Background: An estimated 27-69 million individuals worldwide sustain a mild Traumatic Brain Injury (mTBI) each year, making it an important public health concern. Many victims experience post-injury neuropsychological issues such as anxiety and depression, which are associated with more post-concussive symptoms and worse functional outcomes. We sought to determine a systematic process to document the presence of anxiety and depression symptoms in mTBI patients to prevent negative impacts on their recovery. Methods: We administered the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7) and Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale Revised (CESDR-10) questionnaires, no more than three months after injury, to screen for these symptoms. A retrospective chart review was performed for 328 patients from the Montreal General Hospital mTBI Clinic who either received these questionnaires (N=143, Mage=40.36, SDage=15.557, Nfemale=90, Nmale=53) or did not (N=185, Mage=41.17, SDage=16.449, Nfemale=114, Nmale=71). The number of interventions received between groups were compared using ANOVA. Results: Patients who received the questionnaires (M=1.34, SD=0.978) were referred to significantly more interventions than those who did not (M=0.90, SD=0.876, p<0.001) and the rate of referral positively correlated with GAD-7 and CESDR-10 scores. Conclusions: Screening for symptoms of anxiety and depression post mTBI helps clinicians refer patients to the appropriate resources, which in turn should improve outcome.

In terms of party systems, Canada's system is an outlier. In our present work, we develop Richard Johnston's account of Canada's polarized pluralism in three ways. First, we link the literature on party systems to social identity theory. Second, we make an empirical contribution by directly testing Johnston's claim that intergroup affect plays a central role in shaping the dynamics of the party system. Using Canadian Election Study data from seven elections, we offer strong empirical support for the theory of polarized pluralism. Congruent with existing research, we find that the most important feature summarizing group-based affect in Canadian politics corresponds with the ideological left/right divide, but we also find that feelings toward groups on a second, uncorrelated axis (feelings toward Quebec and minority groups) shape vote choice. Yet our results show that fault lines in the polarized pluralist structure of the Canadian party system are emerging.

Lateritic weathering kaolinites have been characterized in situ and differentiated for the first time by means of infrared microspectroscopy (IRMS). Four classical OH-stretching bands have been observed in the Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectra, at 3695, 3668, 3650 and 3620 cm−1, denoted ν1, ν2, ν3 and ν4, respectively, plus a band at 3595 cm−1 associated with the octahedral substitution of Fe3+ for Al3+. Infrared microspectroscopy of thin-sections of lateritic weathering profiles provides useful information on the types of kaolinite present in different horizons of the profile. The spectra obtained from large well-ordered kaolinite crystals look like those obtained by diffuse reflectance in that, compared with the KBr disk spectra of <2 µm powders, bands at 3668 and 3650 cm−1 are enhanced, and the strong absorption of KBr disks at 3695 cm−1 is replaced by a broad weaker band from 3700–3680 cm−1. In laterites, these large well-ordered kaolinites often exhibit a band at 3595 cm−1 indicative of significant Fe3+ substitution for Al3+ in the structure. The IR microspectra obtained from regions of small, more poorly-ordered kaolinites do not differ so markedly from that of KBr disks. All show enhanced absorption around 3650 cm−1 compared with well-ordered kaolinites, indicating that the disorder is due, at least in part, to domains of dickite-like and/or nacrite-like stacking in their structure. The 3595 cm−1 band is always weaker than that of the well-ordered kaolinite in the same profile. The IRMS data from well-characterized reference kaolinites show that the ratio Aν2/Aν3 is a pertinent IR order index for kaolinites. The larger this index, the larger is the area of the 3595 cm−1 band, and the larger and the more ordered is the kaolinite sample. It is suggested that the diversity of FTIR spectra observed reflects intergrowths of kaolinite-dickite polymorphs, or at least mixtures of high- and low-defect kaolinites which are frequently encountered in the lateritic geosphere rather than pure kaolinitic phases. The largest kaolinites having secondary crystallized in voids are the most ordered and the most ferruginous and have been considered as useful mineralogical tracers of the recent evolution of old lateritic terrains.

Many democracies with high levels of corruption are also characterized by low levels of women's political representation. Do women candidates in democracies with high levels of corruption face overt voter discrimination? Do gender dynamics that are unique to highly corrupt, democratic contexts influence citizens’ willingness to vote for women? We answer these questions using two separate sets of experiments conducted in Ukraine: two vignette experiments and a conjoint analysis. In line with existing cross-sectional research on Ukraine, our experiments reveal little evidence of direct voter bias against women candidates. Our conjoint analysis also offers novel insights into the preferences of Ukrainian voters, showing that both men and women voters place a great deal of value in anti-corruption platforms, but voters are just as likely to support women and men candidates who say they will fight corruption. Our analysis suggests that women's political underrepresentation in highly corrupt contexts is driven more by barriers that prevent women from winning party nominations and running for office in the first place, rather than overt discrimination at the polls.

Research on the political preferences of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters shows that they are more progressive than heterosexuals. However, few studies consider differences between heterosexual, gay/lesbian, and bisexual men and women. Furthermore, little is known about how these preferences have changed as society has become more accepting of diverse sexualities. We offer an analysis of Canadian LGB voters’ political preferences a decade and a half after same-sex marriage was legalized. Consistent with prior research, we find that gay men, and, to a lesser extent, bisexual men, are more left-wing than heterosexual men. A more novel finding is that bisexual women are the most left-wing group. Lesbian women are only slightly to the left of heterosexual women. While left-wing bisexual women are growing in number, the overall gap between LGB and heterosexual voters has remained stable across generations, because marriage narrows some of the preference gaps.

This article introduces White identity as an understudied concept in Canadian politics and compares how White settlers’ ingroup attachments and their outgroup attitudes—specifically, White settlers’ anti-Indigenous attitudes—shape Canadian politics. We find that White identity is associated with greater support for government spending on policies that disproportionately benefit White Canadians, such as pensions, whereas Indigenous resentment is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are often perceived as disproportionately benefiting Indigenous peoples, such as welfare. In Canada outside Quebec, both White identity and anti-Indigenous attitudes are associated with voting Conservative. In Quebec, White identity mobilizes support for the Bloc Québécois, while White settlers’ negative attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are not associated with vote choice.

Understanding the legacy of settler colonialism requires understanding the nature and scope of anti-Indigenous attitudes. But what, exactly, are the political consequences of anti-Indigenous attitudes? Answering this question requires recognizing that attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are distinct from White racial attitudes toward other disempowered groups. In this paper, I introduce a novel measure of Indigenous resentment. I then show that Indigenous resentment is an important predictor of policy attitudes using data collected from an original survey of White settlers. I estimate the effect of both Indigenous resentment and negative affect on policy attitudes—opposition to welfare and support for pipeline developments—to make the case that Indigenous resentment is a better measure of anti-Indigenous attitudes than affective prejudice, and that Indigenous resentment is an important omitted variable in the study of public opinion in settler societies.

Background: Spinal muscular atrophy (SMA) is a children’s neuromuscular disorder. Although motor neuron loss is a major feature of the disease, we have identified fatty acid abnormalities in SMA patients and in preclinical animal models, suggesting metabolic perturbation is also an important component of SMA. Methods: Biochemical, histological, proteomic, and high resolution respirometry were used. Results: SMA patients are more susceptible to dyslipidemia than the average population as determined by a standard lipid profile in a cohort of 72 pediatric patients. As well, we observed a non-alcoholic liver disease phenotype in apreclinical mouse model. Denervation alone was not sufficient to induce liver steatosis, as a mouse model of ALS, did not develop fatty liver. Hyperglucagonemia in Smn2B/-mice could explain the hepatic steatosis by increasing plasma substrate availability via glycogen depletion and peripheral lipolysis. Proteomic analysis identified mitochondrion and lipid metabolism as major clusters. Alterations in mitochondrial function were revealed by high-resolution respirometry. Finally, low-fat diets led to increased survival in Smn2B/-mice. Conclusions: These results provide strong evidence for lipid metabolism defects in SMA. Further investigation will be required to establish the primary mechanism of these alterations and understand how they lead to additional co-morbidities in SMA patients.

The quality of daily cleaning was assessed comparing a standard bleach product with the bleach product containing a novel colorant additive in an inpatient setting. Effectiveness was assessed using fluorescent markings and microbiological analysis of environmental and experimental specimens. Our findings showed no significant difference in cleaning between these groups.

Although women and men enjoy formally equal political rights in today's democracies, there are ongoing gaps in the extent to which they make use of these rights, with women underrepresented in many political practices. The gender gap in democratic participation is problematic because gendered asymmetries in participation entail collective outcomes that are less attentive to women's needs, interests, and preferences. Existing studies consider gender gaps in voting behavior and in certain forms of nonelectoral politics such as boycotting, signings a petition, or joining a protest. However, almost no work considers gendered variation in discursive politics. Do women participate in small, face-to-face political discussion groups at the same rate as men? And does gender intersect with other identities—such as ethnicity—to impact attendance at political discussion groups? I use data from the Canadian Election Study 2015 Web Survey to answer these questions. I find that women are significantly less likely to attend small-group discussions than men and that ethnicity intersects with gender in some important ways. However, I find no evidence that other social attributes—poverty or the presence of young children in the home—suppress women's participation in political discussion groups more than men's.

This article focuses on teachers in the discourses of early twentieth-century proponents of intelligence testing in America. Teachers were often a targeted enemy in the academic literature on intelligence testing—their methods belittled, their unreliability emphasized. Yet, in part because teachers were essential for intelligence tests to be given in schools, they were also often talked about in more ambiguous ways. In particular, this paper argues that psychologists’ ways of talking to, at, and about teachers presented a relationship characterized by an originary indebtedness of teachers toward psychology. Intelligence tests, it was implied, were a gift for teachers, and psychologists’ help a favor that teachers should repay by using the tests and showing rigor, obedience, and gratefulness in doing so. Arguably, the debt was framed in such ways as to render impossible its repayment and to make illegible the potential contributions and initiatives of teachers in the intelligence-testing movement.

Active and cooperative learning is integral to many social science classes, as it increases student motivation, improves communication skills, and stimulates creative thinking. Many political science departments break large lectures down into smaller, weekly tutorial groups to foster active learning. But do all students participate equally in active, participatory learning? We use an original dataset measuring self-reported participation and a number of important predictors (student gender, race, and language proficiency) collected from 700 undergraduate students in 91 political science tutorials. We find that participation does vary across social groups, even when controlling for psychological and some contextual factors. Female students participate significantly less than males, racial minorities report speaking less frequently than white students, and students with lower English-proficiency (the language of instruction) also participate less. In light of these findings, we offer suggestions for instructors on how to motivate all students to find their voice in the classroom.

Human campylobacteriosis is the most commonly reported gastrointestinal bacterial infection in the EU; poultry meat has been identified as the main source of infection. We tested the hypothesis that enhanced biosecurity and other factors such as welfare status, breed, the practice of partial depopulation and number of empty days between flocks may prevent Campylobacter spp. caecal colonization of poultry batches at high levels (>123 000 c.f.u./g in pooled caecal samples). We analysed data from 2314 poultry batches sampled at slaughter in the UK in 2011–2013. We employed random-effects logistic regression to account for clustering of batches within farms and adjust for confounding. We estimated population attributable fractions using adjusted risk ratios. Enhanced biosecurity reduced the odds of colonization at partial depopulation [odds ratio (OR) 0·25, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0·14–0·47] and, to a lesser extent, at final depopulation (OR 0·47, 95% CI 0·25–0·89). An effect of the type of breed was also found. Under our assumptions, approximately 1/3 of highly colonized batches would be avoided if they were all raised under enhanced biosecurity or without partial depopulation. The results of the study indicate that on-farm measures can play an important role in reducing colonization of broiler chickens with Campylobacter spp. and as a result human exposure.

Estimation of farm prevalence is common in veterinary research. Typically, not all animals within the farm are sampled, and imperfect tests are used. Often, assumptions about herd sizes and sampling proportions are made, which may be invalid in smallholder settings. We propose an alternative method for estimating farm prevalence in the context of Brucella seroprevalence estimation in an endemic region of Kazakhstan. We collected 210 milk samples from Otar district, with a population of about 1000 cattle and 16 000 small ruminants, and tested them using an indirect ELISA. Individual-level prevalence and 95% confidence intervals were estimated using Taylor series linearization. A model was developed to estimate the smallholding prevalence, taking into account variable sampling proportions and uncertainty in the test accuracy. We estimate that 73% of households that we sampled had at least one Brucella-seropositive animal (95% credible interval 68–82). We estimate that 58% (95% confidence interval 40–76) of lactating small ruminants and 14% (95% confidence interval 1–28) of lactating cows were seropositive. Our results suggest that brucellosis is highly endemic in the area and conflict with those of the official brucellosis-testing programme, which found that in 2013 0% of cows and 1·7% of small ruminants were seropositive.

New colonial corals from near Pittsburg Landing, Idaho, are clearly dated as Middle Jurassic (Bajocian) in age. They consist of Coenastraea hyatti (Wells) and Thecomeandra vallieri n. sp., and occur abundantly with molluscan fossils in thin, biostromal limestone beds in the Coon Hollow Formation. These fossils are the youngest shelly faunas yet known from the Wallowa terrane. The similarity of the coral and bivalve fauna to endemic faunas of the Western Interior suggests that during Middle Jurassic time, the Wallowa terrane was close enough to the North American craton for faunal exchange with the Western Interior Embayment. The Pittsburg Landing corals appear dissimilar from Middle Jurassic corals known from other terranes of the western Cordillera.