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Much recent discussion on anti-base opposition in the Asia-Pacific has focused on island-wide protests against the relocation of Marine Corps Air Station (MCAS) Futenma. By uniting in mass demonstrations against the construction of a new U.S. base, and by staging a multi-year round the clock demonstration at the proposed site of the new base, Okinawans put pressure squarely on Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama to keep his campaign pledge to move Futenma air base off the island. However, shortly after the sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan, which South Korea and the U.S. charge was the work of a torpedo launched by a North Korean submarine, Hatoyama reversed his pledge. The Japanese government bowed to U.S. pressure, agreeing to move forward with earlier plans to relocate Futenma within Okinawa to smooth over U.S.-Japan relations.
Anti-base movements are once again rising in South Korea, this time on the southern coast of Jeju Island. With the Jeju anti-base moving growing, it may be worthwhile to take stock of past anti-base movements in South Korea. Keeping the Jeju anti-base protest in mind, this article takes us back to the Pyeongtaek antibase movement episode from 2005-07 with an in-depth look at resistance against the expansion of Camp Humphreys from local residents and outside activists. I examine several questions regarding the evolution and efficacy of the Pyeongtaek movement. How did activists merge and frame a local issue alongside more abstract claims of peace and security? What obstacles prevented the movement from achieving success at the level of policy outcomes? What strategies and tactics did South Korean governments use to respond to anti-base protests? I then return to the struggle on Jeju Island, offering some comparisons and reflections on the possibilities which lie ahead for this growing movement.
Under Kim Jong-un, North Korea has experienced growing economic markets, an emerging 'nouveau riche,' and modest levels of urban development. To what extent is North Korean politics and society changing? How has the growth of markets transformed state-society relations? This Element evaluates the shifting relationship between state, society, and markets in a deeply authoritarian context. If the regime implements controlled economic measures, extracts rent, and subsumes the market economy into its ideology, the state will likely retain strong authoritarian control. Conversely, if it fails to incorporate markets into its legitimating message, as private actors build informal trust networks, share information, and collude with state bureaucrats, more fundamental changes in state-society relations are in order. By opening the 'black box' of North Korea, this Element reveals how the country manages to teeter forward, and where its domestic future may lie.
Drawing on arguments found in international relations theory, this chapter explores Philippine nationalist resistance against imperial occupation in the late nineteenth century leading up to the Philippine–American War at the turn of the twentieth century. In particular, the chapter explores the transnational diffusion of liberal ideas among Philippine revolutionaries developed during the period of Spanish colonial rule. In hopes of securing their independence after the Spanish–American War, Filipino leaders quickly developed a constitution based on republican ideals, a legislative body, and a declaration of independence and national self-determination. Paradoxically, such ideas and actions remained unpersuasive to American policymakers. With the Treaty of Paris formally ending the war with Spain in 1898, the United States acquired its first overseas empire. In response, Filipinos resorted to guerilla warfare, drawing the United States into its “first Vietnam.”