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This paper presents research funded under the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) MetaMaterials program for design and development of nanoparticle based, mesoscale electromagnetic and optical materials. Specifically, we present results of formulation and near infrared measurement-model validation for photoassisted, self-assembled multilayer metallic nanoparticle films. The multilayer films may be used as optical filters and absorbers. We demonstrate that nanoparticles can be formed in advanced polymer films that exhibit new electromagnetic constitutive properties. Metal nanoparticle films are produced from a single homogeneous resin containing a soluble precursor. Films cast from doped resins are exposed to UV radiation followed by a controlled thermal cure. The combination of UV exposure and thermal curing creates a multiphase material composed of low volume fractions of dispersed metallic Pd clusters (10–20 nm in size) and high concentrations of Pd nanoparticles which form surface and embedded metallic layers in the films. The layer separation is a function of UV exposure. These materials show significant absorption in the optical and near IR region of the spectrum. Furthermore, these films exhibit mechanical properties similar to bi-metallic layers, specifically, the films display reversible bending with exposure to light and an accompanying rapid temperature increase. This paper presents formulation processes, optical-mechanical measurements and measurement model comparison.
Wars have been around for a very long time. Grand strategies for fighting wars – if by “grand strategy” one understands the calculated use of available means in the pursuit of desired ends – have probably been around almost as long; but our record of them dates back to only the fifth century BCE when Herodotus and Thucydides set out to chronicle systematically how the great wars of their age had been fought. We do have, however, in the greatest of all poems, mythologized memories of a war fought centuries earlier, none of whose participants appear to have known how to write. But they did know about the need to connect ends with means: “Put heads together,” Homer has wise Nestor admonishing the Achaeans at a desperate moment in the long siege of Troy, “if strategy’s any use.”
The ancient Greeks made no sharp distinction between war and peace. Wars could last for years, even decades; they could pause, however, to allow the sowing and harvesting of crops, or for the conduct of games. The modern state system, which dates from the seventeenth century, was meant to stake out boundaries that did not exist in the era of Homer, Herodotus, and Thucydides: nations were either to be at war or they were not. But the boundaries blurred again during the Cold War, a struggle that went on longer than the Trojan, Persian, and Peloponnesian wars put together. The stakes, to be sure, were higher. The geographical scope of the competition was much wider.
The controversies over the “National History Standards” and the Smithsonian's abortive effort to mount a fiftieth anniversary exhibit on the decision to drop the atomic bomb, along with insights drawn from the opening of former Soviet and Eastern European archives, highlight the “moral equivalency” debate being waged over the writing and teaching of Cold War history. Gaddis suggests the need for historians to rethink some of their academic approaches to this subject, using a moral as opposed to a materialist framework.
When the fictional dictator Big Brother proclaimed the propaganda slogan “War Is Peace” in George Orwell's novel 1984, first published in 1948, he turned out to be a better prophet than anyone, including his creator, could ever have imagined. For we can now see that the Cold War, the most dangerous, bitter, and protracted rivalry between Great Powers in modern history, did in time become the most protracted period of freedom from Great Power war in modern history. Whether or not one approves of the means by which this happened, whether or not one even agrees on the way in which it happened, the simple fact is that the Cold War did evolve into a Long Peace. Whether the Long Peace can survive the end of the Cold War is, however, quite another matter.
The Cold War was many things to many people. It was a division of the world into two hostile camps. It was a polarization of Europe in general, and of Germany in particular, into antagonistic spheres of influence. It was an ideological contest, some said between capitalism and communism, others said between democracy and authoritarianism. It was a competition for the allegiance of, and for influence over, the so-called Third World. It was a game of wits played out by massive intelligence organizations behind the scenes. It was a struggle that took place within each of its major adversaries as supporters and opponents of confrontation confronted one another.
The cold war, whatever else one might say about it, has been a remarkably durable phenomenon. It has already exceeded in length the Peloponnesian War, the First and Second Punic Wars, the Thirty Years' War, the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon, and what Winston Churchill called the second Thirty Years' War that began with an assassin's gunshot at Sarajevo and ended with mushroom clouds over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Almost half of the twentieth century has now been taken up by one aspect or another of that conflict, a rivalry made all the more striking by the fact that at no point in its long history have its major antagonists actually come to blows.
“De quoi s'agit-il?” Marshal Foch used to ask his subordinates in World War I. “What is it all about?” The passage of time has made this no easy question to answer. The great antagonism between the United States and the Soviet Union has become encrusted, over the years, with successive layers of routine, custom, tradition, myth, and legend. Few of the men who shaped the affairs of nations at its outset are still alive; fewer still are able to recall with any precision what impelled them to act as they did at that time.