Among the most memorable scenes in the history of Roman persecution of the early Church is that crowd of zealous Christians pleading with Arrius Antoninus, a proconsul of Asia in the second century, to put them to death as martyrs. His bemused and anguished response directed these eager souls to the nearest available ropes and cliffs. Similar enthusiasm for martyrdom was no less apparent among some who, when condemned to die, betrayed impatience in waiting for their ultimate dissolution. In the narrative of the Martyrdom of Polycarp, we hear of the most noble Germanicus, who, when condemned to fight with wild beasts, rebuked the emperor who tried to dissuade him from self-destruction by dragging an animal directly on top of himself. In this way, says the writer, the noble Germanicus chose to be liberated all the more quickly from an unjust and lawless life. In an early version of the Martyrdom of Agathonike, the martyr takes off her clothes and throws herself voluntarily upon the pyre.

Such enthusiasm for martyrdom is mirrored in the frequent reports of radiant joy, smiles, and even laughter among the Christians on their way to a martyr's death. During the interrogation of Pionios, his companion Sabina smiled when Pionios said that it was far worse to burn after death than to be burned alive.

Two of the earliest martyr narratives, both of which appear to be substantially authentic, place their martyrdoms in Smyrna at a time described as “Great Sabbath”:

Mart. Polycarpi:

1. 8.1: ὄντος σαββάτου μεγάλου

2. 21: σαββάτῳ μεγάλῳ (dated 23 February)

Mart. Pionii:

1. 2: ἐνισταμένου σαββάτου μεγάλου (dated 23 February)

2. 3.6: ἐγεμίσθη πᾰσα ἡ ἀγορὰ καὶ αἱ ὑπερῷαι στοαὶ Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ Ἰουδαίων καὶ γυναικѽν̇ ἐσχόλαζον γὰρ διὰ τὸ εἶναι μέγα σάββατον.

The interpretation of this festal date has long been a subject of controversy, as can be readily discerned from two recent and important discussions: W. Rordorf, “Zum Problem des Großen Sabbats im Polykarp- und Pioniosmartyrium,” in Pietas: Festschrift für Bernhard Kötting, Jahrb. f. Ant. u. Christ. Ergänzungsbd. 8 (Münster, 1980), pp. 245–9; and P. Devos, “Μέγα Σáβατον chez Saint Epiphane,” Anal. Bolland. 108 (1990), 293–306.

Stephen is traditionally designated the first martyr, πρωτομáρτυρες. But in the earliest centuries of the Church this was by no means the case. In the account of the martyrs of Lyon in AD 177, as preserved by Eusebius in what is arguably an authentic document (see Appendix iv below), the first to advance to their deaths in the persecution are simply and plausibly called πρωτομáρτυρες (HE 5.1.11). There is no suggestion that the singular of the noun might describe the first of all martyrs in the history of Christianity.

The word does not appear in the New Testament. In the detailed narrative of Acts 7 on the stoning of Stephen those who witness the event are called οἱ (μάρτυρες (7.58).

The early martyrdoms in the period down to Constantine are a conspicuously urban affair. They do not occur in the mountainous regions of Greece, or in the remote parts of central Anatolia, or in the near eastern steppe, or on the fringes of the Sahara in North Africa. For the most part, they take place in the greatest cities of the Roman world, predominantly in the eastern part of it. Apart from Justin at Rome and the group of martyrs at Lyon in France, the early martyrdoms provide a check-list of the most prosperous and important cities of the eastern Roman empire: Pergamum, Smyrna, Caesarea by the Sea, Carthage, Alexandria. In Greece, it is Thessalonica that has its martyrs, not Athens, and this is a proper reflection of the relative importance of the two places at that time. It was only in the period just before Constantine that there was a conspicuous deviation from this pattern of urban martyrdoms.

The spread of Christianity into the rank and file of the Roman army (and perhaps also the increasing importance of soldier-emperors in the third century) led to the first group of soldier-martyrs, as reflected in the martyrdom at Durostorum on the Danube.

On four luminous days in May of 1993 I had the honour and the joy of delivering the Wiles Lectures at the Queen's University in Belfast. Before an audience of broad interests and deep intelligence I touched upon the historical context of a phenomenon that had, even as I spoke, a powerful resonance in the political life of Northern Ireland. Martyrdom, I argued, first came into being in the Roman empire and was inextricably rooted in a society and culture peculiar to that world. The later transformation of the concept and the practice of martyrdom lay outside my theme (and my competence), but I know that it was never far from the minds of my listeners.

It is a tradition of the Wiles Lectures that the lecturer meet each evening with university colleagues and invited guests for discussion of the afternoon's lecture. I am immensely indebted to all who contributed to the discussions for their insight, criticism, and benevolence. The late Professor Lewis Warren led each meeting with wisdom and skill. For this and for hospitality of many kinds I remain permanently in his debt. I thank as well those distinguished friends and colleagues who came to Belfast to hear the lectures and participate in the nightly colloquies: David Braund, Averil Cameron, Werner Eck, Edmond Frézouls, Keith Hopkins, Christopher Jones, François Paschoud, David Potter, and Lellia Cracco Ruggini.