 12–13.Google Scholar

25 Coupland,‘Rod of God’s Wrath’, 546.

26 St-Bertin, transl. Nelson, 111 n. 3.

27 Dudo, transl. Christiansen, 50-1.

28 Alfred the Great: Asser’s Life of Alfred and other Contemporary Sources, transl. Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge (Harmondsworth, 1983), 85; Lynch, Joseph, Christianizing Kinship: Ritual Sponsorship in Anglo-Saxon England (Ithaca, NY, 1998), 128–34.Google Scholar

29 Lynch, Christianizing Kinship, 81–98, 215–17.

30 Dudo, transl. Christiansen, 50–1. Robert (d. 923) was a leading noble whose descendants became the Capetian kings of France.

31 The Church could be pragmatic about such matters: see Urbanczyk,‘Politics of Conversion’, 23.

32 It is not known when Guy died.

33 Olivier Guillot.‘La conversion des Normands peu après 911: Des reflets contem- porains à l’historiographie ultérieure (Xe–XIe s.)’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 24 (1981), 101–16, 181–219, at 102; Michel Sot, Un Historien et son église au Xe siècle: Flodoard de Reims (Paris, 1993), 221.

34 Schröder, Isolde, Die westfränkischen Synoden von 88S bis 987 und ihre Überlieferung (Munich, 1908), 153-7, 189-97Google Scholar; Flodoard, Historia, 407; Sot, Un Historien, 224-6.

35 Paris, BN, MS 4280A, fols 102r-107r. For the Reims provenance of this manuscript, see Frederick M. Carey,’The Scriptorium of Reims during the Archbishopric of Hincmar (845–882 A.D.)’, in Classical and Medieval Studies in Honor of Edward Kennard Rand: Presented upon the Completion of his Fortieth Year of Teaching, ed. Jones, Leslie Webber (New York, 1938), 41–60.Google Scholar

36 Sacrosancta Concilia ad Regiam Editionem exacta quae nunc quarta parte prodit auctior, ed. Labbei, Philip et Cossartii, Gabriel, 17 vols (Paris, 1671-2), 9: cols 483-94.Google Scholar

37 Prentout, Henri, Étude critique sur Dudon de Saint-Quentin et son histoire des premiers ducs normands (Paris, 1916), 255 Google Scholar; Kelly, J. N. D., ed., Oxford Dictionary of Popes, (Oxford, 1968), 116-17.Google Scholar

38 Kelly, , ed., Oxford Dictionary of Popes, 117.Google Scholar

39 Prentout, Étude critique, 256.

40 See for example, Die Briefe des heligen Bonifatus und Lullus (MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 44-7; letter 26).

41 Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave, Bertram and Mynors, R. A. B., OMT (Oxford, 1992; first publ. 1969), 27, 79–103Google Scholar (hereafter: HE).

42 ‘[Q]uid agendum sit quod fuerint baptizati et rebaptizati et post baptismum gentiliter vixerint atque paganorum mores Christianos interfecerint, sacerdotes truci-daverint atque simulacris immolantes, idolythyta comederint’: MS 4280A, fol. 106v.

43 ‘[R]ogatis … his qui rebaptizati sunt et aeque ut ante baptismum juxta paganismi morem quemadmodum sues suum reversi ad volutabrum et canes ad vomitum ludicras voluptates nefando paganorum ritu exercuere’: ibid., fol. 102r.

44 Prov. 26: 11; 2 Pet. 2: 22;Guillot, Conversion, 110-11, esp. n. 59; Nelson,’Normandy’s Early History’, 6.

45 Balbulus Notker, Gesta Karoli Magni 2.19 (MGH SS n.s. 12, 90).

46 MS 4280A, fols 105r-v.

47 Ibid., fol. 105r.

48 Ibid., fol. 104r.

49 Cramer, , Baptism and Change, 127.Google Scholar

50 ‘[D]e ipsa gente Northmannorum quae ad fidem divina inspirante clementia conversa olim humano sanguine grassata laetabatur’: MS 4280A, fol.106v.

51 Ibid., fol. 106v.

52 Ibid., fol. 107r.

53 Guillot, Conversion, 109.

54 Kelly, , ed., Oxford Dictionary of Popes, 121–2.Google Scholar

55 MS 4280A, fol. 102r.The Scripture passages are Ps. 32: 5;Wisd. 11: 24.

56 MS 4280A, fol. 102r.

57 Ibid., fols 102r-v.

58 Ibid., fols 103v-104r.

59 Ibid., chs 2–5, 12, 13, 15, 21–22.

60 Ibid., chs 16-19.

61 MS 4280A, fol. 103r; The Letters of Gregory the Great, transl. John R. C. Martyn, 3 vols, Medieval Sources in Translation 40 (Toronto, ON, 2004), 2: 497 (Epistola 8.1).

62 MS 4280A, fol. 103r; Letters of Gregory the Great, transl. Martyn, 3: 803 (Epistola11.56).

63 For Gregory’s views on conversion, see Dunn, Marilyn, The Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons C.597-C.700: Discourses of Life, Death and Afterlife (London, 2009), 4454.Google Scholar

64 Mollat, , Histoire de Rouen, 40.Google Scholar

65 Adémar de Chabannes, Chronique, ed. Chavanon, Jules (Paris, 1897), 139-40.Google Scholar

66 Similarly, Bede recounts how Raedwald of East Anglia, even though baptized, kept both a Christian and a pagan altar: HE 2.15 (transl. Colgrave and Mynors, 190–1).

67 Flodoard, Annals, ed. and transl. Fanning and Bachrach, 38; Bates Normandy before 1066, 13.

68 Dudo, transl. Christiansen, 97.

69 Potts, Cassandra, Monastic Revival and Religious Identity in Early Normandy (Wood-bridge, 1997), 57.Google Scholar

70 Patourel, John Le, The Norman Empire (Oxford, 1976), 1220.Google Scholar

71 Flodoard, Historia, 102-3.

72 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and transl. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols, OMT (Oxford, 1969-80), 3: 314-17. Coupland, ‘Rod of God’s Wrath’, 543, gives other examples.

73 Die Briefe des heligen Bonifatus und Lullus (MGH Epp. Sel. 1, 44-7; letter 26).

74 It took some hundred and fifty years to establish control over marriage. Of the seven counts or dukes from Rollo to William the Conqueror (duke 1035–87), only the brothers Richard III (duke 1026-7) and Robert I (duke 1027-35) were born in wedlock.