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Fanny Reynaud Colonna was born in 1934 in El Milia in eastern Algeria, the daughter of a French civil administrator who made sure she learned Arabic. She died on 18 November 2014 in Paris at the age of eighty. Widely regarded as the foremost sociologist/anthropologist of Algeria of her generation, Fanny's life and publications were devoted to raising inconvenient questions about the colonial fact and its contemporary afterlife.
By the eighteenth century, the term 'sublime' was used to communicate a sense of unfathomable and awe-inspiring greatness, whether in nature or thought. The relationship of sublimity to classical definitions of beauty was much debated, but the first philosopher to portray them as opposing forces was Edmund Burke (1729–97). Originally published in 1757 and reissued here in the revised second edition of 1759, this influential treatise explores the psychological origins of both ideas. Presented as distinct consequences of very separate emotional lineages, beauty and sublimity are traced back through a web of human feelings, from self-preservation instincts to lust. Burke's doctrine of the sublime was to have far-reaching effects. In Britain, it informed perceptions of landscape in art and literature for years to come. Meanwhile, on the continent, Kant regarded Burke as 'the foremost author' in 'the empirical exposition of aesthetic judgments'.
Regarded as a founder of modern conservatism, Edmund Burke (1729–97) proved an influential yet controversial writer and politician. Although sympathetic towards American colonists in their grievances against British rule, he was later appalled as the French Revolution unfolded. Published in 1790, when the Revolution was still young, this is Burke's most well-known work and remains a classic of Western political thought and rhetoric. He predicts the excesses that will follow the destruction of the institutions of civil society, and the inevitable rise of a corrupt and violent government rather than a protector of citizens. When she read the famous passage describing her flight from Versailles, Marie Antoinette was apparently moved to tears. Sparking a flurry of responses in defence of the Revolution and its ideals, including Thomas Paine's Rights of Man (also reissued in this series), Burke's polemic remains a crucial text in the history of modern political philosophy.
Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France was the first sustained theoretical critique of the French Revolution; and is now recognised as the classic statement of modern conservatism. Reflections surveys the British political culture of traditionalism, gradualism and deference, and contrasts it with the French Revolutionaries' programme of appeal to abstract right, transformational change and popular agency. Ultimately Burke advocated a counterrevolutionary war and the restoration of the French monarchy. This accessible new edition brings together for the first time Burke's first and last published thoughts on the revolution including as it does the first Letter on a Regicide Peace; a work that has contributed to a particular view of international society. Featuring a comprehensive introduction and extensive annotations, Iain Hampsher-Monk's edition helps readers new to Burke to better understand the historical, political and philosophical context behind his writings, and the significance of contemporary and classical allusions.
Burke’s Reflections has long been seen as an epitomic text, supposedly articulating an – indeed the first – theoretical defence of ‘modern conservatism’. In keeping with the philosophy of the Series, this edition seeks to place it in the intellectual contexts in which its author conceived and wrote it, whilst also indicating those in which it came to be read. Alongside Reflections – Burke’s early response to the Revolution – is included one of his last, the first Letter on a Regicide Peace, a work that reveals the development of his thought during the course of the Revolution and one that has helped to shape a particular view of international society.
The Introduction sketches a widening circle of contexts in which the works can be situated: beginning with the localised political circumstances faced by Burke at the time, and extending to the trans-historical and universal circumstances of human political agency to which Burke appeals in the course of his writing, and which have given his work a significance that has extended far beyond the specific conditions of the Revolution that gave rise to it – themselves of huge and still debated historical significance.
Neither Burke’s prose style nor his references are easily accessible to modern readers. Accordingly both works have been generously annotated to assist in understanding the significance of his wide and nowadays often obscure allusions, whilst leaving readers as free as possible to interpret the text for themselves. Burke was prodigiously well-read in both classical and modern literatures. He possessed extraordinary recall and wove quotations into his speech and writing with great, and doubtless sometimes subconscious, facility. Identifying all of these would have completely changed the character of the edition, but it seemed important to give enough to provide some sense of how richly Burke’s thinking is saturated in and conditioned by this literary and cultural heritage: a feature of the human mind which played such a central part in his political thinking.
Edmund Burke was born in Dublin in 1730 to a Catholic mother and a Protestant Father. He was educated in Ireland at both Catholic and Quaker schools, and at Dublin’s Anglican university, Trinity College, before studying law at the Middle Temple in London. His initial ambitions were literary and his first two works, the Vindication of Natural Society (1756) and - more particularly - the Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful (1757), gained him public recognition, the company of London’s literary elite and the editorship of the newly-founded Annual Register a political and literary review. Need for a secure income led him into political service, briefly as secretary to William Hamilton MP, on the staff of Lord Halifax, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; but in 1765 he formed his major political connection, as secretary to Lord Rockingham, the leader of the Whig Party. Although twice briefly Paymaster General (1782 and 1783), his major role was as opposition pamphleteer, political fixer, and spokesman for the Rockingham Whigs. Burke produced polemical writings and speeches on a wide range of issues critical of the government, opposing its controversial taxation policy in the American Colonies, seeking reform of the tangled skein of national and royal domestic finances, of the East India Company’s administration of British India, and, less publicly in that stridently Protestant age, to relieve the restrictions imposed on Irish Catholics in his home country.
It may not be unnecessary to inform the Reader, that the following Reflections had their origin in a correspondence between the Author and a very young gentleman at Paris, who did him the honour of desiring his opinion upon the important transactions, which then, and ever since, have so much occupied the attention of all men. An answer was written some time in the month of October, 1789; but it was kept back upon prudential considerations.That letter is alluded to in the beginning of the following sheets. It has been since forwarded to the person to whom it was addressed. The reasons for the delay in sending it were assigned in a short letter to the same gentleman. This produced on his part a new and pressing application for the Author’s sentiments.
The Author began a second and more full discussion on the subject. This he had some thoughts of publishing early in the last spring; but the matter gaining upon him, he found that what he had undertaken not only far exceeded the measure of a letter, but that its importance required rather a more detailed consideration than at that time he had any leisure to bestow upon it. However, having thrown down his first thoughts in the form of a letter, and indeed when he sat down to write, having intended it for a private letter, he found it difficult to change the form of address, when his sentiments had grown into a greater extent, and had received another direction. A different plan, he is sensible, might be more favourable to a commodious division and distribution of his matter.