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Agitation is a common neuropsychiatric symptom within the dementia spectrum, experienced by 70 percent of individuals with cognitive decline. Prior literature demonstrates a strong association between care recipient agitation and burden in caregivers of individuals with dementia, as these symptoms are often difficult to manage and predict. Understanding how agitation symptoms in the person with dementia may influence caregiver burden is imperative given these strong associations; however, both agitation and burden are complex, multidimensional constructs. Agitation in dementia involves a range of behaviors including increased motor activity, emotional distress, and aggressive behaviors. Caregiver burden is also multi-faceted and often incorporates dimensions of social/relationship, emotional, and physical health strain. The current study sought to determine whether specific presentations of agitation differentially relate to distinct patterns of caregiver burden.
Participants and Methods:
Medical record data from an outpatient memory clinic were extracted for 609 persons with dementia and their caregivers. Caregivers completed the Zarit Burden Interview (ZBI) to assess caregiver burden and the Cohen-Mansfield Agitation Inventory (CMAI) to assess care recipient agitation behaviors. At their initial outpatient appointment, care recipients were also administered a measure of global cognitive functioning (either the Montreal Cognitive Assessment or the Mini-Mental State Examination). Demographic information was extracted from medical records. Exploratory factor analysis was used to determine ZBI and CMAI factor structures. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses then examined whether factors of the CMAI differentially predicted ZBI factors, controlling for dementia severity and demographic variables.
Results:
Exploratory factor analysis yielded three domains of agitation on the CMAI ("Physically Aggressive," "Physically NonAggressive," "Verbally Agitated") and four domains of burden on the ZBI ("Impact on Life," "Guilt/Uncertainty," "Embarrassed/Frustrated," and "Overwhelm"). Regression analyses demonstrated all domains of agitation positively predicted overall burden. Regarding specific aspects of burden, Physically Aggressive behaviors predicted only Embarrassment/Frustration (B=.41, SE=.10, ß=.16, p<.001). Non-Aggressive behaviors predicted Impact on Life (B=.14, SE=.05, ß=.13, p<.01) and Guilt/Uncertainty (B=.05, SE=.02, ß=.10, p<.05). Verbally Agitated behaviors predicted all burden dimensions: Impact on Life (B=.35, SE=.06, ß=.32, p<.001), Guilt/Uncertainty (B=.12, SE=.03, ß=.22, p<.001), Embarrassment/Frustration (B=.17, SE=.02, ß=.38, p<.001), and Overwhelm (B=.16, SE=.02, ß=.40, p<.001).
Conclusions:
Findings enhance understanding of the relationships between specific agitation symptoms and distinctive aspects of caregiver burden, suggesting that targeted interventions for aspects of caregiver burden based on agitation symptoms may be useful in alleviating burden. Interventions focused on caregivers' feelings of guilt, personal health decline, lack of time for themselves, and fear and uncertainty about the future may be effective when care recipients present with physically nonaggressive behaviors (e.g., pacing, restlessness, inappropriate dress or disrobing). When a care recipient presents with physically aggressive behaviors, helping the caregiver cope with embarrassment or anger may be of benefit. When a care recipient presents with verbally agitated behaviors, interventions targeting burden globally may be most useful. Future work should seek to replicate the current findings and explore such interventions.
From the safety inside vehicles, Knowsley Safari offers visitors a close-up encounter with captive olive baboons. As exiting vehicles may be contaminated with baboon stool, a comprehensive coprological inspection was conducted to address public health concerns. Baboon stools were obtained from vehicles, and sleeping areas, inclusive of video analysis of baboon–vehicle interactions. A purposely selected 4-day sampling period enabled comparative inspections of 2662 vehicles, with a total of 669 baboon stools examined (371 from vehicles and 298 from sleeping areas). As informed by our pilot study, front-line diagnostic methods were: QUIK-CHEK rapid diagnostic test (RDT) (Giardia and Cryptosporidium), Kato–Katz coproscopy (Trichuris) and charcoal culture (Strongyloides). Some 13.9% of vehicles were contaminated with baboon stool. Prevalence of giardiasis was 37.4% while cryptosporidiosis was <0.01%, however, an absence of faecal cysts by quality control coproscopy, alongside lower than the expected levels of Giardia-specific DNA, judged RDT results as misleading, grossly overestimating prevalence. Prevalence of trichuriasis was 48.0% and strongyloidiasis was 13.7%, a first report of Strongyloides fuelleborni in UK. We advise regular blanket administration(s) of anthelminthics to the colony, exploring pour-on formulations, thereafter, smaller-scale indicator surveys would be adequate.
Dispersal does not only mean moving from one environment to another, but can also refer to shifting from one social group to another. Individual characteristics such as sex, age and family structure might influence an individual's propensity to disperse. In this study, we use a unique dataset of an evacuated World War II Finnish population, to test how sex, age, number of siblings and birth order influence an individual's dispersal away from their own social group at a time when society was rapidly changing. We found that young women dispersed more than young men, but the difference decreased with age. This suggests that young men might benefit more from staying near a familiar social group, whereas young women could benefit more from moving elsewhere to find work or spouses. We also found that having more younger brothers increased the propensity for firstborns to disperse more than for laterborns, indicating that younger brothers might pressure firstborn individuals into leaving. However, sisters did not have the same effect as brothers. Overall, the results show that individual characteristics are important in understanding dispersal behaviour, but environmental properties such as social structure and the period of flux after World War II might upend the standard predictions concerning residence and dispersal.
Social media summary: Individual characteristics influence dispersal away from social group after a forced migration in a Finnish population
Since their spectacular rise to public prominence in the 1840s, when the satirical magazine Punch commissioned John Leech to create the first series of ‘Mr Punch Cartoons’, humorous, politically motivated graphic satire has been a popular mainstay of British journalism. Throughout the twentieth century, cartoons relentlessly appeared in all sorts of newspapers, yet a twenty-first-century reader reflecting on the cartoons created in the first half of the previous century may find it difficult to fully realise the immense impact and journalistic importance of the cartoon in an era before the near universalisation of television consumption.
The twentieth century saw many events that were recorded in newspaper cartoons: the First World War, the 1916 Easter Rising, women's suffrage, the Second World War, the Cold War, inter alia. In fact, by the early twentieth century, the inclusion of political cartoons in editorial pages was already well established as a key element of news coverage, reinforcing the editorial standpoint of a particular article or newspaper.
It has been postulated that humorous pictures, cartoons and caricatures are more easily created and understood than comical text. In this sense, the humorous picture serves to communicate a more credible and digestible message than a similar conveyance presented in other media, offering immediacy and accessibility. Most political cartoons are designed to influence viewers with regard to specific political events of the day, but what is the essence of their appeal?
Some of the appeal, of course, is due to the easy visual accessibility of a picture. But some must be due to the visceral punch a cartoon can give to an opinion, affording the reader a thrill of outrage or affirmation they would never get from written paragraphs (Dooley and Heller 2005: 15).
Cartoons appeal to readers on a number of levels. Perhaps most importantly, their pictures do not require a high degree of literacy, a fact to which their rapid rise in popularity during the nineteenth and into the early twentieth centuries is often attributed.
This article is based on an EAA session in Kiel in 2021, in which thirteen contributors provide their response to Robb and Harris's (2018) overview of studies of gender in the European Neolithic and Bronze Age, with a reply by Robb and Harris. The central premise of their 2018 article was the opposition of ‘contextual Neolithic gender’ to ‘cross-contextual Bronze Age gender’, which created uneasiness among the four co-organizers of the Kiel meeting. Reading Robb and Harris's original article leaves the impression that there is an essentialist ‘Neolithic’ and ‘Bronze Age’ gender, the former being under-theorized, unclear, and unstable, the latter binary, unchangeable, and ideological. While Robb and Harris have clearly advanced the discussion on gender, the perspectives and case studies presented here, while critical of their views, take the debate further, painting a more complex and diverse picture that strives to avoid essentialism.
This is an Element about some of the largest sites known in prehistoric Europe – sites so vast that they often remain undiscussed for lack of the theoretical or methodological tools required for their understanding. Here, the authors use a relational, comparative approach to identify not only what made megasites but also what made megasites so special and so large. They have selected a sample of megasites in each major period of prehistory – Neolithic, Copper, Bronze and Iron Ages – with a detailed examination of a single representative megasite for each period. The relational approach makes explicit comparisons between smaller, more 'normal' sites and the megasites using six criteria – scale, temporality, deposition / monumentality, formal open spaces, performance and congregational catchment. The authors argue that many of the largest European prehistoric megasites were congregational places.
Sorge’s activities between 1930 and 1942 have tended to be lauded as those of a superlative human intelligence operator, and the Soviet Union’s GRU (Soviet military intelligence unit) as the optimum of spy-masters. Although it was unusual for a great deal of inside knowledge to be obtained from the Japanese side, most attention has always been paid on the German side to the roles played by representatives of the German Army in Japan. This book, supported by extensive notes and a bibliography, by contrast, highlights the friendly relations between Sorge and Paul Wenneker, German naval attaché in Japan from 1932 to 1937 and 1940-45. Wenneker, from extensive and expanding contacts inside the Japanese Navy (and also concealed contacts with the Japanese Army) supplied Sorge with key information on the depth of rivalry between the Japanese armed services.
Sorge’s activities between 1930 and 1942 have tended to be lauded as those of a superlative human intelligence operator, and the Soviet Union’s GRU (Soviet military intelligence unit) as the optimum of spy-masters. Although it was unusual for a great deal of inside knowledge to be obtained from the Japanese side, most attention has always been paid on the German side to the roles played by representatives of the German Army in Japan. This book, supported by extensive notes and a bibliography, by contrast, highlights the friendly relations between Sorge and Paul Wenneker, German naval attaché in Japan from 1932 to 1937 and 1940-45. Wenneker, from extensive and expanding contacts inside the Japanese Navy (and also concealed contacts with the Japanese Army) supplied Sorge with key information on the depth of rivalry between the Japanese armed services.
A variable proportion of finds from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of ‘Old Europe’ has come from places outside settlements, cemeteries, production sites, ritual sites, or caves. Such finds tend to be described as ‘chance/isolated/single/stray’ finds or, when in groups, as ‘hoards’. The frequent, modernist cause invoked for these finds is that they were either ‘hidden’ in times of mortal danger, represented a ‘gift to the gods’, or simply ‘lost’. One reason for these explanatory shortcomings is the over-attention to the types of objects deposited in the landscape and the frequent lack of attention to the often-distinctive place of deposition. We believe that we have misnamed, overlooked, or not accurately characterised an entire class of sites, which we term ‘landscape deposition sites’, whose defining feature was the transformation of a place by the deposition of a significant object or group of objects to create a qualitatively different place. The creation of such landscape deposit sites varied in time and space throughout Old Europe, but all sites were affected by this new dimension of the extended cultural domain.
In this article, we consider the interpretations of metal deposition in North-west Europe and the light they shed on an earlier and geographically different region. The primary aim of this paper is an exploration of the variable relationships between landscape deposit sites and the coeval finds made in special deposits in settlements and cemeteries in the 5th and 4th millennia bc, which will lead to proposed new interpretations of landscape deposition sites.
FACED WITH THE need to recognise that the Sorge ring had covered its activities with the greatest care by endeavouring to conceal their covert operations through the device of obtaining respectable professional employment and, in Sorge's case, also of pursuing an outwardly Bohemian style of social behaviour, Meisinger embarked on a course of vetting members of the German community to test the extent of their willingness to adhere to perceived National Socialist ideals and of their underlying support of the regime. With the outbreak of war, his congratulations to his hosts were accompanied by the submission of lists of German citizens deemed by him to be ‘unreliable’ – a term which covered a wide range of possibilities beyond the unacceptable norms associated with racial, political and social exclusion.
The rapid expansion of Japanese control in Asia also facilitated the restoration of German activities southwards and enabled him to arrange for the appointment of his predecessor, Huber, as police liaison in Thailand. Huber was linked in with the arrangements for co-operation with the Japanese Army's tokumu kikan, headed by Colonel Iwagurō Takeo, which had been initiated following the appointment of Colonel Scholl as military attaché at Bangkok in July 1941. These contacts were accompanied by efforts at the expansion of the Abwehr organisation in China and were also linked to secret efforts by Admiral Wenneker to make contact with the German vessels which had taken refuge at the outbreak of war in Portuguese India.
Huber called on the support of the Gestapo to vet the small numbers of German residents in Thailand and suspicion fell quite soon on the Austrian photo-journalist, Karl-Raimund Hofmeier, working for the Völkischer Beobachter, who had been given the unique opportunity as a non-Japanese to accompany invading Japanese forces, a role akin to that previously accorded to Ivar Lissner when working for the same newspaper in 1938. As it was discovered at this time that Lissner appeared to have obtained a close relationship with the Japanese Army covert intelligence service, there was a strong suspicion that both Lissner and Hofmeier were operating in Japanese interest and that their double life bore comparison with that now proven to be the case with Sorge and Clausen working for the USSR.
ONE OF THE principal features of the various historical accounts of the Sorge Affair that needs to be more accurately characterised is that of Sorge's relationship with Meisinger. It is clear that Meisinger was located in Tokyo for only a small part of his service as Police Liaison Officer prior to his recall by Ott from Shanghai following Sorge's arrest, as Meisinger and his new wife found Shanghai a much more attractive location within East Asia than Tokyo. Meisinger clearly was encouraged by Sorge to indulge in whatever fleshpots were available in Tokyo when he first arrived there in April 1941. Meisinger was clearly despatched to Tokyo before the outbreak of war with the Soviet Union and soon after the despatch of Wohlthat from the Four- Year Plan Ministry to negotiate a trade agreement with Japan at a time when it was recognised that steps would have to be taken to replace the land route through Russia for vital supplies of rubber for the German war economy. At first, it was hoped that the Japanese could be persuaded to despatch rubber on board Japanese vessels to Europe after the Japanese Naval Mission was delivered by the auxiliary cruiser, Asama Maru, and hopes were entertained of a Japanese assault on Singapore and the Dutch East Indies without the United States being drawn into the conflict.
If one examines Schellenberg's activities at this time, he was busily worming his way into the confidence of Counsellor Kramarz of the Military-Political Department of the German Foreign Ministry and subsequently suggesting that the liaison officer of the Abwehr, von Bülow, be replaced by someone with closer Party and Gestapo connections. The replacement was a close friend of Ribbentrop, Under-Secretary (Inland) Luther, who broached the suggestion put forward by Schellenberg that Abwehr officers in diplomatic missions abroad responsible for counter-espionage be replaced by police liaison officers. At the end of 1940, Meisinger was transferred from Warsaw for training within Schellenberg's department, but when he reached East Asia his telegrams and telephone contacts were always with Heinrich Müller, never Schellenberg.