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This article presents an ultrawide bandpass filter structure developed along a notch band using a small rectangular impedance resonator. The proposed filter structure consists of a coupled rectangular resonator (CRR), open stub, and composited split ring resonator (CSRR) at the bottom of the structure. In-band and out-of-band properties are improved by the CRR and open stub. The notch band is obtained by placing CSRR below the rectangular resonator. A filter with a compact size of 0.15 × 0.10 λg is obtained at a lowered cutoff frequency of 3.0 GHz, where λg is the corresponding guided wavelength. The proposed structure has been constructed on 5880 Rogers substrate with a thickness of 0.787 mm and a dielectric constant of 2.2. Additionally, equivalent lumped parameters were obtained, and a lumped equivalent circuit was created to explain how the suggested filter operated. The Electromagnetic (EM)-simulated results are in good agreement with the circuit-simulated and measured result. The various machine learning approaches such as artificial neural network, K-nearest neighbour, decision tree, random forest (RF), and extreme gradient boosting algorithms are applied to optimize the design, in which RF algorithms achieve more than 90% accuracy for predicting the S parameters of the ultrawideband filter.
A liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility often incorporates replicate liquefaction trains. The performance of equivalent units across trains, designed using common numerical models, might be expected to be similar. In this article, we discuss statistical analysis of real plant data to validate this assumption. Analysis of operational data for end flash vessels from a pair of replicate trains at an LNG facility indicates that one train produces 2.8%–6.4% more end flash gas than the other. We then develop statistical models for train operation, facilitating reduced flaring and hence a reduction of up to 45% in CO2 equivalent flaring emissions, noting that flaring emissions for a typical LNG facility account for ~4%–8% of the overall facility emissions. We recommend that operational data-driven models be considered generally to improve the performance of LNG facilities and reduce their CO2 footprint, particularly when replica units are present.
At the end of my research on the 1946–47 interim government published as India in the Interregnum (2019), I had hoped to produce a second instalment, on its 1947–51 successor, given its relative neglect in published accounts and presence in primary sources, especially the now-accessible post-1947 Jawaharlal Nehru papers. The last years of the 1940s and the first of the 1950s constitute an intermediate period between Partition/Freedom (1947) and Republic/Democracy (1950–52) that is often seen through either or both of these lenses. This was captured in a critical review of India in the Interregnum that considered ‘this continuity … to be the root cause of the ills that plague the post-colonial nation.…’
Approaching its eighth decade, as independent India experiences its eighteenth government, this book seeks to remember its first predecessor, which functioned in a uniquely intermediate period. It is important to do so because, whether in public recall or in academic research, the first Nehru government has had a somewhat shadowy existence, which is compensated by the axiom that it stood for a transitional phase for the country. But, as the late D. L. Sheth wrote, ‘historicization makes historical sense, only when made in terms of contemporary sensibilities….’ This intervention then surveys the 1947–51 government, liminally located between dominion and democracy, and subsumed between Partition and nation-building, in an ‘academic no-man's land’. It attempts an exercise of historical recovery crystallised from the post-1947 prime ministerial papers in the hope that this reconstruction might help in reading post-Partition Indian party politics. The standard conception of that multi-party government is that it is clustered around a duumvirate, but this book tries to bring forth and intertwine its multiple individual traits, identity tensions and institutional trends.
This triangular pyramid was held together by provincial or princely politics, progressive or prejudicial passions and party pronouncements. The all-India whole that was forged in those first years, before being put to a popular test, was pivotal to subsequent state-building, and this book probes the performance of that pre-1952 government, whose political heritage continues to be dissected. As it has been said, ‘nations themselves are narrations …’, so a history of the first independent Indian government is one way to contextualise the contemporary by answering the ‘need for links and connections’.6
Until the start of 1950, the interim government was carrying all within and before it. That critical year though, as this chapter shows, was the crucible that saw non-Congress members leave the cabinet, while the party's turf war came to the fore, outlining the upcoming electoral battle. These ideological tussles and individual contests inside the party and the cabinet are explored here, with the India–Pakistan Minority Pact providing an analogy to wider socio-cultural tensions. That year was also climactic for Nehru–Patel differences on Congress organisation and China, which this time ‘were papered over’ by Patel's death. Within a week of the new year, there were ominous signs when the Faridabad township project was effectively trifurcated between cooperatives (1,000 houses), contractors (2,000) and East Punjab public works (1,000). These houses were meant to be ready by June, but now, there were apprehensions all around. There was some ambiguity around the coming of the republic, which had been passive and somewhat inert in its immediate substance. After all, the premiers, with their ministries, were to continue under a new name – chief minister – and under a different oath of allegiance. In the old-new central parliament, very few women and Scheduled Caste members had come in and the Akalis had refused to accept this constitution, while the Hindu right-wing groups had ‘declared their condemnation’.
Moreover, the challenges coming in the last days of the old constitution cast a shadow over the first days of the new. From London, D. N. Pritt, the lawyer-legislator, was making representations on the summary death sentence by a military court in Hyderabad to ‘108 peasants and communists’. Pritt held that the said trial was rather a court martial, as the advocate-general acted for both the prosecution and the defence, while mercy petitions did not reach the nizam's privy council. Their executions were arranged for 23 January, so as to prevent the appeals from reaching the Supreme Court, and Pritt requested the central government to stop any executions before 26 January. Especially highlighted were the death sentences for two children, one of whom was 11-year-old Dina Lingayya.
In August 1951, the person responsible for the food ministry as well as, often, providing food for thought, K. M. Munshi was a troubled man. Unburdening himself at some length to the prime minister, Munshi roamed far and wide: from the ‘oppressive’ India–Pakistan relation and our ‘timid’ people, because of the government's ‘weak policy’, to the unsympathetic international situation. His frustration's chief causes though were that cabinet colleagues were not entirely ‘in confidence’ of Nehru and that there was a need for effective publicity. Munshi was sorry that the information and broadcasting ministry lacked a ‘purposive education of self-righteous public opinion’, whether internally in Telangana, where forces were fighting communists ‘who pose as harmless politicians’, or externally. Munshi had visited three countries – England, America and then-Burma – in the last two years and found the external affairs ministry's publicity wanting. Munshi concluded his quasi-war cry with a characteristic passage: ‘Indians abroad [are] our best advertisers.… Modern publicity has become a thing of art and money, and we must stoop to conquer.…’
Mirroring the Prologue, this extended Epilogue attempts to delineate the path to the people's court and its accompanying electoral politicking, which in turn paved the way from ‘agitation’ to ‘construction’. Mohanlal Saksena, former central minister for refugee rehabilitation, and future parliamentarian, put his finger on the pulse of party politics at this time in a spirited exchange with Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, who had given a call to Congressmen to leave. Saksena, a legislator in UP since the 1920s, posited Kidwai's ‘exhortation’ with Nehru's ‘call to remain united’ and pointed out to Kidwai the problem in his position, which was that his ‘grouse’ was against party organisation, while having ‘full faith’ in the leadership of Nehru. Instead of leaving, if Kidwai stayed and helped the latter, it would have been politically sounder. For, as Saksena asked, were ‘the dissident Congressmen … morally superior’?
Before Tandon's election in 1950 and before the departure of the Congress Socialists in 1948, the CWC had as many members from the left as from the right, and Saksena could see Kripalani's Krishak Mazdoor Party becoming irrelevant in the electoral battle between those ‘who are out to dislodge [Nehru] … [those] who pay lip homage to him [and] those who, while swearing by him … forswear his advice’.
The dominant political pattern in India in the years between the attainment of independence and the articulation of the republic was one of provincialism, as Akbar Hydari, the governor of Assam, averred in July 1948. Here, too, the corresponding historiographical paradigm has understandably been that of Partition, with a wealth of material generated on the partitioned provinces of British India. Afterwards, from the early 1950s, the linguistic reorganisation of states provided the scholarly context. Located in-between these frames, this chapter maps three arenas: first, surveying the provinces and the intentions at play there; second, exploring the party, the cabinet and their clashes; and, third, considering the ideological currents from the left and the right that intersected violently and were, in turn, confronted thus by the centre.
Functioning under the federal Government of India Act 1935, an Uttar Pradesh (UP) minister was in England within a year of independence to procure capital equipment and stores, while the East Punjab government was preparing to send a purchasing mission to America, Czechoslovakia and Switzerland. Such international initiatives meant internal competition, which was, in the words of Finance Minister Shanmukham Chetty, bound to raise prices and stretch delivery. The minister for industries and supply, Dr Mookerjee, too warned against the ‘tendency of provincial governments to operate on their own’. When Premier Gopichand Bhargava showed an unseemly insistence on amalgamating East Punjab and its contiguous hill states, the prime minister restrained him by indicating that the culturally and linguistically ‘distinct’ people of the latter were apprehensive about ‘exploitation’ from the former. Unwilling to enforce any merger yet, Nehru consoled Bhargava that the presence of three administrative units in the Indian Punjab need not preclude their cooperation.
Such cooperation was also necessary between East Punjab and the princely states next to its southernmost district. The Meos of Alwar and Bharatpur were forced to take shelter in Gurgaon from there, and now the East Punjab government was seeking to dispossess them again, under the inter-Punjab evacuee property mechanism, regardless of their status as ‘Indian citizens who had temporarily vacated without going to Pakistan’.
From August 1947 to December 1950, the ‘Captain who … steered India’, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, the outsized figure of the central government and the Congress party was Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. This part follows closely the trajectory of Patel's presence and significance between June 1948, Mountbatten's departure from India, and December 1950, Patel's death, and finds his influence beyond any inference, in a clear display of elite prowess against public power, despite the fact that for much of this time Patel was periodically unwell, following the heart attack that he suffered in the wake of Gandhi's assassination. Nehru, who visited him in his periods of convalescence in either Dehradun-Mussoorie or Bombay, could not govern easily without him, and many matters remained delayed within the overall reorganisation of government machinery in this transitional stage. When they were given, Patel's views were characteristically conservative and commanding, as can be seen from his note on the economic situation in the country from July 1948:
Economic malaise [is] because we [are] not able … to ensure co-ordination between … government, industry, and labour.… A sense of frustration in industry … [as labour] wields the big stick.… If we approach capitalists … in the right manner, we shall achieve their cooperation.… Among them there are patriots … what is required is a small committee of the Cabinet to supervise.
Whether it was making judicial appointments to the then-Federal Court from provinces, where he prevailed upon Nehru to appoint Mehr Chand Mahajan from East Punjab in place of Ram Lal, whom the prime minister favoured, not only because he was senior to Mahajan but also because he had a reputation of being impartial, whereas Mahajan was a ‘bit of rolling stone’. Or, whether it was the doings of the Sangh, which held a meeting on Janmashtami 1948 at Ajmer, regardless of its ban since Gandhi's assassination, where Mukund Malaviya, nephew of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, demanded a ‘Hindu Raj’ and warned that ‘more blood will be shed in India soon than during the last 2000 years’, it was to Patel that Nehru deferred to. While complaints flooded that summer of 1948 on police behaviour, not leaving Rameshwari Nehru, whose secretary Masud was arrested on ‘meagre evidence’, for Patel, it was best to leave the police alone and instead work ‘cooperatively’ between communities.
The year 1951 is a somewhat overlooked year, sandwiched between the year of the republic and that of electoral democracy, with its overshadowed clearing of decks via, as this section shows, an interplay between pre-existing structures and their succeeding shapes. The first casualty of this was the Hindu Code Bill, which got kicked into the long grass given, as Nehru listed to Ambedkar, ‘strong opposition, governmental reconstruction [and] Patel's death’. A second were those Muslims of West Bengal, who had left before the Delhi Pact for either East Bengal or elsewhere in India and then returned afterwards. They had been promised and, in many cases, received grants of INR 200 by the state government to repair their houses, in lieu of their taken-away land and looted shops. An accompanying central loan for a sum between INR 500 and INR 750 for artisans/traders, like Hindu migrants from East Bengal, was, however, not forthcoming. A related and sensitive issue was with whom to arrange for this delivery, as B. C. Roy mistrusted old Khilafat leaders from Bengal and preferred ‘the Jamiat’. A third casualty was the government's grow-more-food campaign, which was overtaken by more than 5 million tons of import. Its concomitant tragedy was the unsustainable rural rationing and integrated controls, as the deficit had to be ‘spread over the country’. Indeed, it was not just food grains and essential items like sugar, but even the newsprint situation that now needed ‘control’.
Control was also what the prime minister was seeking on the States Ministry now, especially on its treatment of Hyderabad. Receiving a file from it about services there, he found that one of its objectives was the ‘dispersal’ of Muslim officers to other parts of India and to replace them by people from Madras, Bombay and the Central Provinces. Nehru did not forget that New Delhi had entered Hyderabad by ‘military occupation’, and, two years and two months later, it had a ‘civilian occupation’. Outsiders sent there had no ability in any of the languages but had a conqueror's attitude, and the so-called ministry was ‘very communal in the Hindu sense’. What was communal in a regional sense was ‘the demand for more food’ from Bombay, without regard to others.
Despite its lack of electoral imprimatur, there were no troubles for the Nehru government after it decided to remain in the remodelled British commonwealth in April 1949. On the day that the constituent assembly ratified this decision, the only dissenting voices were those of the Khilafatist Hasrat Mohani, the UP socialist Shibbanlal Saxena and the Bombay liberal K. T. Shah. Chapter 2 chronicles the threefold challenges of 1949, refugees–food–economy and the bottlenecks therein, and then interrogates the attempted breakthroughs by a still-contingent state, whose presentation of the new constitution ushered another age of establishment. It demonstrates the tumult before any transformation within the administrative apparatus of a neither too strong nor yet fully centralised state. With the communists ‘isolated’, some peasant proprietorship could be attempted, along with control of key industries before the election, but it was the food situation that proved the biggest headache, and the provinces needed to initiate on the troika of intensive cultivation– procurement–rapid yields.
On the other hand, some initiatives were unwelcome. When Indian army's chief General K. M. Cariappa made a press statement congratulating the prime minister for the Commonwealth conference and the country's ‘all-round progress’, he was told to not get ‘mixed up … with politics.…’ Inside a week, Lt General Nathu Singh made comments on law and order in Lucknow, as well as on ‘step-motherly army pay scales.…’ In this context, it was not surprising that in Hyderabad, where communism, food production and land reform came together, the Ministry of States outlined a fantastic proposal of the abolition of jagirdari over 60 years. Going this slow might lead to a ‘rapid shift-over to Communism’.
Across the southern peninsula, there was also a linguistic tussle simmering, and educationist Ali Yavar Jung suggested that like Banaras and Aligarh, central centres like Andhra university (Telugu), Madras (Tamil), Mysore (Kannada) and Osmania (Urdu) could be created to spread the ‘national language’. Another academic, John Boyd Orr, the Scottish polymath who would win the Nobel Peace Prize later in the year, came visiting in April 1949 and left India having grasped the prime difficulty of decision-making in New Delhi and actioning them across the country.
Tuberculosis (TB) is one of the deadliest infectious diseases globally, ranking as 13th leading cause of mortality and morbidity. According to the Global Tuberculosis Report 2022, TB claimed the lives of 1.6 million people worldwide in 2021. Among the casualties, 1 870 000 individuals with HIV co-infections contributed to 6.7% of the total fatalities, accounting TB as the second most lethal infectious disease following COVID-19. In the quest to identify biomarkers for disease progression and anti-TB therapy, microRNAs (miRNAs) have gained attention due to their precise regulatory role in gene expression in disease stages and their ability to distinguish latent and active TB, enabling the development of early TB prognostic signatures. miRNAs are stable in biological fluids and therefore will be useful for non-invasive and broad sample collection. However, their inherent lack of specificity and experimental variations may lead to false-positive outcomes. These limitations can be overcome by integrating standard protocols with machine learning, presenting a novel tool for TB diagnostics and therapeutics. This review summarizes, discusses and highlights the potential of miRNAs as a biomarker, particularly their differential expression at disease stages. The review assesses the advantages and obstacles associated with miRNA-based diagnostic biomarkers in pulmonary TB and facilitates rapid, point-of-care testing.
This book looks at the governmental interregnum from August 1947 to the start of the first general election in October 1951, and is a narrative of some of its intermediate moments in light of contemporary politics. It is a multi-track chronicle, which draws attention to its discrete, if not determining, impact on the following decade of consolidation. While it is also a map of the prime minister's words and actions, drawn as it is mainly from his papers, it is embedded in the government. It describes a time of transitional governance in independent India's early political history and gives a glimpse of its multiple individual traits, identity tensions, and institutional trends. The Nehruvian gaze traced here shows what a constant flux governing in those unsettled post-partition years was.
Growth differentiation factor 9 (GDF9) is an oocyte-specific paracrine factor involved in bidirectional communication, which plays an important role in oocyte developmental competence. In spite of its vital role in reproduction, there is insufficient information about exact transcriptional control mechanism of GDF9. Hence, present study was undertaken with the aim to study the expression of basic helix-loop-helix (bHLH) transcription factors (TFs) such as the factor in the germline alpha (FIGLA), twist-related protein 1 (TWIST1) and upstream stimulating factor 1 and 2 (USF1 and USF2), and nuclear receptor (NR) superfamily TFs like germ cell nuclear factor (GCNF) and oestrogen receptor 2 (ESR2) under three different in vitro maturation (IVM) groups [follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), insulin-like growth factor-1 (IGF1) and oestradiol)] along with all supplementation group as positive control, to understand their role in regulation of GDF9 expression. Buffalo cumulus–oocyte complexes were aspirated from abattoir-derived ovaries and matured in different IVM groups. Following maturation, TFs expression was studied at 8 h of maturation in all four different IVM groups and correlated with GDF9 expression. USF1 displayed positive whereas GCNF, TWIST1 and ESR2 revealed negative correlation with GDF9 expression. TWIST1 & ESR2 revealing negative correlation with GDF9 expression were found to be positively correlated amongst themselves also. GCNF & USF1 revealing highly significant correlation with GDF9 expression in an opposite manner were found to be negatively correlated. The present study concludes that the expression of GDF9 in buffalo oocytes remains under control through the involvement of NR and bHLH TFs.
The aim of this study is to understand the path for establishing digital health technologies-health technology assessment (DHT-HTA) in India.
Methods
A rapid review of HTA and DHT frameworks on PubMed (MEDLINE) and Google Scholar was conducted to identify DHT-HTA guidelines, and HTA processes in India. MS-Excel template was created with key domains for assessing DHT in resource-constrained settings based on studies and reports identified. Responses received from seventeen experts with varying expertise in DHT, HTA, clinical, and research were contacted using an online form. Following the principles of qualitative research rooted on grounded theory approach, themes and domains were derived for a framework which was again circulated through participants. Weightage for each theme was assigned based on the frequency of responses and qualifiers were used to interpret results. Inductively derived themes from these responses were clubbed together to identify macro-level systems requirements, and finally pre-requisites for setting up DHT-HTA framework was synthesized.
Results
HT are commonly perceived by experts (64.7 percent participants) as a technology strictly connected to health information. Real-world data (i.e., electronic health data) are recognized as a relevant tool in support of decision-making for clinical and managerial levels. Experts identified some pre-requisites for the establishment of DHT-HTA in the country in terms of infrastructure, contextual factors, training, finance, data security, and scale-up.
Conclusion
Our research not only identified the pre-requisites for the adoption of a DHT-HTA framework for India, but confirmed the need to address DHT-HTA’s acceptability among. Hospitals and health insurance providers.
Though commonly used to model affective disorders, zebrafish display notable differences in terms of the structure and function of the brain serotonin system, including responses to pharmacological interventions, as compared to mammals. For example, elevation of brain serotonin following acute administration of serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs) generally has anxiogenic effects, both in the clinical situation and in rodent models of anxiety, but previous research has indicated the opposite in zebrafish. However, several issues remain unresolved. We conducted a systematic review of SRI effects in zebrafish models of anxiety and, on the basis of these results, performed a series of experiments further investigating the influence of serotonin-releasing agents on anxiety-like behaviour in zebrafish, with sex-segregated wild-type animals being administered either escitalopram, or the serotonin releaser fenfluramine, in the light-dark test. In the systematic review, we find that the available literature indicates an anxiolytic-like effect of SRIs in the novel-tank diving test. Regarding the light-dark test, most studies reported no behavioural effects of SRIs, although the few that did generally saw anxiolytic-like responses. In the experimental studies, consistent anxiolytic-like effects were observed with neither sex nor habituation influencing treatment response. We find that the general effect of acute SRI administration in zebrafish indeed appears to be anxiolytic-like, indicating, at least partly, differences in the functioning of the serotonin system as compared to mammals and that caution is advised when using zebrafish to model affective disorders.
Wild relatives of crop species are known to be sources of genetic diversity that can be used in crop improvement. However, they have not always been studied adequately for the variation that may exist within them, for traits which may have important implications from an evolutionary point of view and their use in breeding programmes. In the present study, a wild groundnut species, Arachis stenosperma, has been studied for variation between accessions collected from different sites in Brazil for morphological and certain nutritional traits, and for disease resistance. Multivariate analysis of 23 characters grouped 18 accessions into two clusters, while one accession, ICG 14927, was distinct from these. However, in protein profile they all appear identical. Hence, the variation appears to have arisen in response to the climatic conditions of their habitat, which has implications for use of these accessions in breeding programmes. The variation in these traits could not be associated with any phytogeographical regions. The dispersal of this species from its centre of origin and diversity to other parts of Brazil appears to be recent and without any identifiable selection pressures having operated.