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Schizophrenia is a multifactorial disorder with a range of risk factors. Dysregulation in the systems involved in the stress response is a key component of its pathophysiology. Individuals at risk of developing schizophrenia exhibit hyperreactivity to stress and altered cognitive performance, both known as vulnerability markers. This study aims to determine whether stimulation of the prefrontal cortex can reduce reactivity to stress in unaffected siblings of patients with schizophrenia.
Methods
In a randomized, sham-controlled trial, 27 participants were assigned to receive either active (n = 14) or sham (n = 13) transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) over the prefrontal cortex for 30 min during exposure to an acute stressor. The stress response was measured biologically, via salivary cortisol levels, and cognitively, through a reality monitoring task, which serves as an intermediate cognitive vulnerability marker.
Results
In contrast to the sham condition, active stimulation significantly reduced cortisol release in response to stress (F(9,216) = 1.972; p = 0.04) and prevented stress-induced impairment in reality monitoring (F(1,23) = 9.954; p = 0.004).
Conclusions
These findings suggest that tDCS should be a promising tool for reducing stress-induced biological and cognitive reactivity in a population at risk of schizophrenia.
The harmful consumption of alcohol is known for how tortuous its management can be in mental health, encouraging introspection of it as a serious problem is perhaps the main key to starting to battle against its damaging influence on the development of a functional and full life.
Objectives
To describe a clinical case showing an unpredictible complication in an alcohol detoxification process.
Methods
54-year-old man, native of Cádiz, widowed for half a decade, without children. He resides with his parents in the family home. Currently unemployed for approximately a year. He has previously worked in the IT sector. As a notable somatic history, we found long-established arterial hypertension and a total hip replacement. He has been under irregular follow-up with a mental health team for anxiety-depressive symptoms in the context of grief. He goes to the emergency service brought by his family to begin the detoxification process in the hospital setting. He acknowledges ethanol consumption since he was widowed, which began when he awakes; quantities that ranged between one or up to three bottles of distilled liquor per day, generally consumption is in the home environment. A little less than a year ago, he began to isolate himself in his room and abandon his self-care, eating increasingly insufficient food intake, refusing to receive professional care to quit the habit, mainly because he did not recognize it as disruptive.
The patient was admitted to hospital with symptoms suggestive of withdrawal, making it extremely difficult to control blood pressure levels. On the third day of admission to the acute care unit, fever peaks, blood pressure levels well below normal parameters, and compromised level of consciousness began to be evident.
Results
Blood tests were performed that, together with the clinical picture, suggested imminent septic shock, so critical care was contacted for transfer and stabilization. A germ of probable urinary etiology sensitive to a broad spectrum of antibiotics was isolated in blood cultures, and the medication of the detoxification process was progressively optimized. Once clinical stability was achieved at all levels, an inpatient cessation resource was managed, which the patient accepted and considered suitable for his complete recovery.
Conclusions
A holistic approach to the alcoholic patient is important, since serious problems of an organic nature often arise. This is why a multidisciplinary intervention is necessary, as well as a holistic approach to care, involving both classic pharmacology and assiduous long-term psychotherapeutic intervention.
Schizotypal personality is a condition suffered by 4% of the population. It is defined by presenting interpersonal, behavioral and perceptual features similar to the clinical features of psychotic disorders, such as schizophrenia, in less intensity and dysfunctionality, but at risk of reaching psychosis.
Objectives
Presentation of a clinical case about a patient with premorbid schizotypal personality traits presenting with an acute psychotic episode.
Methods
Literature review on association between schizotypal personality and psychosis.
Results
A 57-year-old woman with a history of adaptive disorder due to work problems 13 years ago, currently without psychopharmacological treatment, goes to the emergency room brought by the emergency services due to behavioral alteration. She reports that “her husband and son wanted to sexually abuse her”, so she had to run away from home and has been running through the streets of the town without clothes and barefoot.
Her husband relates attitude alterations and extravagant behaviors of years of evolution, such as going on diets of eating only bread for 40 days or talking about exoteric and religious subjects, as believing that the devil got inside her husband through a dental implant. He reports that these behaviors have been accentuated during the last month. She has also created a tarot website, and has even had discussions with several users. She is increasingly suspicious of him, has stopped talking to him and stays in his room all day long, with unmotivated laughter and soliloquies.
It was decided to admit him to Psychiatry and risperidone 4 mg was started. At the beginning, she was suspicious and reticent in the interview. As the days went by, communication improved, she showed a relaxed gesture and distanced herself from the delirious ideation, criticizing the episode.
Conclusions
In recent years, there has been increasing interest in understanding the association between schizotypy and serious mental disorder. Several theories understand schizotypy as a natural continuum of personality that reveals genetic vulnerability and that can lead to psychotic disorder when added to precipitating factors. Other theories define schizotypy as a “latent schizophrenia” where symptoms are contained and expressed in less intensity.
Around 20% evolves to paranoid schizophrenia or other serious mental disorders. It is complex to distinguish between those individuals in whom schizotypy is a prodrome and those in whom it is a stable personality trait. To date, studies applying early psychotherapeutic or pharmacological interventions have had insufficient and contradictory results, and the follow-up and treatment of these individuals could be a stress factor and a stigma. Some studies are looking for reliable markers of evolution to schizophrenia in order to establish adequate protocols for detention, follow-up and treatment.
Clozapine is an atypical antipsychotic synthesised in 1958. It was withdrawn from the market in the 1970s due to the appearance of agranulocytosis, but was reintroduced due to strong evidence of its efficacy and superiority over other antipsychotics in treatment-resistant schizophrenia.
Objectives
To describe the adequate response to clozapine in treatment-refractory psychosis.
Methods
Review of the scientific literature based on a relevant clinical case.
Results
A 16-year-old woman was admitted to a psychiatric inpatient unit for psychotic symptoms and behavioural disorders. She lives with her father and older sister; she has not been in contact with her mother, who lives in another country, for several years. She attends secondary school, with poor academic performance. Maternal diagnosis of schizophrenia. She started using cannabis two years ago, with a progressive increase up to 20 grams per week. He reports the onset of a feeling of strangeness a year ago, with progressive isolation in his room, referring to delirious ideation of harm towards classmates and people from his town, self-referentiality and delirious interpretations of religious mystical content (“God speaks to me through a dove”). He comments on the phenomenon of theft and thought-reading. Soliloquies and unmotivated laughter are observed.
Conclusions
Treatment was started with risperidone, progressively increasing the dose up to optimisation, without achieving a decrease in positive symptoms, but with the appearance of excessive sedation and sialorrhoea. It was combined with aripiprazole up to 20mg, maintained for a couple of weeks, without significant clinical improvement. Given the failure of two lines of therapy, it was decided to change to clozapine up to a dose of 75mg, with adequate tolerance and response, achieving a distancing of the delirious ideation. Regular haematological controls were performed, with no alterations in haemogram or troponins.
The brain can be represented as a network, with nodes as brain regions and edges as region-to-region connections. Nodes with the most connections (hubs) are central to efficient brain function. Current findings on structural differences in Major Depressive Disorder (MDD) identified using network approaches remain inconsistent, potentially due to small sample sizes. It is still uncertain at what level of the connectome hierarchy differences may exist, and whether they are concentrated in hubs, disrupting fundamental brain connectivity.
Methods
We utilized two large cohorts, UK Biobank (UKB, N = 5104) and Generation Scotland (GS, N = 725), to investigate MDD case–control differences in brain network properties. Network analysis was done across four hierarchical levels: (1) global, (2) tier (nodes grouped into four tiers based on degree) and rich club (between-hub connections), (3) nodal, and (4) connection.
Results
In UKB, reductions in network efficiency were observed in MDD cases globally (d = −0.076, pFDR = 0.033), across all tiers (d = −0.069 to −0.079, pFDR = 0.020), and in hubs (d = −0.080 to −0.113, pFDR = 0.013–0.035). No differences in rich club organization and region-to-region connections were identified. The effect sizes and direction for these associations were generally consistent in GS, albeit not significant in our lower-N replication sample.
Conclusion
Our results suggest that the brain's fundamental rich club structure is similar in MDD cases and controls, but subtle topological differences exist across the brain. Consistent with recent large-scale neuroimaging findings, our findings offer a connectomic perspective on a similar scale and support the idea that minimal differences exist between MDD cases and controls.
This volume contributes to the growing literature on global (in)justice and (in)equality, seeking in its own unique way to highlight that we are on a dangerous path when we ignore the plight of those who are the weakest, most oppressed and disenfranchised; and that we risk even more when we are complicit in the intransigent and profound injustices they experience. As Blunt (2020) powerfully argued, while for those who this volume is dedicated will possibly not be its readers, it is those readers in positions of power and affluence who need to be reminded and held responsible for their actions and the subsequent consequences.
Primary youth mental health services in Australia have increased access to care for young people, yet the longer-term outcomes and utilisation of other health services among these populations is unclear.
Aims
To describe the emergency department presentation patterns of a help-seeking youth mental health cohort.
Method
Data linkage was performed to extract Emergency Department Data Collection registry data (i.e. emergency department presentations, pattern of re-presentations) for a transdiagnostic cohort of 7024 youths (aged 12–30 years) who presented to mental health services. Outcome measures were pattern of presentations and reason for presentations (i.e. mental illness; suicidal behaviours and self-harm; alcohol and substance use; accident and injury; physical illness; and other).
Results
During the follow-up period, 5372 (76.5%) had at least one emergency department presentation. The presentation rate was lower for males (IRR = 0.87, 95% CI 0.86–0.89) and highest among those aged 18 to 24 (IRR = 1.117, 95% CI 1.086–1.148). Almost one-third (31.12%) had an emergency department presentation that was directly associated with mental illness or substance use, and the most common reasons for presentation were for physical illness and accident or injury. Index visits for mental illness or substance use were associated with a higher rate of re-presentation.
Conclusions
Most young people presenting to primary mental health services also utilised emergency services. The preventable and repeated nature of many presentations suggests that reducing the ongoing secondary risks of mental disorders (i.e. substance misuse, suicidality, physical illness) could substantially improve the mental and physical health outcomes of young people.
The processes of control and collection are prominent themes throughout pharaonic history. However, the extent that the central regime attempted to administer agricultural fields to collect revenues directly from the farmer who actually worked the land is unclear during the pharaonic period (c.2686–1069). Relations between those involved in agricultural cultivation and local headships of extended families and wider kinship groups were deeply embedded within a broad range of interpersonal discourses, behaviours, and practices. Village headmen and officials at all levels of an impersonalized “state” hierarchy were themselves landholders who drew income from the land and were held responsible for collecting revenues from their fields. It is therefore necessary to define, with a focus on the imperatives of a subsistence economy, who was working the land and what the relationship was between them, the headmen, and those from within outside power structures (in the context of direct intervention against specific groups of the population). To address these points, I will focus on revenue extraction as a “state” process, how it was connected to the role of punishment, and its impact on local hierarchies (the targets of revenue extraction).
When discussing disability, poverty (as depicted in Part Two) and neglect it is important to note that most people acquire their impairments (to varying degrees and in different forms) through poverty, pollution, violence, accident, war and ageing. Tragically, the World Health Organisation in its World Report on Disability (2011) pointed out that the biggest cause of impairment/disability was poverty. And poverty, when it is analysed in depth, is usually the result of government failure, ineptitude, immorality and/or criminality. It is also essential to acknowledge that contemporary understandings and attitudes towards disability have been shaped by the onset of capitalism (which is inherently criminogenic) and its associated ideologies of individualism, liberal utilitarianism, industrialisation (specifically waged labour) and the medicalisation of social life. As a result, the injustice of ‘disableism’ (in all its discriminatory forms) is endemic to most, if not all, ‘developed’ contemporary societies. And to compound issues, disabled people are the excessive victims of poverty, immoral crimes and criminality as a direct consequence of this prevailing discrimination.
Without a shadow of doubt, the on-going passive or deliberate neglect of governments across the globe to fully address the social determinants and inequities of health and disablement has led to a growth in the number of disabled people in most countries. Moreover, corporate-governmental immorality/criminality is especially evident when governments and self-interested politicians blame disablement, the cost of disability and social support networks for the innumerable economic crises that have ‘dogged’ societies since the mid-nineteenth century. Disturbingly, all these economic crises have been politically portrayed as the fault of welfare policies for the unemployed, the poor and disabled people who have supposedly imposed unreasonable and unaffordable costs on society, despite not being the only recipients of welfare or even being the biggest ‘drain’ on government finances.
Ultimately, the overarching consequence of this ‘blaming’ has been a consistent failure to enact meaningful policies which produce and maintain a fully accessible infrastructure relating to public buildings, housing and support systems that will accommodate all sections of society, including people with impairments, those suffering from long-term ill-health and, of course, elderly people.
Politics is part of the air that we all live and breathe. It is about what we are allowed and not allowed to do. It is about friends and enemies. It permeates every pore of our bodies and makes assessments and judgements about our worth in society. It is about reward, freedom, punishment or confinement, marginalisation, (institutional) discrimination and criminalisation. But most of all it is about how we understand, embrace or oppose it. Policy typifies all of this and can be seen to be stereotypically judgemental about the most ‘visible’ recipients of welfare benefits. This is particularly true of the UK welfare system. And there lies the hypocrisy of powerful elites.
As Richard Titmuss pointed out in his Essays on the Welfare State (1958), the Social Divisions of Welfare meant that we are all recipients of welfare. Welfare, for Titmuss, is manifest in three different forms (four when you include the unpaid caring role of women conducted outside of the paid labour market). ‘Occupational Welfare’, he argued, conveys rewards for those who supposedly pay deference to social norms and behaviour. It does so, through the non-taxable or tax-privileged perks derived from advantageous employment in the labour market (i.e. through ‘golden handshakes’, employer pension contributions and fringe benefits such as meal vouchers and/or private healthcare schemes).
Likewise, ‘Fiscal Welfare’ rewards individuals by granting tax allowances on non-State pensions (estimated to cost the UK government, for instance, £14.3 billion in 2005/6) and mortgage relief for ‘responsible’ home-owners. Yet, unlike ‘Occupational Welfare’ and ‘Fiscal Welfare’ – which are rewards derived from the government curtailing its tax revenue and leaving more money for the so-called industrious or wealthy to keep – ‘Social Welfare’ involves a direct payment to these recipients of welfare. ‘Social Welfare’, therefore, concerns the visible, publicly provided funds and services such as social security benefits, local authority housing, healthcare and personal social services.
But all of this has echoes beyond the United Kingdom. Australia and the United States, to name but two, conceive of welfare in similar ways. For example, tied into the notion of benefit payments, as opposed to tax allowances, is the ‘Murrayesque’ concept of ‘workfare’ and the stigmatisation that claiming benefit payments entail.
The collected chapters of this volume illustrate in full starkness the heterogeneity of injustice. Each points up those who are marked as different – for their culture, ethnicity, phenotype, sexual orientation or otherwise – and the forms of oppression enacted upon them because of this difference. The reader is presented with a spectrum of oppression that ranges from simple otherisation to genocide. The very scope and range of injustice can easily bewilder, and its apparent ubiquity can lead to the assumption that relations of domination and exploitation, and the conditions that sustain them, are inevitable. The truth is that such relations and conditions were never historically and are not now inevitable. The reason for this is that the dehumanisation which is enveloped by relations of domination and exploitation elicits within those who are oppressed a determination for humanisation, a determination for emancipation and a drive to overcome alienation. As Freire (2017:18) put it, ‘this struggle is possible only because dehumanisation, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanises the oppressed’. Most importantly, for our purposes and so as not to fall into a state of despair, Freire (2017:18) stated categorically that because ‘it is a distortion of being more fully human, sooner or later being made less fully human leads the oppressed to struggle against those who made them so’. Gil (2013:7) also affirmed this law of struggle, adding, importantly the role of consciousness building:
People have often challenged destructive practices and conditions, and they are likely to do so again, by organising liberation movements and spreading critical consciousness – a prerequisite for collective action toward fundamental social change.
In the introduction to this volume, emphasis was placed on the value of bringing to the gaze the lived experiences of those at the lowest intersections of injustice – Indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, refugees, people with disabilities, the youth, women and children and the poor. It has certainly done this. However, in its own way, this volume also seeks to contribute to the pedagogy of the oppressed – to contribute to what Freire terms conscientizaçao, or the form of learning which leads to a perception of the social, political and economic conditions that are constitutive of oppression and the learning required to take action against these elements of reality.
Young people are becoming increasingly marginalised across the world and are often experiencing generational forms of injustice through the failures of government and society to acknowledge their vulnerabilities and provide appropriate support. The framing of ‘Youth’ is a complex social construction which involves a ‘blurring of boundaries between youth and adulthood’ (Reisinger 2012:96) and the de-standardisation of life. Modern understandings of youth stress that ‘youth’ has become non-linear and complex and repeatedly is a site of uncertainty and change. Furthermore, countless young people experience a variety of social harms and inequalities across many distinctive policy domains: especially in relation to youth justice and criminalisation, employment and education.
Disturbingly, the onset of global austerity has continued to reshape and diminish youth welfare policy. Indeed, the dual impact of the 2008 global recession and COVID-19 continues to impact upon the efficacy and range of social policy responses in areas such as youth justice, youth work, welfare and support, housing, health and education. As a result, contemporary global youth are currently experiencing generational social harm(s) and social othering whilst often being denied a voice in the societies they live in. If truth be told, the youth of today are experiencing new forms of social injustice and, to add insult to injury, these developments have become worse as the COVID-19 epidemic has persistently decreased living standards for many young people around the world. Concerns about the marginalisation of young people from all the relevant social and political structures are repeatedly emerging, yet negative portrayals of young people – framed around ‘irresponsibility’ and ‘risky behaviours’ – continually contradict demonstrable evidence that expounds the opposite as many young people have sought to volunteer and support others whilst experiencing significant forms of social harm themselves.
Human trafficking and modern slavery in the present day is defined as the transportation or concealment of an individual or group of persons against their will by means of force, kidnapping or coercion (Bondt et al. 2010). Despite increased freedoms and civil rights in the modern day, human trafficking is a considerably ubiquitous form of organised crime, primarily due to being the second most lucrative crime today (Sheinis 2012).